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Abstract\nPLAIN LANGUAGE SUMMARYDrawing on constructivist approaches, this article contributes to the debate on ideological discourses of (anti-)corruption. The text is inspired by the research of Blendi Kajsiu and focuses on the ideological discourses contained in textual production at different levels of Czech politics – party election manifestos, government policy statements and official governmental anti-corruption strategies. The aim of the analysis is to identify similarities and differences in how political actors formulate their ideas about (anti-)corruption in the electoral process, after gaining executive power and finally in the formulation of the foundations of anti-corruption policies contained in governmental anti-corruption strategies. Thus, the main research question asks whether there is consistency in the discourses carried by a given actor before the elections and after gaining a share of executive power. In the text, we argue that when governments are formed by parties reproducing a centrist or neoliberal discourse, they usually carry this discourse from their election manifestos into the government’s declaration and also into the government’s official anti-corruption strategy. On the contrary, in the case of populist discourse, this transfer has not happened even once, and populist discourse thus appears primarily as a strategy designed to appeal to the electorate.This study examines the various anti-corruption policies formulated by Czech political actors. Despite the common belief that anti-corruption policies are in principle non-ideological and based on expertise, this study aims to underline their deeply ideological nature. The study thus helps policymakers and researchers to understand why these anti-corruption policies often fail, which could be a first step towards their reformulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the concept of political path dependence, we hypothesise a positive impact of anti-corruption measures on firm innovation, illustrating how businesses can benefit from both eliminating illegal political ties ('cleaning house') and cultivating lawful relationships with the government ('hosting new guests'). By analysing a sample of A-share listed companies from 2010 to 2015 using the PSM-DID model, we demonstrate that anti-corruption campaigns enhance innovation performance. Specifically, anti-corruption efforts sever the nexus of interests between government and businesses, curbing corporate expenditures on rent-seeking activities. Firms located in regions with stringent governmental oversight have experienced significant improvements in innovation outputs following the implementation of anti-corruption policies, particularly private-owned enterprises. This study provides empirical support for the benefits of anti-corruption from the perspective of political path dependence, offering valuable insights for governments aiming to bolster firm innovation through improved public governance and legal frameworks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to one of the defining issues of the effectiveness of combating the violation of anti-corruption legislation. The importance of active participation of citizens in various measures to counter corruption offenses and offenses related to corruption is substantiated. It is emphasized that, regardless of the legal framework and system of law enforcement agencies in Ukraine, only the response to the facts of individual corruption offenses takes place in total. The condition of systemic influence on criminogenic factors in this sphere of social relations can only be the formation of intolerance to corruption in society, the establishment of a culture of integrity and respect for the rule of law, combined with an active civil position regarding corruption manifestations. It is emphasized that anti-corruption education, including general secondary and higher levels of education and other legal education measures, should play an important role in the formation of intolerance to any manifestations of corruption. It is noted that the human and material resources of the specially authorized anti-corruption bodies are now sufficient only for periodic and episodic detection and documentation of illegal facts of corruption and corruption-related offenses. Work at the preventive level to identify corruption risks and prevent violations of anti-corruption legislation is not sufficiently effective without the active involvement of broad strata and social groups of the population in this activity. It is claimed that the role of a leader in the issues of forming intolerance to corruption in society, establishing a culture of integrity and respect for the rule of law should be performed by the state, but practically such activity is doomed to remain only a slogan without consolidation of the efforts of the entire population. A general conclusion is made that combating corruption will be effective only under the condition of symbiosis of educational, preventive and repressive activities of specially authorized anti-corruption entities and a consolidated society, in which the population (individual citizens of Ukraine) should act as both a subject and an object of joint activity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Corruption is a serious problem that threatens the development of the nation and state, acts of corruption that have taken root in Indonesia should be resolved by providing understanding as early as possible. In the educational context, it is important to instill anti-corruption values from an early age so that the younger generation has high awareness and integrity in implementing anti- corruption behavior. This service aims to increase knowledge and understanding about the dangers of corruption and student anti-corruption behavior efforts at SMPN 166 Jakarta. The method used in this service program is to conduct outreach to students at SMPN 166 Jakarta grade 8. The results of the service show that outreach about the dangers of corruption at SMPN 166 has been carried out through various activities, such as seminars, class discussions, and filling out some questionnaire about our seminars. In addition, there is an increase in anti-corruption behavior among students, which is reflected in their active participation during anti-corruption outreach activities and group discussions on corruption-themed case studies. These findings indicate the need for collaboration between schools, parents and the community to strengthen and implement anti-corruption education and create a conducive and supportive environment for the formation of anti-corruption character among students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Various anti-corruption tools have been proposed in the literature. In this article, we focus on deregulation. By removing red tape, the opportunities for bribery are reduced. At the same time, however, social costs can increase due to reemergence of inefficiencies that the regulation was intended to target in the first place. We analyze data from Mexico City, where a driving test was abolished to combat petty corruption prevalent in testing centers. A natural concern is that roads would become more dangerous. We find that this concern appears to be unwarranted; if anything, roads seem to have become safer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

