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The article reprints several articles from previous issues published during 1925-1935. Entries include a July 1, 1925 article by Zona Gale about artistic freedom in the U.S., a June 23, 1926 article by Langston Hughes about a desire among African-American artists to emulate their white counterparts, and an August 31, 1927 editorial by Oswald Garrison Villard about the execution of anarchists Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti.

This article presents information on the political conditions in the U.S. The U.S. President Herbert Hoover is heading surely for the fate that overtook statesman Woodrow Wilson. The U.S. is "going native." It is true the House by more than three to one, and the U.S. Senate by more than five to one, voted to ratify the Hoover moratorium on war debts. But only those of who were on the ground could appreciate the poignant envy with which scores of Senators and Representatives listened to the attacks on the proposal and secretly wished to God they were free to join in them.

In this article, the author focuses on issues and consequences of the November 1938 elections' results in the U.S. in context of political parties. It reports that the net result was a sound shellacking for liberalism and labor. The analysis of these results discloses that the New Deal was hit harder than the Democratic Party as a whole, that labor's wounds are deeper than the Administration's, and that the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) suffered the most grievious trauma of all. In many states, but particularly in the Middle West, farmers voted for Republican candidates in protest against crop prices and the existing Administration's crop-control plan.

For several months an important section of American industry, led by the Republic Steel Corp., has been in a state of open, armed rebellion against the authority of the U.S. government as expressed in the Wagner Act, and its mercenaries have inflicted heavy casualties in dead, wounded, and captured, without suffering any appreciable losses. On the afternoon of Memorial Day Sunday a holiday crowd of some 2,500 men, women, and children attended a mass meeting several blocks distant from the South Chicago plant of the Republic Steel, where a strike was in progress.

The article presents information on the political policies of General Hugh Johnson. Compared with the codes proposed by the steel and coal barons were charters of liberty and enlightenment. After reading this masterpiece Johnson was so incensed that he instructed his legal department to draft a code for the newspapers, which was done. Meantime, however, the patriotic publishers endeavored to give Johnson the rush act by publishing front-page stories in hundreds of papers announcing that they had signed the newspaper code, thus endeavoring to implant a belief in the public mind that such a code existed.

This article focuses on several political developments in the U.S. Public resentment against the greed displayed by the veterans has become so strong that some of the deserving are now likely to be deprived of their due. Their insistence of favored treatment, as distinguished from the other ten million of unemployed, has effectively alienated public sympathy. If the American Legion and the Veterans of Foreign Wars, instead of pursuing a policy of narrow selfishness, had espoused the cause of all the unemployed, all would now be better off. In this day of social and political revolution the Supreme of the United States remains strangely apathetic. The majority opinion of the court in the ease of the State of Florida against chain stores would indicate that Jean M. Dooley was wrong.

This Congress is rapidly succumbing to a mood of desperation. Every incoming mail is bursting with heartrending appeals for work or relief. Three days ago a once prosperous citizen who had lost home and business sat in the office of a Senator whom he has known for years and calmly disclosed his plan to end his life unless be found a job before the end of the month. Restoration of the purchasing power of silver to enable other nations to buy our products is the demand of Wheeler of Montana and others.

The article presents information campaign financing. If campaign financing were reported in terms of reality the next report of the Republican National Treasurer might well contain the following item: "From the taxpayers of the United States, by the grace of the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, loans totaling $102,000,000, to enable Republican politician Herbert Hoover to carry California." It is easy to place that interpretation on the loan of $40,000,000 extended to finance the construction of an aqueduct in the Los Angeles district and it is difficult to place any other upon its subsequent advance of $62,000,000 to finance the erection of a bridge across San Francisco Bay.

Since the election of U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt has come to be almost a foregone conclusion, the most heartening aspect of the situation, it seems is his demonstrated eagerness to associate himself openly with Progressives of such unquestionable sincerity as Senators Donald Richberg, Basil Manly and Frank P. Walsh. After nearly four years of breathing the noxious political air it is pleasant to contemplate the prospect of a man in the White House who may be expected to surround himself with men whose political reputations are at least respectable. Incidentally, one could hardly exaggerate the black pessimism which has engulfed Hoover's supporters.

