Search

Bilinguals understand when the communication context calls for speaking a particular language and can switch from speaking one language to speaking the other based on such conceptual knowledge. There is disagreement regarding whether conceptually-based language selection is also possible in the listening modality. For example, can bilingual listeners perceptually adjust to changes in pronunciation across languages based on their conceptual understanding of which language they’re currently hearing? We asked French- and Spanish-English bilinguals to identify nonsense monosyllables as beginning with /b/ or /p/, speech categories that French and Spanish speakers pronounce differently than English speakers. We conceptually cued each bilingual group to one of their two languages or the other by explicitly instructing them that the speech items were word onsets in that language, uttered by a native speaker thereof. Both groups adjusted their /b–p/ identification boundary as a function of this conceptual cue to the language context. These results support a bilingual model permitting conceptually-based language selection on both the speaking and listening end of a communicative exchange.

Background/Aims:This work examines the perception of the stop voicing contrast in Spanish and English along four acoustic dimensions, comparing monolingual and bilingual listeners. Our primary goals are to test the extent to which cue-weighting strategies are language-specific in monolinguals, and whether this language specificity extends to bilingual listeners.Methods:Participants categorized sounds varying in voice onset time (VOT, the primary cue to the contrast) and three secondary cues: fundamental frequency at vowel onset, first formant (F1) onset frequency, and stop closure duration. Listeners heard acoustically identical target stimuli, within language-specific carrier phrases, in English and Spanish modes.Results:While all listener groups used all cues, monolingual English listeners relied more on F1, and less on closure duration, than monolingual Spanish listeners, indicating language specificity in cue use. Early bilingual listeners used the three secondary cues similarly in English and Spanish, despite showing language-specific VOT boundaries.Conclusion:While our findings reinforce previous work demonstrating language-specific phonetic representations in bilinguals in terms of VOT boundary, they suggest that this specificity may not extend straightforwardly to cue-weighting strategies.

The current work examines native Korean speakers’ perception and production of stop contrasts in their native language (L1, Korean) and second language (L2, English), focusing on three acoustic dimensions that are all used, albeit to different extents, in both languages: voice onset time (VOT), f0 at vowel onset, and closure duration. Participants used all three cues to distinguish the L1 Korean three-way stop distinction in both production and perception. Speakers’ productions of the L2 English contrasts were reliably distinguished using both VOT and f0 (even though f0 is only a very weak cue to the English contrast), and, to a lesser extent, closure duration. In contrast to the relative homogeneity of the L2 productions, group patterns on a forced-choice perception task were less clear-cut, due to considerable individual differences in perceptual categorization strategies, with listeners using either primarily VOT duration, primarily f0, or both dimensions equally to distinguish the L2 English contrast. Differences in perception, which were stable across experimental sessions, were not predicted by individual variation in production patterns. This work suggests that reliance on multiple cues in representation of a phonetic contrast can form the basis for distinct individual cue-weighting strategies in phonetic categorization.

Purpose Computational modeling was used to examine the consequences of 5 different laryngeal asymmetries on acoustic and perceptual measures of vocal function. Method A kinematic vocal fold model was used to impose 5 laryngeal asymmetries: adduction, edge bulging, nodal point ratio, amplitude of vibration, and starting phase. Thirty /a/ and /ɪ/ vowels were generated for each asymmetry and analyzed acoustically using cepstral peak prominence (CPP), harmonics-to-noise ratio (HNR), and 3 measures of spectral slope (H1*-H2*, B0-B1, and B0-B2). Twenty listeners rated voice quality for a subset of the productions. Results Increasingly asymmetric adduction, bulging, and nodal point ratio explained significant variance in perceptual rating ( R 2 = .05, p < .001). The same factors resulted in generally decreasing CPP, HNR, and B0-B2 and in increasing B0-B1. Of the acoustic measures, only CPP explained significant variance in perceived quality ( R 2 = .14, p < .001). Increasingly asymmetric amplitude of vibration or starting phase minimally altered vocal function or voice quality. Conclusion Asymmetries of adduction, bulging, and nodal point ratio drove acoustic measures and perception in the current study, whereas asymmetric amplitude of vibration and starting phase demonstrated minimal influence on the acoustic signal or voice quality. Supplemental Material https://doi.org/10.23641/asha.6170459

Previous work has shown that human listeners are sensitive to level differences in high-frequency energy (HFE) in isolated vowel sounds produced by male singers. Results indicated that sensitivity to HFE level changes increased with overall HFE level, suggesting that listeners would be more “tuned” to HFE in vocal production exhibiting higher levels of HFE. It follows that sensitivity to HFE level changes should be higher (1) for female vocal production than for male vocal production and (2) for singing than for speech. To test this hypothesis, difference limens for HFE level changes in male and female speech and singing were obtained. Listeners showed significantly greater ability to detect level changes in singing vs speech but not in female vs male speech. Mean differences limen scores for speech and singing were about 5 dB in the 8-kHz octave (5.6–11.3 kHz) but 8–10 dB in the 16-kHz octave (11.3–22 kHz). These scores are lower (better) than those previously reported for isolated vowels and some musical instruments.