(1) Background: This research aims to investigate the impact of environmental, social, and governance (ESG) factors on European banking corruption. Thus, its novelty is based on considering anti-competitive concerns as a major component that may considerably impact fraud and bribery in corruption investigations. (2) Methods: To approach the research question, we conducted an examination of anti-competitive practices at 344 financial institutions headquartered in Europe throughout the period 2018 to 2022 using the entropy weight and TOPSIS methods. (3) Results: This study reveals that anti-competitive actions are typified by environmental debate and genuine policy competition. Analysing the results prompted us to reach this conclusion. The present study's findings reveal that financial institutions in Scandinavian nations demonstrate the most significant anti-competitive activity. (4) Conclusions: This research is the first study to underscore the concept of anti-competition disputes and their impact on the emergence of corruption, extortion, and fraud in the European banking sector. Although anti-competitive and corrupt practices may appear to be distinct concepts, they both lead to the financial sector acquiring disproportionate control over the market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the process of government management, officials may engage in rent-creation and rent-seeking within finance and debt management for personal gain, leading to corruption and jeopardizing government debt sustainability. Can anti-corruption effectively ameliorate this predicament? Based on the growing severity of global debt sustainability, 30 provincial-level administrative regions in China are used as research samples to explore the influence of China's anti-corruption campaign targeting officials on local government debt sustainability and the moderating role of fiscal transparency. The results indicate that enhancing anti-corruption efforts will improve the sustainability of local government debt, while fiscal transparency will magnify this positive impact. Furthermore, regional heterogeneity analysis demonstrates that, in developed regions, the impact of anti-corruption on debt sustainability and the moderating impact of fiscal transparency have been bolstered by effective policy implementation. Our research findings not only unveil the influence of anti-corruption on local government debt sustainability and the crucial role of fiscal transparency, but also offer fresh insights to enable local government authorities to manage debt sustainably. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current transformation of Russia’s state administration reveals the need to update the instruments and mechanisms for implementing state policy in the regions. Anti-corruption policy has been developing since 2008, but corruption still lacks a clear definition and remains a crisis phenomenon for modern society. The article describes the current management practices of regional anti-corruption policy in the Russian Federation. Anti-corruption measures are part of federal goals and directions determined by the President of the Russian Federation; however, they require an individual approach based on the socio-economic, political, and cultural characteristics of each region. The process needs a coherent system for monitoring, control, and analysis to measure the effectiveness of the measures taken. Such a system could fuel the fight against corruption, as well as make its management transparent and accountable. The research included the methods of document, statistic, formal legal, and comparative data analysis. The authors developed their own methodology for studying management practices of anti-corruption policy implementation. Its most important areas included coordinating the efforts between federal and regional authorities and a more active interaction with civil society institutions. The main management practices involved coordinated structures for policy implementation, a closer interaction between territorial federal and regional bodies, a wider range of civil society institutions, more innovative technologies, etc. Some regions demonstrated unique practices in variability, responsibilities, anti-corruption measures, control of the authorities and employees, etc.

Universities are the place where the new generation of nations, future leaders of countries, is formed, educated and trained. Sociocultural changes associated with globalization, market competition, commodification of knowledge, and marketization of the university have penetrated into the academic environment, having a negative impact on the emergence of deviant practices in the field of education. Therefore, in recent years, close attention of various groups of researchers from different countries has been drawn to the study of transformations of university culture in general, in particular, the analysis of the reasons for the involvement of universities in corrupt practices and the identification of the potential for overcoming them. The theoretical methodology of the study, collection of library information, analysis, generalization, and reflection are used. It is argued that students, along with other agents of the university (teaching staff and university administration), can take on a significant role in preventing and eradicating corruption in the university environment, thanks to which a clean university environment free from acts of corruption can be created. The conclusion is made about the importance of the ethical role of students in corruption prevention in universities, since students are a significant agent of change and control, who, due to their characteristics, can act as role models of ethical anti‐corruption actions, monitor and report on corrupt actions, participate in student organizations, in public policy and use new information and communication technologies for anti‐corruption campaigns. Thus, students can play a socially significant role in creating a university environment free from corruption.

