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This article examines why some black Southerners but not others were politically active during the early stages of the civil rights movement. Using a survey of more than 600 black Southerners in 1961, we investigate whether perceptions about opportunity or threat, politicized social capital and individual orientations toward social change shaped voting in the 1960 Presidential election. Perceptions of solidarity in the black community and repression against politically active blacks encourage voting, while the perception of white support for integration does not. Participating in civic and religious organizations and discussing politics with friends and co-workers (but not family members) increase the likelihood of voting. Our findings extend political opportunity and social capital theories in important ways while offering new insights into this historically important case of civic engagement. (Contains 2 tables and 5 notes.)

Examines the foundation of private segregationist academies across Mississippi counties following court-ordered desegregation, 1969-71. Argues that the establishment of academies was a countermovement strategy emerging from the prior history of organized white resistance to the civil rights movement, and was a response to the social-movement mobilization of African Americans. (Contains 79 references.) (Author/SV)

By Edward J. Walsh, Rex Warland, and D. Clayton Smith. Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997. 292 pp. Cloth, $50.00; paper, $17.95. Reviewer: KENNETH T. ANDREWS, Harvard University Over the past [...]