The operating characteristics of the human auditory system clearly constrain the acoustic content and structure of speech. In addition, many researchers have proposed that the form of speech communication takes advantage of what the general auditory/cognitive system does well. We review here three ways in which general perceptual processes have been purported to influence the form of human speech communication: the need for auditory distinctiveness constraining phonetic inventories; the interactions between encoding/processing of sounds within short temporal windows that may underlie some of the listener’s ability to accommodate variance in speech sounds; and the influence of perceptual learning on the formation and adaptability of phonetic categories. These examples provide demonstrations of the synergistic benefits of studying speech and hearing within an inclusive auditory cognitive neuroscience framework.

Audition is often treated as a 'secondary' sensory system behind vision in the study of cognitive science. In this review, we focus on three seemingly simple perceptual tasks to demonstrate the complexity of perceptual-cognitive processing involved in everyday audition. After providing a short overview of the characteristics of sound and their neural encoding, we present a description of the perceptual task of segregating multiple sound events that are mixed together in the signal reaching the ears. Then, we discuss the ability to localize the sound source in the environment. Finally, we provide some data and theory on how listeners categorize complex sounds, such as speech. In particular, we present research on how listeners weigh multiple acoustic cues in making a categorization decision. One conclusion of this review is that it is time for auditory cognitive science to be developed to match what has been done in vision in order for us to better understand how humans communicate with speech and music. WIREs Cogni Sci 2011 2 479-489 DOI: 10.1002/wcs.123 For further resources related to this article, please visit the WIREs website.

Purpose This study investigated an account of limited short-term memory capacity for children’s speech perception in noise using a dual-task paradigm. Method Sixty-four normal-hearing children (7–14 years of age) participated in this study. Dual tasks were repeating monosyllabic words presented in noise at 8 dB signal-to-noise ratio and rehearsing sets of 3 or 5 digits for subsequent serial recall. Half of the children were told to allocate their primary attention to word repetition and the other half to remembering digits. Dual-task performance was compared to single-task performance. Limitations in short-term memory demands required for the primary task were measured by dual-task decrements in nonprimary tasks. Results Results revealed that (a) regardless of task priority, no dual-task decrements were found for word recognition, but significant dual-task decrements were found for digit recall; (b) most children did not show the ability to allocate attention preferentially to primary tasks; and (c) younger children (7- to 10-year-olds) demonstrated improved word recognition in the dual-task conditions relative to their single-task performance. Conclusions Seven- to 8-year-old children showed the greatest improvement in word recognition at the expense of the greatest decrement in digit recall during dual tasks. Several possibilities for improved word recognition in the dual-task conditions are discussed.

Given the interest in comparing speech production development in children with normal hearing and hearing impairment, it is important to evaluate how variables within speech elicitation tasks can differentially affect the acoustics of speech production for these groups. In a first experiment, children (6–14 years old) with cochlear implants produced a set of monosyllabic words either in isolation or while simultaneously signing the word. Acoustical analyses indicated no change in word duration, voice onset time, intensity, or fundamental frequency between isolated and simultaneous signing conditions. In a second experiment, the same children verbally repeated words that were signed by a video model. The model either signed with inflection or without. Words repeated after inflected models were higher in fundamental frequency and intensity and were more intelligible. In addition, children with poorer speech perception skills sometimes produced the monosyllables as 2 syllables, but this only occurred for words that had multiple sign movements. The results have implications for the comparison of speech development between children with normal hearing and those with hearing impairment.

Listeners possess a remarkable ability to adapt to acoustic variability in the realization of speech sound categories (e.g., different accents). The current work tests whether non-native listeners adapt their use of acoustic cues in phonetic categorization when they are confronted with changes in the distribution of cues in the input, as native listeners do, and examines to what extent these adaptation patterns are influenced by individual cue-weighting strategies. In line with previous work, native English listeners, who use voice onset time (VOT) as a primary cue to the stop voicing contrast (e.g., 'pa' vs. 'ba'), adjusted their use of f0 (a secondary cue to the contrast) when confronted with a noncanonical "accent" in which the two cues gave conflicting information about category membership. Native Korean listeners' adaptation strategies, while variable, were predictable based on their initial cue weighting strategies. In particular, listeners who used f0 as the primary cue to category membership adjusted their use of VOT (their secondary cue) in response to the noncanonical accent, mirroring the native pattern of "downweighting" a secondary cue. Results suggest that non-native listeners show native-like sensitivity to distributional information in the input and use this information to adjust categorization, just as native listeners do, with the specific trajectory of category adaptation governed by initial cue-weighting strategies.