Corruption can be understood as a social phenomenon that emerges from a complex interplay of political, social, and economic factors, particularly in countries undergoing the process of state formation. Notwithstanding the existence of long-standing democratic traditions and a considerable history of anti-corruption measures, this negative phenomenon persists in European Union Member States. In developed countries, the conditions for countering corruption are more favourable; nevertheless, it remains a significant problem. In Ukraine, which is undergoing a process of democratisation of its governmental structure, corruption represents a significant challenge. Radical reforms of the administrative, socio-economic and legal systems are contributing to the emergence of new corruption threats that require active counteraction. The effective fight against corruption is one of the key factors in the development of public administration, ensuring economic stability and public confidence in state institutions. The analysis of economic and legal aspects of combating corruption in administrative law is of particular importance for understanding the ways to overcome this phenomenon and build effective prevention mechanisms. The objective of this study is to conduct a comprehensive analysis of the legal and economic mechanisms that can be employed to combat corruption in the context of administrative law. The research methodology employs a range of methods, including policy analysis, empirical methods and comparative methods. This article examines the principles of combating corruption in administrative law, with a particular focus on the economic and legal aspects. Corruption represents a significant challenge to the stable development of society and the economy. In the context of globalisation and current management reforms, the issue of combating corruption is particularly salient. The principal administrative and legal instruments for combating corruption are examined, together with their impact on the country's economic development.

When and why would a government decide to tackle corruption? Several countries around the world have embarked on an effort to combat corruption. These fights are primarily the result of several domestic and international factors that have brought an understanding and urgency to prevail over corruption. The study of past cases has increased our knowledge about the need to fight corruption. However, a particular focus on reasons, motives and explanations of this fight, particularly within the judiciary, has been very limited. This article develops a framework of analysis to answer why the fight against corruption was undertaken by employing an inductive case study methodology. It draws upon the empirical work on developments in Albania, a country which has implemented stringent reforms in the last few years to rid the judiciary of corruption. By relying on evidence coming out of this particular reform process known as "Reforma në Drejtësi" ("Justice Reforms"), this article reconstructs the situations and circumstances that led to this reform. The study argues that this fight was driven by politicians and influenced by several national and international factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The public sector is a significant segment of the country's economic system. For continuous monitoring and improvement of the quality of services provided by the public sector, it is necessary to have a functional system of internal financial controls. The System of public internal financial control, through its action, directly plays a significant role in the fight against corruption. Bearing this in mind, the subject of processing in this paper will be the elaboration of the System of public internal financial control in the Republic of North Macedonia presented through the prism of activities that contribute to reducing the level of corruption. The aim of the paper is to contribute to strengthening the role of public internal financial control in the fight against corruption. In the direction of comprehensive processing of the subject of this paper, a detailed analysis of the national legal, strategic and institutional framework was made, the activities of the national institutions for the implementation of public internal financial control in the direction of reducing or preventing corrupt activities are also analyzed. Also, the paper analyzes in detail the activities and reports related to public internal financial control in our country in relation to the requirements of the European Union through Chapter 32 - Financial control, the United Nations Convention against Corruption and the GRECO report. Based on these analyses, concluding observations and recommendations are given for improving the role of public internal financial control in the fight against corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Global South, anti-corruption initiatives continue to fail despite varying commitments to the international anti-corruption agenda. Concurrently, as this study demonstrates, researchers investigating this paradox appear confined within orthodox explanations for failing anti-corruption efforts. Through a systematic review of 58 studies, this paper demonstrates that South Africa's anti-corruption corpora from 1995 to 2022 fall to this critique. By employing socio-legal theoretical perspectives, the paper elucidates how and why the orthodoxy dominates the corpora and subsequently suggests a more nuanced understanding of the country's ongoing failure to combat corruption. For example, the paper argues that the intricacies of South Africa's corruption challenge the perspective that anti-corruption measures fail simply due to widespread rule-breaking. Through the prism of legal