The article presents information on Herbert Hoover's reelection campaign. Hoover's campaign for reelection was launched on July 28, at Pennsylvania Avenue and Third Street, with four troops of cavalry, four companies of infantry, a mounted machine-gun squadron, six whippet tanks, 300 city policemen and a squad of Secret Service men and Treasury agents. The political results are less impressive. Indeed, among high officials of the Administration there is fast-growing apprehension that the great exploit was planned and executed with more daring than judgment, and that, as a campaign effort, it may prove to be one of the deadliest boomerangs in political history.

The article focuses on the renomination of Herbert Hoover. After a succession of comic developments which saw Harry Garfield, the official platform-maker, scurrying frantically and in the most undignified haste between the White House, the Congressional Country Club, and Senator Borah's office, Hapless Herbert has again decided to straddle on the prohibition issue. As usual, the Democrats will provide a more entertaining spectacle, if not a more edifying one. Governor Franklin Roosevelt seems definitely and finally committed to the strategy of capturing the nomination by the inspiring device of creeping up, while he in turn is stalked by a posse of masked hunters.

A recent decision of the Supreme Court probably means that all Representatives in U.S. Congress from Minnesota and Missouri must be elected by the States at large this November, instead of running in their respective districts in each State the legislature passed a reapportionment bill which was vetoed by the Governor, and the court upheld the veto. The situation in Missouri is interesting because it was a Republican Governor who vetoed the bill, and the outcome probably will be the election of solid Democratic delegation, largely handpicked by a petty city boss, Tom Pendergast of Kansas City.

The article explores the Presidential possibilities of the U.S. Congress man John N. Garner. If Garner had to be judged solely on his conduct in connection with the sales-tax episode he would have to be put down simply as a calculating but faint-hearted politician. The quality in Garner which might easily be mistaken for political liberalism is simply the frontier spirit of square-dealing and native sympathy for the under-dog. He voted against the Eighteenth Amendment but voted for the Volstead and Jones laws.

The relations of U.S. President Herbert Hoover with the newspapermen whose work brings them in immediate contact with the Presidential office have reached a stage of unpleasantness without a parallel during the present century. They are characterized by mutual dislike, unconcealed suspicion, and downright bitterness. This ugly condition has frequently been reflected in the utterances of the President and the conduct of his aides, and is bound to be reflected in some of the news dispatches, although to nothing like the extent of its actual existence.

The article focuses on the political career and attitude of the U.S. President Herbert Clark Hoover. According to the author under a succession of Presidents, some of them strong men hungry for power, and some of them weaklings egged on by powerful interests with axes to grind, the executive has encroached upon the legislative branch of the government until today the House of Representatives is a mere partisan mob and the Senate wages an unpopular and perhaps a losing battle to preserve representative government. Herbert Hoover has made the fundamental error of attempting to occupy both the roles of an executive and a politician.

Presents several letters to the editor. Law prohibiting mishandling of facts in metropolitan dailies; Abolishment of Public Service Commission; Marine affairs in the U.S.

The ironic gods will have their fling, and they seem to be preparing for one vast Olympian chuckle at the expense of Calvin Coolidge. Tell it not in Philistia, but the outlook is that the great apostle of governmental thrift will wind up his famous Economy Administration with a handsome deficit in the public treasury. What makes it more excruciating is that the author of the impending disaster is the same financial wizard to whose genius the supposed success of the Coolidge fiscal policies have universally and reverently been attributed. However, tax refunds and the Greek loan do not constitute the sad story in its entirety; there is also the little matter of our preparation for the Next Wars presumably to be fought against Great Britain.

The author is satisfied that the disappointing outcome of the Fall-Doheny prosecution is simply a part of the price one pays for protection against judicial oppression. None of the excuses so common for verdicts which allow rich and powerful malefactors to go free can properly be offered here. The ease was ably prosecuted, the presiding justice was conspicuously austere and impartial, yet Albert Fall and E.L. Doheny, already condemned by two courts, the Senate, and the overwhelming preponderance of public opinion, managed to get off.