The ability to integrate and weight information across dimensions is central to perception and is particularly important for speech categorization. The present experiments investigate cue weighting by training participants to categorize sounds drawn from a two-dimensional acoustic space defined by the center frequency (CF) and modulation frequency (MF) of frequency-modulated sine waves. These dimensions were psychophysically matched to be equally discriminable and, in the first experiment, were equally informative for accurate categorization. Nevertheless, listeners' category responses reflected a bias for use of CF. This bias remained even when the informativeness of CF was decreased by shifting distributions to create more overlap in CF. A reversal of weighting (MF over CF) was obtained when distribution variance was increased for CF. These results demonstrate that even when equally informative and discriminable, acoustic cues are not necessarily equally weighted in categorization; listeners exhibit biases when integrating multiple acoustic dimensions. Moreover, changes in weighting strategies can be affected by changes in input distribution parameters. This methodology provides potential insights into acquisition of speech sound categories, particularly second language categories. One implication is that ineffective cue weighting strategies for phonetic categories may be alleviated by manipulating variance of uninformative dimensions in training stimuli.

Recently, Holt and Lotto [Hear. Res. 167, 156–169 (2002)] reported that preceding speech sounds can influence phonetic identification of a target syllable even when the context sounds are presented to the opposite ear or when there is a long intervening silence. These results led them to conclude that phonetic context effects are mostly due to nonperipheral auditory interactions. In the present paper, similar presentation manipulations were made with nonspeech context sounds. The results agree qualitatively with the results for speech contexts. Taken together, these findings suggest that the same nonperipheral mechanisms may be responsible for effects of both speech and nonspeech context on phonetic identification.

In 2 studies, the relation between measures of self-assessed health (SAH) and automatic processing of health-relevant information was investigated. In Study 1, 84 male and 86 female undergraduate students completed a modified Stroop task. Results indicated that participants with poorer SAH showed enhanced interference effects for illness versus non-illness words. In Study 2, 27 male and 30 female undergraduate students completed a self-referent encoding task. Results offered a conceptual replication and extension of Study 1 by confirming the specificity of the relation between SAH measures and automatic processing of health (vs. negative or positive general trait) information. These studies provide evidence that individual differences in SAH are reflected in schematic processing of health-relevant information.

One of the central findings of speech perception is that identical acoustic signals can be perceived as different speech sounds depending on adjacent speech context. Although these phonetic context effects are ubiquitous in speech perception, their neural mechanisms remain largely unknown. The present work presents a review of recent data suggesting that spectral content of speech mediates phonetic context effects and argues that these effects are likely to be governed by general auditory processes. A descriptive framework known as spectral contrast is presented as a means of interpreting these findings. Finally, and most centrally, four behavioral experiments that begin to delineate the level of the auditory system at which interactions among stimulus components occur are described. Two of these experiments investigate the influence of diotic versus dichotic presentation upon two phonetic context effects. Results indicate that context effects remain even when context is presented to the ear contralateral to that of the target syllable. The other two experiments examine the time course of phonetic context effects by manipulating the silent interval between context and target syllables. These studies reveal that phonetic context effects persist for hundreds of milliseconds. Results are interpreted in terms of auditory mechanism with particular attention to the putative link between auditory enhancement and phonetic context effects.

Kluender et al. [J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 97, 2552-2567 (1995)] reported that overall stimulus amplitude affects perception of the voicing contrast in syllable-initial stops as a function of frequency separation between the first formant (F1) and higher formants (F2, F3). These results were offered as support for a hypothesis that [- voice] could be signaled by a shift in the temporal pattern of neural firing from synchronizing to energy at frequencies of F2 and F3 to synchronizing to energy near F1. Several predictions from this "synchrony capture hypothesis" were tested in the current study. In all cases the hypothesis was not supported. Effect of stimulus amplitude (increased voiceless responses with higher amplitude) was maintained when there was no cutback in F1 or when F2 and F1 energy bands were presented dichotically. In further tests of the hypothesis, voice-voiceless series were created that maintained periodic energy throughout the syllable (with F1 cutback signaling voicing). Energy just below the frequency of F2 and energy above F1 were presented dichotically. Thus, at the periphery there was no competition between frequencies near F2 and lower frequencies. In contrast to predictions of the "synchrony capture hypothesis," overall amplitude still had an effect on voice-voiceless identifications.

Speech perception studies generally focus on the acoustic information present in the frequency regions below 6 kHz. Recent evidence suggests that there is perceptually relevant information in the higher frequencies, including information affecting speech intelligibility. This experiment examined whether listeners are able to accurately identify a subset of vowels and consonants in CV-context when only high-frequency (above 5 kHz) acoustic information is available (through high-pass filtering and masking of lower frequency energy). The findings reveal that listeners are capable of extracting information from these higher frequency regions to accurately identify certain consonants and vowels.