pluralism, this paper demonstrates that adherence to rules is indeed prevalent in South Africa, albeit often not aligned with formal state anti-corruption legislation and regulations. Finally, the paper posits innovative approaches to enhance and broaden our comprehension of why anti-corruption efforts fail, especially in the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Information exchange is critical to the functionality of governance networks. Traditionally, it has been argued that actors within governance networks tend to engage in information exchange with others who share similar beliefs and motivations, as these are deemed catalysts for achieving collective objectives. An alternative viewpoint posits that actors may prioritize strategies aimed at minimizing transaction costs and maximizing returns when selecting their partners. This paper proposes that information exchange predominantly occurs with partners who are easily accessible (i.e., where transaction costs are low) and with partners who are perceived as influential (i.e., where benefits are high). To investigate these alternative propositions, we examine three distinct opportunity structures that actors may utilize, which are based on their preferences for (1) partners with similar participatory motivations, (2) partners who co‐participate in institutional committees, and (3) those perceived as influential. We empirically test these opportunity structures using unique survey data gathered from 10 anti‐corruption multi‐stakeholder partnerships within the public infrastructure domain in countries of Latin America, Africa, and Eurasia. Results from Exponential Random Graph Models suggest that shared participatory motivations do not significantly impact information exchange within our context, whereas the perceived influence of a partner emerges as a critical predictor. In addition, co‐participation in institutional committees significantly facilitates information dissemination, particularly when those committees involve discussions on deliberating about strategies to communicate findings on public‐sector infrastructure discrepancies and formulating recommendations to governments on transparency and accountability. These findings prompt discussions on four network management strategies aimed at restructuring networks and fostering stakeholder involvement and inclusivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Environmental degradation poses a significant challenge globally, with Southeast Asia projected to face severe climate change impacts by 2050. This study investigates the influence of corporate anti-corruption commitment on environmental performance in ASEAN-5 countries (Indonesia, Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, and the Philippines) from 2017-2022. Using data from 108 listed companies, the research examines how anticorruption policies affect environmental management, measured by the Environmental Pillar Score (ES), and the moderating role of board independence. Regression methods are employed to test the relationships between the independent variable, anti-corruption commitment, and the dependent variable, environmental performance, as well as to evaluate the moderating effect of board independence. Findings reveal a positive and significant impact of anti-corruption commitment on environmental performance, underscoring the necessity for companies to balance stakeholder contributions and business operations. Anti-corruption measures foster transparency and compliance with environmental regulations, preventing illegal practices that harm both companies and economic growth. However, board independence does not significantly influence this relationship, potentially due to insufficient professional competence and ineffective environmental governance. The study suggests that while independent boards are crucial for accountability, their role in environmental sustainability needs enhancement through targeted training programs. This research highlights the importance of ethical corporate practices and robust governance frameworks in achieving sustainable business operations and environmental protection in Southeast Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the potential sources and consequences of unfairness in artificial intelligence (AI) predictive tools used for anti-corruption efforts. Using the examples of three AI-based anti-corruption tools from Brazil—risk estimation of corrupt behaviour in public procurement, among public officials, and of female straw candidates in electoral contests—it illustrates how unfairness can emerge at the infrastructural, individual, and institutional levels. The article draws on interviews with law enforcement officials directly involved in the development of anti-corruption tools, as well as academic and grey literature, including official reports and dissertations on the tools used as examples. Potential sources of unfairness include problematic data, statistical learning issues, the personal values and beliefs of developers and users, and the governance and practices within the organisations in which these tools are created and deployed. The findings suggest that the tools analysed were trained using inputs from past anti-corruption procedures and practices and based on common sense assumptions about corruption, which are not necessarily free from unfair disproportionality and discrimination. In designing the ACTs, the developers did not reflect on the risks of unfairness, nor did they prioritise the use of specific technological solutions to identify and mitigate this type of problem. Although the tools analysed do not make automated decisions and only support human action, their algorithms are not open to external scrutiny. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores Indonesia's Integrity Zone program's effectiveness, identifies issues related to corruption and provides recommendations for enhancing the program's impact. By the end of 2023, all Indonesian Customs offices had received a 'corruption-free region' predicate (certificate). This program is ubiquitous, with banners stating the slogan 'Welcome, You Enter a Region Free From Corruption' at almost every government agency entrance. The government, however, must be cautious in declaring the achievements of the Integrity Zone program to avoid potential issues related to intellectual corruption. This paper found that the issue of sustainability is also very important in this program, and can only be maintained if there is a change in the organisation's basic underlying assumptions. Using Schein's three levels of organisational culture theory, this research provides new knowledge about the effectiveness of the Indonesian government's reformation program. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union's (EU) external governance enjoys significant attention in the literature. Yet its outcomes are usually assessed with reference to strategic documents or scholars' self‐designed criteria. This article contributes to the ongoing debate with a discourse analysis focusing on the perceptions of anti‐corruption reform outcomes in Ukraine by actors on different levels in the EU. Simultaneously, structural factors are incorporated into the analysis. It demonstrates that although constant progress is officially proclaimed by the EU, even technical advisers disagree on how success in this crucial domain is understood and how to measure it. High‐level representatives face a balancing act between conditionality demands, sovereignty limitations and geopolitical considerations. This explains the official signalling by the EU and the development of its rule‐of‐law reform conditionality. The outcome is a potential state of moral hazard and raise the question whether EU external governance has not become a victim of its 'own success'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article adopts a Durkheimian perspective and employs a socio-pragmatic method of inquiry, with a specific focus on analyzing "scandals" as critical junctures and the interpretations provided by social actors. The aim is to explore the development of corruption as a social issue in Romania over the past four decades. In contrast to two prevailing explanatory approaches in Romania, labeled here as fatalistic and voluntarist, we propose a more reflective approach. This perspective illustrates how the increasing division of labor and the subsequent rise in individualization within social relations have progressively influenced the tendencies and sensitivities of various social groups in Romanian society, particularly regarding what this study refers to as "illegal personal enrichment" (IPE). By focusing on discourse analysis of debates on corruption, this study analyses the evolution of the politicization of corruption--a subject still largely unexplored but highly prevalent in the public sphere--in conjunction with the structural changes in Romanian society. Consequently, three stages can be identified: IPE as a discursive tool for denouncing political adversaries, IEP as a generator of political conflicts, and IEP as a public issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anti-corruption education is a character education program that aims to instill anti-corruption values in students. The difference in the implementation of anti-corruption education as an autonomous subject provides different learning experiences for students. This research aims to measure the quality of anti-corruption education using the Servqual instrument. The Servqual instrument was developed and analyzed using confirmatory factor analysis (CFA). This research was conducted with an ex-post facto non-experimental design. The subjects involved were 156 students. Data analysis was carried out with the SmartPLS program. The results of CFA show that the instrument meets the fit criteria. Thus, the discriminant validity results have met the criteria, with a composite reliability (CR) value of 0.765 to 0.900. The results of the path analysis prove that three of the five Servqual constructs have a significant effect on the quality of anti-corruption education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study develops an anti-corruption accountability framework covering relevant thematic aspects and indicators that stakeholders require to assess firms’ commitment to fighting corrupt practices. Relying on dialogic accountability premises, the study performs a research engagement exercise with Spanish stakeholders organized in two phases to gather and integrate their multiple views. First, semi-structured interviews were held with actors representing relevant constituencies to identify key thematic aspects to assess firms’ anti-corruption. Second, a focus group was organized with representatives of information users to define a set of suitable indicators to evaluate those aspects. The resulting anti-corruption accountability framework consists of 68 indicators that evaluate 27 key thematic aspects grouped into four overarching blocks. By helping make corporations accountable for managing corruption, the study offers insights to policy-makers and managers, particularly in the EU, where firms are mandated to report on anti-corruption. From a methodological perspective, the study shows the instrumentality of dialogic accountability to design spaces where firms and stakeholders can collaboratively interact and discuss the information the former should provide to allow the latter to assess corporate commitment on social and environmental topics, such as anti-corruption.