Presents information on the oil scandal in the U.S. Investigation of the naval oil reserve leases; Record of evidence by Senator Thomas James Walsh showing that the nation had been looted of vital resources of fabulous value, through the connivance of a Cabinet officer and two petroleum magnates; Demand for criminal prosecutions and suits to cancel the leases; Testification by E. L. Doheny that he expected to make a profit of $100,000,000 out of Elk Hills; Report that Teapot Dome was secretly leased to the Mamoth Oil Company, a Sinclair corporation organized for the specific purpose of obtaining and operating the reserve.

The investigation of monopoly may yet amount to something, although it is difficult to see what. The observation of Congressional investigations, which has been fairly extensive, long ago lead to the conclusion that their value consists in informing public opinion. The disclosure that one-man monopolies such as the late John D. Rockefeller organized and such as the Aluminum Co. of America still maintains, have been supplanted by four-company and five-company monopolies is hardly news, although facts of that kind cannot be emphasized too often. That there has been a terrific decline in competition is one of the commonplace facts of the economy.

When U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt proposed to enlarge the Supreme Court in a perfectly lawful manner, freedom shrieked from a thousand editorial pages, the moon turned blood red and the Potomac River ran uphill. When Judge J. Warren Davis of the Third Circuit recalled two superannuated colleagues from retirement to sit on the injunction against Frank Hague's dictatorship, he invited the accusation that he was packing that court to obtain a decision prolonging the suppression of civil liberties in Jersey City.

U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt made a fine brave gesture when he voiced his own and this nation's horror over the streamlined barbarism which is supplanting German civilization, but the question remains whether it was more than a gesture. The President sought to point his remarks by proceeding in the next breath to suggest a program of continental defense, based upon the supposed solidarity of twenty-one U.S. republics and the Dominion of Canada. His point was that the U.S. and Canada will unite to repel any Nazi attempt to gain a foothold in the Western Hemisphere.

Garbage disposal is not a pretty job, but public sanitation and health demand it. For the same reason, the author is compelled to devote some more time and effort to the Dies committee, with especial attention to the activities of its chairman. Certain sinister facts have now emerged from the fog of perjury and camp-meeting oratory in which this committee functions. These facts are: Witnesses were brought from Minnesota to Washington pursuant to an arrangement made secretly in Detroit, Michigan, between Dies and a Minnesota Republican politician. Their testimony, the nature of which was known to Dies in advance, was designed and directed to discredit Governor Elmer Benson and the Farmer-Labor Party, and thus help bring about the election of Harold Stassen, the Republican nominee.

From the beginning the Dies committee's performances have been a travesty on orderly procedure. No effort was made to protect exalted reputations against unsupported calumny. The thing which is causing wonderment, it not admiration, is the elasticity of the committee's appropriation. The U.S. House gave it $25,000. A month ago newspapermen were told that the fund was almost exhausted. Since that time numerous witnesses have been brought from Michigan, Minnesota, and California. The fact that their testimony was obviously calculated to help Republican candidates in those states, considered in connection with the supposed state of the committee's finances, resulted inevitably in some whispering.

As the full import of Neville Chamberlain's treachery strikes home, Washington is breaking out with a nasty case of jitters. The first tendency was to discount the importance of the Munich betrayal to this country, the present tendency is to exaggerate it. Persons who felt at the time that, while it was too bad, still it was none of the affair, are now succumbing to nightmares in which Nazi hordes swarm northward from South American jungles while Italian bombers drone over Manhattan and Japanese fleet descends upon Panama Canal.