Summary Objectives/Hypothesis Sources of vocal tremor are difficult to categorize perceptually and acoustically. This article describes a preliminary attempt to discriminate vocal tremor sources through the use of spectral measures of the amplitude envelope. The hypothesis is that different vocal tremor sources are associated with distinct patterns of acoustic amplitude modulations. Study Design Statistical categorization methods (discriminant function analysis) were used to discriminate signals from simulated vocal tremor with different sources using only acoustic measures derived from the amplitude envelopes. Methods Simulations of vocal tremor were created by modulating parameters of a vocal fold model corresponding to oscillations of respiratory driving pressure (respiratory tremor), degree of vocal fold adduction (adductory tremor), and fundamental frequency of vocal fold vibration (F0 tremor). The acoustic measures were based on spectral analyses of the amplitude envelope computed across the entire signal and within select frequency bands. Results The signals could be categorized (with accuracy well above chance) in terms of the simulated tremor source using only measures of the amplitude envelope spectrum even when multiple sources of tremor were included. Conclusions These results supply initial support for an amplitude-envelope-based approach to identify the source of vocal tremor and provide further evidence for the rich information about talker characteristics present in the temporal structure of the amplitude envelope.

While human vocalizations generate acoustical energy at frequencies up to (and beyond) 20 kHz, the energy at frequencies above about 5 kHz has traditionally been neglected in speech perception research. The intent of this paper is to review (1) the historical reasons for this research trend and (2) the work that continues to elucidate the perceptual significance of high-frequency energy (HFE) in speech and singing. The historical and physical factors reveal that, while HFE was believed to be unnecessary and/or impractical for applications of interest, it was never shown to be perceptually insignificant. Rather, the main causes for focus on low-frequency energy appear to be because the low-frequency portion of the speech spectrum was seen to be sufficient (from a perceptual standpoint), or the difficulty of HFE research was too great to be justifiable (from a technological standpoint). The advancement of technology continues to overcome concerns stemming from the latter reason. Likewise, advances in our understanding of the perceptual effects of HFE now cast doubt on the first cause. Emerging evidence indicates that HFE plays a more significant role than previously believed, and should thus be considered in speech and voice perception research, especially in research involving children and the hearing impaired.

THE “SPECIALNESS” OF SPEECH As is apparent from reading the first line of nearly any research or review article on speech, the task of perceiving speech sounds is complex and the ease with which humans acquire, produce and perceive these sounds is remarkable. Despite the growing appreciation for the complexity of the perception of music, speech perception remains the most amazing and poorly understood auditory (and, if we may be so bold, perceptual) accomplishments of humans. Over the years, there has been considerable debate on whether this achievement is the result of general perceptual/cognitive mechanisms or “special” processes dedicated to the mapping of speech acoustics to linguistic representations (for reviews see Trout, 2001; Diehl et al., 2004). The most familiar proposal of the “specialness” of speech perception is the various incarnations of the Motor Theory of speech proposed by Liberman et al. (1967; Liberman and Mattingly, 1985, 1989). Given the status of research into audition in the 1950s and 1960s, it is not surprising that speech appeared to require processing not available in “normal” hearing. Much of the work at the time used relatively simple tones and noises to get at the basic psychoacoustics underlying the perception of pitch and loudness (though some researchers like Harvey Fletcher were also working on some basics of speech perception, Fletcher and Galt, 1950; Allen, 1996). Liberman and his collaborators discovered that the discrimination of acoustic changes in speech sounds did not look like the psychoacoustic measures of discrimination for pitch and loudness. Instead of following a Weber or Fechner law, the discrimination function had a peak near the categorization boundary between contrasting phonemes—a pattern of perceptual results that is referred to as Categorical Perception (Liberman et al., 1957). In addition, the acoustic cues to phonemic identity were not readily apparent with similar spectral patterns resulting in different phonemic percepts and acoustically disparate patterns resulting in identical phonemic percepts—the problem of “lack of invariance” (e.g., Liberman et al., 1952). The perception of these varying acoustic patterns was highly context-sensitive to preceding and following phonetic content in ways that appeared specific to the communicative constraints of speech and not applicable to the perception of other sounds—as in demonstrations of perceptual compensation for coarticulation, speaking rate normalization and talker normalization (e.g., Ladefoged and Broadbent, 1957; Miller and Liberman, 1979; Mann, 1980). One major source of evidence in favor of a Motor Theory account of speech perception is that information about a speaker’s production (anatomy or kinematics) from non-auditory sources can affect phonetic perception. The famed McGurk effect (McGurk and MacDonald, 1976), in which visual presentation of a talker can alter the auditory phonetic percept, is taken as evidence that listeners are integrating information about production from this secondary source. Fowler and Deckle (1991) have demonstrated a similar effect using haptic information gathered by touching the speaker’s face (see also Sato et al., 2010). Gick and Derrick (2009) reported that perception of consonant— vowel tokens in noise are biased toward voiceless stops (e.g., /pa/) when they are accompanied by a small burst of air on the skin of the listener, which could be interpreted as the aspiration that would more likely accompany the release of a voiceless stop. In addition, there have been several studies that have demonstrated that manipulations of the listener’s articulators can affect perception, which are supportive of the Motor Theory proposal that the mechanisms of production underlie the perception of speech. For example, Ito et al. (2009) obtained shifts in phoneme categorization resulting from external manipulation of the skin around the listener’s mouth in ways that would correspond to the deformations typical of producing these speech sounds (see also Yeung and Werker, 2013 for a similar demonstration with infants). Recently, Mochida et al. (2013) found that the ability to categorize consonants can be influenced by the simultaneous silent production of these consonants. Typically, these studies are proffered as evidence for a direct role of speech motor processing in speech perception. Independent of this proposed motor basis of perception, others have suggested the existence of a special speech or phonetic mode of perception based on evidence of neural and behavioral responses to the same stimuli being modulated by whether or not the listener believes the signal to be speech or non-speech (e.g., Tomiak et al., 1987; Vroomen and Baart, 2009; Stekelenburg and Vroomen, 2012).