Objective: to review the results of the 7th Siberian Anti-Corruption Forum “Incentives and Restrictions in the System of Anticorruption Security” held in Krasnoyarsk on December 15-16, 2023 (organizers: Siberian Federal University, Krasnoyarsk Krai Governor’s Administration, Krasnoyarsk Krai Prosecutor’s Office, Krasnoyarsk Krai Department of the Ministry of Justice of Russia for Krasnoyarsk Krai, Krasnoyarsk Regional Branch of the Russian Lawyers’ Association).Methods: general scientific method of dialectical cognition, as well as a number of private scientific methods, such as historicallegal, system-structural, comparative-legal, formal-logical (deduction, induction, definition and division of the concept), etc.Results: the forum discussed the following key topics: anti-corruption security as an integrative scientific category, the role of incentives and restrictions in the system of its provision; history of development, concept, types and system of anti-corruption incentives and restrictions; international legal regulation of incentives and restrictions in the system of anticorruption security; foreign and Russian experience of resource provision of anti-corruption incentives and restrictions; the role of law enforcement agencies and civil society institutions in providing anti-corruption security; anti-corruption potential of digitalization processes, etc.Scientific novelty: the leading idea of the Forum scientific and practical dialogue was harmonization of anti-corruption incentives and restrictions, since the search for a successful combination of these tools will create legal prerequisites for a qualitative transition to a new model of anti-corruption activities and ensure the security of individuals, society and the state from various corruption threats.Practical significance: based on the Forum results, the author formulated proposals aimed at improving the state policy in the field of combating corruption, as well as the anti-corruption activities of various subjects. These results are of interest to scientists, educators, law enforcement officials, and all those interested in the issues of combating corruption.

Numerous All-Russian surveys of the last 5-7 years, revealing the attitude of various au diences to the Unified State Exam (USE), present a generally more positive attitude of young people to the USE against the background of a generally skeptical Russian population towards this tool of transition from secondary school to higher education. In this regard, it is of particular interest to study the opinions of those who faced this examination procedure (graduates who passed the unified state exam, as well as their parents).During the online survey conducted on March 04, 2024, 711 people (45.3% men, 54.7% women, M = 34.73 years) were interviewed who replied that they and/or their child participated in the exam procedure. Respondents expressed their degree of agreement with the statements of the questionnaires: condemning corruption and attitudes towards the USE.An analysis of the data obtained showed that respondents from the province significantly more often agreed that the USE significantly removes financial barriers to admission to Russian universities. Women were significantly more likely to agree that the USE provides capable graduates from different social strata and from any region with the opportunity to enroll in an educational institution whose curriculum and specialty correspond to the applicant’s career orientation.Younger respondents also significantly more often agreed that the USE provides the bright high school graduates from different social strata of Russia to enroll in any university. Those who were more likely to agree that the USE helped them get into the university they wanted to enter were significantly more likely to agree with all items of the questionnaire on attitudes towards the USE as an anti-corruption instrument. In addition, the same positive correlation was found between the degree of condemnation of corruption and the attitude towards the USE as a tool for combating corruption, that is, respondents who condemn corruption more agree that the USE is a tool for combating corruption.Thus, we have shown that the unified state exam eliminates financial barriers to admission to Russian universities, that is, it is an anti-corruption tool, which was more often agreed by respondents who entered universities from regional and district centers, women and youth, as well as respondents who more disapprove of corruption.

Anti-corruption village is a concrete manifestation of community participation in preventing criminal acts of corruption. Therefore, this research aimed to eradicate corruption in Indonesia from village level serving as an important indicator and responsible for large amounts of funds. By establishing anti-corruption village, funds were more accountable for optimal development. Meanwhile, doctrinal legal research using primary, secondary, and tertiary legal materials was adopted with statute, conceptual, comparative, and futuristic methods. A descriptive-prescriptive nature was used with the examination of the data or materials through content analysis. The results showed that anti-corruption village program initiated by Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) disseminated the importance of building integrity and anti-corruption values among government and village community. Additionally, this program functioned as a pilot project to prevent corruption and oversee the development of village community.