In this article, the author explores political facts behind the investigation report presented against Governor Frank Murphy of Michigan by the "Dies Committee." He regarded committee's "investigation" as a cheap hippodrome and a lower form of political trickery. According to the author, the chores of this report were: to offset the La Follette committee's disclosures of the espionage, terrorism, and violence practiced against organized labor in the more barbarous areas of industry; to create an impression that the CIO is dominated by Communists; to swell the torrent of lying propaganda against the National Labor Relations Board; and to snipe at every exposed public official who had demonstrated friendship for organized labor or devotion to the Bill of Rights.

This article focuses on various developments related to the Peace Treaty, signed at Munich, Germany, by the Premiers of Great Britain, France, and Italy. It is reported that by means of diplomatic triumph, British Prime Minister, Neville Chamberlain, who has signed the "Munich Pact," has finally succeeded in losing the last world war to Germany, and has made reasonably certain of losing the next. The U.S. President, Franklin D. Roosevelt, had an important part in those events. What he did was to induce Adolf Hitler, dictator of Nazi Germany, to continue the negotiations. In doing so he, supposedly, has assumed that Chamberlain would negotiate and will not accept a demand for unconditional surrender.

The article focuses on the efforts of the citizens of Chattanooga, Tennessee to own and operate their electric system. It also illustrates the morals and methods of the power industry. The Tennessee Electric Power Company, which serves Chattanooga, is a subsidiary of Commonwealth and Southern, headed by Wendell Willkie. In the year 1935, the people of the city, finding themselves unable to purchase the private distributing system at a reasonable figure, called an election to authorize the issuance of $8,000,000 of bonds for the construction of their own system.

The article focuses on the growth of fascism in the U.S. The American fascist movement has advanced to its present stage despite the lack of a central agency to assemble its ideas and serve as an outlet for their expression. That lack has now been supplied, and the agency is operating at full blast-with government funds. It is officially titled the House Committee to Investigate Un-American Activities, and its chairman is Martin Dies, U.S. House Representative of Texas. Thus far the committee has devoted itself mainly to attacking labor organizations; smearing the U.S. Civil Liberties Committee; broadcasting scandal against legitimate government of Spain; trying to soften American horror over anti-Jewish atrocities in Germany; and smearing a list of New Deal officials who are on record in favor of peace and democracy.

The article focuses on the joint investigation of the charges against Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA). The charges of corruption, conspiracy, mismanagement, and favoritism persuaded the U.S. Congress and the public that a quick and sweeping inquiry was imperative. The investigators have uncovered enough corruption to justify the investigation, but all the signs indicate that it is just a small part of the whole scandal. The power interests, which thought they saw an opportunity in it to undermine public confidence in the TVA program, have been among those most scathingly attacked in the investigation.

Journalist Oliver K. Bovard, the legendary "0. K. B." of a thousand newspaper shop yarns, has resigned as managing editor of the St. Louis Post-Dispatch and American journalism has lost a commanding figure and a fascinating personality. In their time there were but two giants- journalist Cart V. Van Anda of the New York Times and Bovard. Between them they almost succeeded in making the gathering, writing and editing of news a noble profession. If they failed, it was because they could not overcome the law whereby base currency tends to drive out good. The author never saw Van Anda except through his towering achievements, but he worked under Bovard for nearly a quarter of a century.

The article reports that Tom Girdler, president of Republic Steel Plant, and Bob La Follette, head of the U.S. Senate Committee have called off their opposition. Forewarned that La Follette's aides had uncovered a series of discrepancies between the testimony given by Girdler last summer and the evidence taken from his company's files in recent weeks, he made haste to confess his mistakes. He had been "mistaken" about the exchange of information between his spies and those employed by other corporations. La Follette, on the other hand, treated Girdler with elaborate courtesy and consideration, and failed to confront him with a number of facts that were calculated to embarrass him.

In the San Joaquin Valley of California, more than 150,000 migratory farm workers and fruit pickers are held in a state of virtual peonage seven months of the year, housed in shacks which hogs would disdain to occupy, paid incredibly low wages, robbed at company stores and cheated and exploited in just about every way that a combination of greed and ingenuity can devise. On numerous occasions during the last three summers, including this one, when these workers attempted to organize and strike for better treatment they were brutally beaten by deputy sheriffs and town hoodlums armed with pick handles and billiard cues.