When members of a series of synthesized stop consonants varying acoustically in F3 characteristics and varying perceptually from /da/ to /ga/ are preceded by /al/, subjects report hearing more /ga/ syllables relative to when each member is preceded by /ar/ (Mann, 1980). It has been suggested that this result demonstrates the existence of a mechanism that compensates for coarticulation via tacit knowledge of articulatory dynamics and constraints, or through perceptual recovery of vocal-tract dynamics. The present study was designed to assess the degree to which these perceptual effects are specific to qualities of human articulatory sources. In three experiments, series of consonant-vowel (CV) stimuli varying in F3-onset frequency (/da/-/ga/) were preceded by speech versions or nonspeech analogues of /al/ and /ar/. The effect of liquid identity on stop consonant labeling remained when the preceding VC was produced by a female speaker and the CV syllable was modeled after a male speaker's productions. Labeling boundaries also shifted when the CV was preceded by a sine wave glide modeled after F3 characteristics of /al/ and /ar/. Identifications shifted even when the preceding sine wave was of constant frequency equal to the offset frequency of F3 from a natural production. These results suggest an explanation in terms of general auditory processes as opposed to recovery of or knowledge of specific articulatory dynamics.

Bilinguals perceptually accommodate speech variation across languages, but to what extent this flexibility depends on bilingual experience is uncertain. One account suggests that bilingual experience promotes language-specific processing modes, implying that bilinguals can switch as appropriate between the different phonetic systems of the languages they speak. Another account suggests that bilinguals rapidly recalibrate to the unique acoustic properties of each language following language-general processes common to monolinguals. Challenging this latter account, the present results show that Spanish-English bilinguals with exposure to both languages from early childhood, but not English monolinguals, shift perception as appropriate across acoustically controlled English and Spanish contexts. Early bilingual experience appears to promote language-specific phonetic systems.

When presented a series of /dVd/ syllables varying perceptually from /ded/ to /d■d/, listeners identify the vowel sound as /■/ more often than when the vowels are presented alone as steady states. Conversely, /bVb/ series lead to more /e/ identifications. This pattern of responses appears to demonstrate a compensation for assimilatory effects of coarticulation or vowel ‘‘undershoot.’’ Experiments will be presented which test the specificity of this perceptual process. Two ten‐step (/bVb/ and /dVd/) series of 100‐ms /CVC/ syllables varying in F2 midpoint frequency (1260–1710 Hz) were synthesized. Nonspeech analogs were created by appending 70‐ms sine‐wave glides, which followed a similar trajectory to F2 in the speech stimuli, to 60‐ms steady‐state vowels varying in F2 frequency. A second set of nonspeech series was created by appending constant‐frequency sine‐wave tones to the vowel stimuli. The frequency of these tones were set at the F2 starting frequencies for the speech stimuli. These nonspeech contexts had effects on vowel identification that were analogous to those for the speech contexts. Lower frequency glides and tones (modeling /bVb/F2) led to more /e/ (higher F2) identifications with the complementary pattern for higher frequency glides and tones. [Work supported by NIDCD and NSF.]

Kluender, Lotto, and Jenison [J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 97, 2552–2567 (1995)] reported that overall stimulus amplitude can affect perception of the voicing contrast in syllable‐initial stops. Their results supported an hypothesis that a shift in the temporal pattern of neural firing from frequencies near F2 and F3 to F1 and f0 could signal voicelessness. The results of the current study undermine this ‘‘synchrony capture hypothesis.’’ The effect of amplitude (increased voiceless identifications with higher amplitude) maintains when there is no cutback in F1 during the quasiperiodic portion of the syllable and when stimuli are high‐pass filtered above the frequency of F1. In a further test of the hypothesis, two ten‐step series (/ba/–/pa/ and /ga/–/ka/) were created which maintained period voicing throughout the syllable (with F1 cutback signaling voicelessness). The energy just below the frequency of F2 and the energy above F1 were presented dichotically. Thus, at the periphery, there was no competition between frequencies near F2 and lower frequencies and, as a result, no chance for a change in neural temporal patterns. Subjects continued to label voicelessness as a function of overall amplitude. Alternative models of the encoding of voicelessness will be considered. [Work supported by NIDCD and NSF.]

Perception of voicing for stop consonants in consonant-vowel syllables can be affected by the duration of the following vowel so that longer vowels lead to more "voiced" responses. On the basis of several experiments, Green, Stevens, and Kuhl (1994) concluded that continuity of fundamental frequency (f0), but not continuity of formant structure, determined the effective length of the following vowel. In an extension of those efforts, we found here that both effects were critically dependent on particular f0s and formant values. First, discontinuity in f0 does not necessarily preclude the vowel length effect because the effect maintains when f0 changes from 200 to 100 Hz, and 200-Hz partials extend continuously through test syllables. Second, spectral discontinuity does preclude the vowel length effect when formant changes result in a spectral peak shifting to another harmonic. The results indicate that the effectiveness of stimulus changes for sustaining or diminishing the vowel length effect depends critically on particulars of spectral composition.

In response to stop consonants with longer F1-cutback duration, the dominant synchronization of mid- and high-CF chinchilla auditory-nerve fibers changes from frequencies near F2 to frequencies near F1 at onset of voicing [D. G. Sinex and L. P. McDonald, J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 85, 1995-2004 (1989)]. If this change in neural synchronization is perceptually relevant for human listeners, then it may be predicted that changes in stimulus intensity and changes in the frequency difference between lower (F1) and higher (F2/F3) stimulus components should both affect perception of voicing. In a series of experiments, multiple continua of synthesized CVs varying in F1 cutback of the consonantal portion were played to listeners at levels ranging from 40 to 80 dB SPL. Across experiments, the frequency difference between F1 and F2 was manipulated by changing the onset frequency of F1 or F2. Subjects labeled more initial stops as voiceless as a function of increasing stimulus level and of decreasing frequency difference between F1 and F2. There was also an interaction between stimulus intensity and the frequency difference between F1 and F2 such that the effect of intensity was greater for smaller differences. These effects were reliable across a number of synthetic F1-cutback series, and the effect of intensity extended to a digitally edited series of hybrid CVs in which F1-cutback was varied by cross splicing naturally produced /da/ and /ta/. The effect of overall stimulus intensity was not affected by amplitude of prevocalic aspiration energy or by the presence or absence of release bursts. The results provide evidence for the perceptual significance of synchrony encoding of voicing for stop consonants.

The human singing and speech spectrum includes energy above 5 kHz. To begin an in-depth exploration of this high-frequency energy (HFE), a database of anechoic high-fidelity recordings of singers and talkers was created and analyzed. Third-octave band analysis from the long-term average spectra showed that production level (soft vs normal vs loud), production mode (singing vs speech), and phoneme (for voiceless fricatives) all significantly affected HFE characteristics. Specifically, increased production level caused an increase in absolute HFE level, but a decrease in relative HFE level. Singing exhibited higher levels of HFE than speech in the soft and normal conditions, but not in the loud condition. Third-octave band levels distinguished phoneme class of voiceless fricatives. Female HFE levels were significantly greater than male levels only above 11 kHz. This information is pertinent to various areas of acoustics, including vocal tract modeling, voice synthesis, augmentative hearing technology (hearing aids and cochlear implants), and training/therapy for singing and speech.

Voices have unique acoustic signatures, contributing to the acoustic variability listeners must contend with in perceiving speech, and it has long been proposed that listeners normalize speech perception to information extracted from a talker’s speech. Initial attempts to explain talker normalization relied on extraction of articulatory referents, but recent studies of context-dependent auditory perception suggest that general auditory referents such as the long-term average spectrum (LTAS) of a talker’s speech similarly affect speech perception. The present study aimed to differentiate the contributions of articulatory/linguistic versus auditory referents for context-driven talker normalization effects and, more specifically, to identify the specific constraints under which such contexts impact speech perception. Synthesized sentences manipulated to sound like different talkers influenced categorization of a subsequent speech target only when differences in the sentences’ LTAS were in the frequency range of the acoustic cues relevant for the target phonemic contrast. This effect was true both for speech targets preceded by spoken sentence contexts and for targets preceded by non-speech tone sequences that were LTAS-matched to the spoken sentence contexts. Specific LTAS characteristics, rather than perceived talker, predicted the results suggesting that general auditory mechanisms play an important role in effects considered to be instances of perceptual talker normalization.

Participants were asked to categorize a series of syllables varying from /ga/ to /da/ presented in isolation or following /al/, /ar/, /a/, or filtered noise bands. Typical shifts in categorization were obtained for /al/ vs. /ar/ contexts as predicted by compensation for coarticulation, but the shift in response between isolated presentation and any of the context conditions was much larger, even when the context was broadband noise. These results suggest that the effect of the presence of any context sound is greater than the effect of the content of the context sounds.