According to the U.S. National Labor Relations Act, Murder and assault cease to be punishable as criminal offenses, when committed on strikers and members of the general public for the purpose of violating a federal statute. That is no rhetorical declaration; it is a plain statement of a shocking fact which has forced itself on public attention repeatedly during the last three years despite the apathy of prosecuting authorities and vast areas of the daily press. If one is an employee, seeking to exercise one's lawful right of collective bargaining, the employer can have one slugged, shot, gassed, bombed with perfect safety to himself, because the employer has merely acted to "protect property." The law does not say so, but that is how it works in actual practice. For the benefit of employers who may contemplate availing themselves of this immunity, the author points out that it operates in differing degrees according to locality. In Chicago, Illinois the uniformed police are glad to perform the required violence free of charge, and the employer has only to relax and be comfortable until the dead and wounded are carted away.

Whether U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt is going to run for the U.S. Presidential elections again depend on certain factors. This must start from the assumption that what he desires most is the continuation of his policies, and especially his reforms. If he were satisfied that this end would be achieved through the nomination and election of another man he would certainly retire at the end of his present term. But what man? There's the rub. To fill the bill he must fit three ironclad specifications: be able to get the nomination, be able to win the election, and be a proven "New Dealer," warranted not to fade, shrink, or give. Taking the other view, the third term presents little difficulty. Harold Ickes, Robert Jackson, and Henry Wallace are all equipped to carry on where Roosevelt leaves off-and some suspect that Fiorello La Guardia might do even better.

A Labor Board decision against Henry Ford in the Dearborn case is now before the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals, and the efforts of precious counsel to shake their client loose have served only to impale him more surely. Now he is confronted with a bristling report by Trial Examiner Tilford E. Dudley in the Saint Louis case, finding him guilty of numerous unfair labor practices and ordering him, for the first time, to bargain with the United Automobile Workers. The report, based on 21,000 printed pages of testimony, represents a monumental piece of work by one man. During the hearings Dudley took more than 600 pages of shorthand notes to guide his own study of the record. The cases of more than 200 workers named in the complaint are reviewed individually and in detail.

Once more U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt is firmly planted in the driver's seat, and nothing in sight appears capable of dislodging him. It has now been demonstrated rather conclusively that his uncanny popularity is proof against depression, the newspapers, the Supreme Court, Jack Garner, organized business, and the antics of certain younger members of his own family. It is therefore gratifying to record that the purging of reactionary Democrats in the U.S. Congress is to be prosecuted with diligence and vigor, and it is especially pleasing to note that its next immediate object will be John J. O'Connor, Representative of the Sixteenth District of New York and Chairman of the House Rules Committee.

The author says that lines are drawn for a decisive battle between New Dealers and Old Dealers for control of the Democratic Party. The summer primaries will be the scene of the opening engagements, although the issue is not likely to be decided until the national convention in 1940. In personal terms, the struggle is between the wing led by U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt and that commanded by the Vice-President. Implications of that will be denied but the fact will remain. The break has been inevitable for at least two years and now it is here. Final evidence was supplied over the week-end by Senator Sheppard, of Texas.

Much more valuable to labor than the wage-hour bill, was a little measure which slipped through the U.S. Senate by unanimous consent one day last week. While the watchdogs of the special interests slumbered at their posts, the Senate adopted an amendment to the Walsh-Healey Act providing that no person or concern shall be eligible to bid on a government contract in excess of $2,000 who has been found guilty of an unfair labor practice. It would apply to nearly all construction under the naval-rearmament program and to most of the contracts to be let under the relief-recovery bill.

The Supreme Court declined to review the decision of the National Labor Relations Board against Remington-Rand, and the board's victory appears to be final. In many respects this was the most important case ever tried under the Wagner Act Rand's defiance of the act and the board preceded that of Ford and Girdler, and was equally bold and persistent. Moreover, he gave them lessons. This bloody and brutal routine, successfully used against Remington-Rand employees in the company's upstate New York plants in 1936, received its final trial in the cold-blooded killing of ten strikers and sympathizers by Chicago police.