The human voice spectrum above 5 kHz receives little attention. However, there are reasons to believe that this high-frequency energy (HFE) may play a role in perceived quality of voice in singing and speech. To fulfill this role, differences in HFE must first be detectable. To determine human ability to detect differences in HFE, the levels of the 8- and 16-kHz center-frequency octave bands were individually attenuated in sustained vowel sounds produced by singers and presented to listeners. Relatively small changes in HFE were in fact detectable, suggesting that this frequency range potentially contributes to the perception of especially the singing voice. Detection ability was greater in the 8-kHz octave than in the 16-kHz octave and varied with band energy level.

Speech is commonly claimed to relate to mirror neurons because of the alluring surface analogy of mirror neurons to the Motor Theory of speech perception, which posits that perception and production draw upon common motor-articulatory representations. We argue that the analogy fails and highlight examples of systems-level developmental approaches that have been more fruitful in revealing perception–production associations.

Speech perception (SP) most commonly refers to the perceptual mapping from the highly variable acoustic speech signal to a linguistic representation, whether it be phonemes, diphones, syllables, or words. This is an example of categorization, in that potentially discriminable speech sounds are assigned to functionally equivalent classes. In this tutorial, we present some of the main challenges to our understanding of the categorization of speech sounds and the conceptualization of SP that has resulted from these challenges. We focus here on issues and experiments that define open research questions relevant to phoneme categorization, arguing that SP is best understood as perceptual categorization, a position that places SP in direct contact with research from other areas of perception and cognition.

In a previous paper, Lotto et al. [J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 103, 3648–3655 (1998)] claimed that experiments investigating a perceptual magnet effect (PME) failed to demonstrate a novel effect of goodness judgments on speech sound discrimination due to a confound in the procedure. New analyses of these data and a review of the recent literature fail once again to support the existence of PME.

Purpose In this study, the authors examined whether rhythm metrics capable of distinguishing languages with high and low temporal stress contrast also can distinguish among control and dysarthric speakers of American English with perceptually distinct rhythm patterns. Methods Acoustic measures of vocalic and consonantal segment durations were obtained for speech samples from 55 speakers across 5 groups (hypokinetic, hyperkinetic, flaccid-spastic, ataxic dysarthrias, and controls). Segment durations were used to calculate standard and new rhythm metrics. Discriminant function analyses (DFAs) were used to determine which sets of predictor variables (rhythm metrics) best discriminated between groups (control vs. dysarthrias; and among the 4 dysarthrias). A cross-validation method was used to test the robustness of each original DFA. Results The majority of classification functions were more than 80% successful in classifying speakers into their appropriate group. New metrics that combined successive vocalic and consonantal segments emerged as important predictor variables. DFAs pitting each dysarthria group against the combined others resulted in unique constellations of predictor variables that yielded high levels of classification accuracy. Conclusions This study confirms the ability of rhythm metrics to distinguish control speech from dysarthrias and to discriminate dysarthria subtypes. Rhythm metrics show promise for use as a rational and objective clinical tool.

The discovery of mirror neurons, a class of neurons that respond when a monkey performs an action and also when the monkey observes others producing the same action, has promoted a renaissance for the Motor Theory (MT) of speech perception. This is because mirror neurons seem to accomplish the same kind of one to one mapping between perception and action that MT theorizes to be the basis of human speech communication. However, this seeming correspondence is superficial, and there are theoretical and empirical reasons to temper enthusiasm about the explanatory role mirror neurons might have for speech perception. In fact, rather than providing support for MT, mirror neurons are actually inconsistent with the central tenets of MT.

Although the main goal of our paper [1] was to argue against mirror neurons as a possible instantiation of the Motor Theory of speech, we also presented evidence in support for an alternative auditory theory of speech perception. That is, we promoted a model as in Figure 1a and against that represented in Figure 1b. Wilson [2] does not dispute this central position. Instead he argues that speech production regions could have a top-down influence on perception. We agree wholeheartedly and would add that speech production systems are not the only source of top-down information.

The complexities of the acoustic speech signal pose many significant challenges for listeners. Although perceiving speech begins with auditory processing, investigation of speech perception has progressed mostly independently of study of the auditory system. Nevertheless, a growing body of evidence demonstrates that cross-fertilization between the two areas of research can be productive. We briefly describe research bridging the study of general auditory processing and speech perception, showing that the latter is constrained and influenced by operating characteristics of the auditory system and that our understanding of the processes involved in speech perception is enhanced by study within a more general framework. The disconnect between the two areas of research has stunted the development of a truly interdisciplinary science, but there is an opportunity for great strides in understanding with the development of an integrated field of auditory cognitive science.