Other justices of the Supreme Court in the U.S. apparently have reached the conclusion that the attacks on Justice Hugo L. Black have gone far enough. The most overt indication of this was a statement last week by Justice Harlan F. Stone's secretary sharply declaring that Stone was not responsible for recent articles. On the same day the disavowal was uttered in behalf of Justice Stone, Chief Justice Hughes delivered his annual address before the American Law Institute. The article author believes that the Chief Justice had no intention of reflecting on Justice Black. That should have been evident to anyone who knows much about the Chief Justice and his methods.

The article discusses American politics. Claude Pepper of Florida is a better-than-average Southern Senator. However, that is not what makes his sweeping victory in last week's primary the most significant event in national politics since U.S. president Franklin D. Roosevelt was defeated on the court plan. Its significance lies in the fact that it was a chemically perfect test of New Deal strength. Pepper had supported the President on every controversial measure, including the court plan, the reorganization bill, and the wage-hour bill.

Phil La Follette's effort to launch a National Progressive Party looks and sounds like a dud. Because its practical tendency is to contribute to a reactionary triumph in 1940, it is causing alarm among progressives outside Wisconsin and bringing some comfort to the tory press at large. The impending realignment, with its natural economic basis, will be the most wholesome political development in United States politics since Abraham Lincoln founded the Republican Party. The choice is not between U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt and La Follette it is between Roosevelt on one hand and the National Association of Manufacturers on the other.

The decision of the U.S. Republicans to reenter national politics, a field which they abandoned in November, 1936, as being unprofitable and having no future. Since the first step in the routine is to get a press agent, they hired Franklyn Waitman, a plump and pleasantly aggressive young man whose incredible energy and high disdain of English syntax and the New Deal had made his column an invaluable feature of the Washington Post. Republicans are more at home in heavy parts. Thus, it will be interesting to study their technique on the wage-hour bill, now reported out of the House Labor Committee.

In the most difficult crisis of his Administration, U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt acted with boldness and sagacity. In plumping squarely for an adequate spending-lending program, he chose the only possible way out of this depression. By coupling the program with demands for wage-and-hour legislation and a tax bill that does not reek of Wall Street, he went to the mat with the forces which are conspiring to wreck his Administration and discredit his main objectives. And he did it in a way that gives him the initial strategic advantage.

The vote on the reorganization bill removes the last vestige of doubt that U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt must either fight as he has never fought before or let everything slide. There is no other logical choice, and if he starts figuring angles he will only waste time and muff an opportunity. Since it is not his nature to let everything slide he had better decide quickly to fight for something worth the effort. His present position is impossible and its essence is political. At least a third of the Democrats in Congress are violently hostile to him and to most of his permanent and more enlightened objectives. They are, in fact, a fatal handicap. In such circumstances there is but one thing for a determined man to do liquidate them or go bust trying. A third of the Senate and the full House must face the voters this year. The fact that most of the Democrats will be seeking renomination in the party primaries presents Roosevelt with his opportunity.

The article discusses American politics. It is no wonder that ordinary sensible people have been startled and bewildered by the commotion over the government-reorganization bill. Here is a measure devised solely to improve the mechanics of the administrative end of the government. It involves no change of policy and few changes of function. The talk of dictatorship is sheer impudent bunk, and known to be such by those who indulge in it, provided they are not totally ignorant on the subject. The purpose of the bill is to bring a semblance of order and conformity to the patternless crazy-quilt which now represents a large area of the administrative branch.

Executive Frank E. Gannett, who publishes newspapers in New York State and makes speeches wherever two or more persons show a tendency to listen, has become something more than a public nuisance. Gannett is chairman of the National Committee to Uphold Constitutional Government. Gannett was convicted of having conspired to defraud the U.S. by making false statements to the Alien Property Custodian for the purpose of concealing the fact that the money which purchased the New York newspaper, Evening Mail came from a fiscal agent for the imperial German government.