Williams [(1986). "Role of dynamic information in the perception of coarticulated vowels," Ph.D. thesis, University of Connecticut, Standford, CT] demonstrated that nonspeech contexts had no influence on pitch judgments of nonspeech targets, whereas context effects were obtained when instructed to perceive the sounds as speech. On the other hand, Holt et al. [(2000). "Neighboring spectral content influences vowel identification," J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 108, 710-722] showed that nonspeech contexts were sufficient to elicit context effects in speech targets. The current study was to test a hypothesis that could explain the varying effectiveness of nonspeech contexts: Context effects are obtained only when there are well-established perceptual categories for the target stimuli. Experiment 1 examined context effects in speech and nonspeech signals using four series of stimuli: steady-state vowels that perceptually spanned from /inverted ohm/-/I/ in isolation and in the context of /w/ (with no steady-state portion) and two nonspeech sine-wave series that mimicked the acoustics of the speech series. In agreement with previous work context effects were obtained for speech contexts and targets but not for nonspeech analogs. Experiment 2 tested predictions of the hypothesis by testing for nonspeech context effects after the listeners had been trained to categorize the sounds. Following training, context-dependent categorization was obtained for nonspeech stimuli in the training group. These results are presented within a general perceptual-cognitive framework for speech perception research.

Purpose Recent studies from the authors' laboratory have suggested that reduced audibility in the high frequencies (because of the bandwidth of hearing instruments) may play a role in the delays in phonological development often exhibited by children with hearing impairment. The goal of the current study was to extend previous findings on the effect of bandwidth on fricatives/affricates to more complex stimuli. Method Nine fricatives/affricates embedded in 2-syllable nonsense words were filtered at 5 and 10 kHz and presented to normal-hearing 6- to 7-year-olds who repeated words exactly as heard. Responses were recorded for subsequent phonetic and acoustic analyses. Results Significant effects of talker gender and bandwidth were found, with better performance for the male talker and the wider bandwidth condition. In contrast to previous studies, relatively small (5%) mean bandwidth effects were observed for /s/ and /z/ spoken by the female talker. Acoustic analyses of stimuli used in the previous and the current studies failed to explain this discrepancy. Conclusions It appears likely that a combination of factors (i.e., dynamic cues, prior phonotactic knowledge, and perhaps other unidentified cues to fricative identity) may have facilitated the perception of these complex nonsense words in the current study.

On the basis of a review of the literature and three new experiments, Fowler (2006) concludes that a contrast account for phonetic context effects is not tenable and is inferior to a gestural account. We believe that this conclusion is premature and that it is based on a restricted set of assumptions about a general perceptual account. Here, we briefly address the criticisms of Fowler (2006), with the intent of clarifying what a general auditory and learning approach to speech perception entails.

Fowler, Brown, and Mann (2000) have reported a visually moderated phonetic context effect in which a video disambiguates an acoustically ambiguous precursor syllable, which, in turn, influences perception of a subsequent syllable. In the present experiments, we explored this finding and the claims that stem from it. Experiment 1 failed to replicate Fowler et al. with novel materials modeled after the original study, but Experiment 2 successfully replicated the effect, using Fowler et al.'s stimulus materials. This discrepancy was investigated in Experiments 3 and 4, which demonstrate that variation in visual information concurrent with the test syllable is sufficient to account for the original results. Fowler et al.'s visually moderated phonetic context effect appears to have been a demonstration of audiovisual interaction between concurrent stimuli, and not an effect whereby preceding visual information elicits changes in the perception of subsequent speech sounds.

Behavioral experiments with infants, adults, and nonhuman animals converge with neurophysiological findings to suggest that there is a discontinuity in auditory processing of stimulus components differing in onset time by about 20 ms. This discontinuity has been implicated as a basis for boundaries between speech categories distinguished by voice onset time (VOT). Here, it is investigated how this discontinuity interacts with the learning of novel perceptual categories. Adult listeners were trained to categorize nonspeech stimuli that mimicked certain temporal properties of VOT stimuli. One group of listeners learned categories with a boundary coincident with the perceptual discontinuity. Another group learned categories defined such that the perceptual discontinuity fell within a category. Listeners in the latter group required significantly more experience to reach criterion categorization performance. Evidence of interactions between the perceptual discontinuity and the learned categories extended to generalization tests as well. It has been hypothesized that languages make use of perceptual discontinuities to promote distinctiveness among sounds within a language inventory. The present data suggest that discontinuities interact with category learning. As such, ‘‘learnability’’ may play a predictive role in selection of language sound inventories.

In 2 studies, the relation between measures of self-assessed health (SAH) and automatic processing of health-relevant information was investigated. In Study 1, 84 male and 86 female undergraduate students completed a modified Stroop task. Results indicated that participants with poorer SAH showed enhanced interference effects for illness versus non-illness words. In Study 2, 27 male and 30 female undergraduate students completed a self-referent encoding task. Results offered a conceptual replication and extension of Study 1 by confirming the specificity of the relation between SAH measures and automatic processing of health (vs. negative or positive general trait) information. These studies provide evidence that individual differences in SAH are reflected in schematic processing of health-relevant information.