Copyright of Larq Journal for Philosophy, Linguistics & Social Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Gestão & Tecnologia is the property of Revista Gestao & Tecnologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study explores the intricate relationship between e-governance and corruption perception using the E-Government Development Index (EGDI) and Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) data. Ukraine's legal landscape is examined, highlighting efforts to enhance public administration transparency. This study underscores the role of citizens in fostering e-governance and reducing corruption and crime. Comparative analyses challenge assumptions about income and egovernance, while "smart grids" and digitalization emerge as solutions to energy challenges in Ukraine. Ultimately, this study illuminates the transformative potential of e-governance and its significance in modern governance paradigms during wartime and in situations involving a large number of displaced people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Multinational firms often face challenges doing business in countries where corruption is common practice in the business environment. This study examines anticorruption guidance provided in the corporate Codes of Conduct (CoC). We evaluate if this guidance is consistent with the firm-specific idiosyncratic exposure to corruption, or if corporate 'tone from the top' (TTT) uses only broad brush general language 'impression management' in an attempt to appear compliant. We also explore the interaction between anti-corruption guidance and audit oversight. Using quantitative textual analysis on a sample of Standard & Poor's (S&P) 500 firms' CoC, we develop a measure of anti-corruption language based on the most prevalent topics covered in these documents. We find the positive association between the anti-corruption topics and the firm-adjusted level of corruption risk. That is, the language used varies depending upon idiosyncratic firm risk, suggesting CoC is not simply used for impression management. We also identify a non-linear relationship in which audit oversight is observed as increasingly important in the most severe corrupt settings. Our results could be useful to practitioners and policymakers who may care about the information content of CoC when evaluating a firm's risk management practices. We also show that when the corruption risk is sufficiently high, the anti-corruption TTT needs to be supplemented by other control activities such as audit oversight. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this response essay, Ceva and Ferretti reply to their critics and clarify some key aspects of their book. Specifically, the discussion starts by elaborating on the notion of an ethics of office accountability, explaining that the specification of institutional norms of officeholders behaviour is the result of practices of officeholders' interaction (including democratic practices) and reflection. The second theme is the responsibility for political corruption. The authors emphasise the importance of focussing not only on retrospective responsibility, for the sake of punishing corrupt behaviour, but especially on accountability as a form of self-reflection by the officeholders on the weaknesses of their institutional work together. This exercise is preliminary to their assuming forward-looking responsibilities for anti-corruption. The third and final part discusses political corruption as a specifically interactive wrong. For the authors, the magnitude and moral salience of the wrong of corruption, as well as the different wrongs implicated both from an interactive perspective and in consideration of the harm caused to third parties, must be assessed in light of the context and the moral standing of the public institution in question. In this sense, political corruption is a pro tanto wrong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of ABHATH is the property of ABHATH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Exemplified by China's installation of its National Supervisory Commission, the rise and fall of the Chinese anti-corruption apparatus remains puzzlingly changeable, which contrasts with the calls for its institutionalization. For a country known for informal politics, the role played by politicians behind such a seemingly irregular evolution remains inadequately examined. This research attempts to explain the elite struggle's influence on Chinese watchdog agencies using a factional framework. From a historical institutional perspective, this research summarizes several patterns of the Leninist party chief's interaction with watchdog agencies in different factional structures governing the institutional evolution. The analysis finds that the agency's power is contingent on its factional relationship with the chief, and only specific structures favor "super" watchdog agencies. This research adds to the theoretical understanding of how contingencies shape institutional development and underlines empirical facts about the vulnerability of Chinese anti-corruption institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's 2018 constitutional adoption of the National Supervision Commission marked a watershed in the country's supervision system and anti-corruption work. This article seeks to investigate the power dynamics between the state machinery and the Chinese Communist Party as the newly supervisory power has come into being. It delves into the National Supervision Commission's origins, mandate, structure, and potential impacts on China's political sphere. It suggests that the emergence of the National Supervision Commission is a testament to the consolidation of the Chinese Communist Party control, potentially contradicting earlier attempts to separate party and state functions. This institutional novelty represents a paradigm change. The article proposes a nuanced understanding of the National Supervision Commission, considering both its potential to strengthen party authority and its bifurcated relationship with other state bodies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Innovation is a major economic growth contributor, which is often hindered by corruption. However, this relationship is not always supported. This study analyzes the interrelation between anti-corruption (AC) and technological innovation (TI) in China by applying the bootstrap rolling-window full-sample and subsample Granger causality test. The results confirm that the influence of AC on TI is two-fold. On the one hand, AC positively influences TI, indicating that it facilitates TI. This finding supports the "sanding-the-wheels" hypothesis, which postulates that corruption impedes innovation. On the other hand, there is a negative influence from AC to TI, which is mainly caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. Further, the results show that TI positively influences AC, implying that TI can affect government's AC-related decisions. Based on these findings, governments should coordinate their efforts toward innovation and AC, while firms should adopt innovation-driven strategies for long-term growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reveals that male-dominant social networks through alcohol drinking is an important determinant that hinders women ascending onto corporate boards. Specifically, exploiting China's anti-corruption campaign launched in 2012 as an exogenous shock to the business drinking interactions, we find that the policy-induced reduction in alcohol drinking significantly promotes board gender diversity in Chinese listed firms. Further evidence shows that the effect of reduced alcohol drinking on board gender diversity is more pronounced in cities with a higher intensity of anti-corruption investigations and cities with less severe gender discrimination. Our empirical findings support the "old boys' club" hypothesis, suggesting that male-dominant social networks hamper the access of qualified women to higher positions in the workplace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explored the attitudes of Kuwaiti residents toward corruption practices in Kuwait and the role of the Nazaha Kuwait Anti-Corruption Authority in tackling such actions. To achieve the aim of this study, a survey questionnaire, which was based on a survey introduced by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime in 2018, was distributed to 535 participants in Kuwait. The questionnaire covered areas related to problems facing Kuwait, behaviors of public officers, opinions on practices of public sector employees, corruption in Kuwait by industry, the role of Nazaha in Kuwait, the correlation between bribery and access to government services, and the reporting of corruption in Kuwait. The collected data were analyzed with SPSS. The findings indicate that 374 respondents noted corruption as the most serious problem in Kuwait, which is practiced systematically in Kuwait due to the prevalence of nepotism and other cultural reasons. In addition, it was found that there is dissatisfaction with the role of Nazaha, with 46.9 and 32.3% of participants reporting that Nazaha did not react in time and did not catch offenders, respectively. This study suggests that Nazaha should be empowered with further legal means to tackle corruption in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role which corporate and financial secrecy vehicles play in enabling transnational corruption has justifiably received growing scholarly and policy interest. Less attention, however, has been given to the enabling role played by political secrecy vehicles. Political secrecy vehicles denote arrangements that allow individuals to clandestinely exercise public authority, which is concealed by a formal bureaucratic façade. This article develops analytical categories for deconstructing political secrecy structures and pinpointing the threat they pose to anti-corruption enforcement. These structures and threats are then empirically explored through an investigative case study. The case study plots how shadow political space in Uzbekistan and the simulacra of impartial public administration, was utilised by a kleptocratic syndicate to conceal an international bribery scheme, and then weaponised by the conspirators to successfully frustrate enforcement efforts in Europe. Drawing on key lessons from the case study, proposals are made for how the threats posed by political secrecy structures can be jurisprudentially and practically counteracted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In historical retrospect, our country built its own national security system of Ukraine, which declares generally accepted norms of international law, which allowed the country to establish its own European identity and launch a complex process of transformation of society and the national security system. The events of recent years in Ukraine define corruption in the conditions of martial law in Ukraine as a threat to the national security of the state of Ukraine as a whole. In this context, the President of Ukraine recognized the slow fight against corruption in the conditions of martial law in Ukraine as the main obstacle to the development of Ukrainian statehood. In the course of the study, the issues of preventing and countering corruption in the conditions of martial law in Ukraine, which are of a systemic nature, are considered in the scientific plan, in particular: administrative and legal characteristics of corruption crimes, since administrative corruption offenses are not defined by the legislator as socially dangerous, but they cause certain damage material, moral or other social relations, the boundaries of which are defined in accordance with the Law of Ukraine „On Prevention of Corruption", according to the document they are classified as another group of offenses, in particular „offences related to corruption", the legislator interprets this as „acts that do not contain signs of corruption, but violate the requirements, prohibitions and restrictions established by this law, committed by the person specified in the first part of Article 3 of this law, for which the law establishes administrative, disciplinary or civil liability"; problems of combating corruption in the conditions of martial law in Ukraine; administrative responsibility for certain types of corruption crimes; conflict of interests in the conditions of martial law in Ukraine; reforming the system of state authorities. During the research, classical and author's approaches to the development of administrative and legal principles for the prevention and counteraction of corruption were analyzed, and positive theoretical and practical foreign experience was used. The relevance of the proposed research lies in the fact that scientists are paying attention to the solution of corruption problems in certain areas, and specifically, until now, the problem of preventing and countering corruption in the conditions of martial law in Ukraine has not been solved, taking into account the conceptual approach that would ensure the effective functioning of prevention measures and combating corruption based on the author's proposed model of administrative and legal principles for preventing and combating corruption in the conditions of martial law in Ukraine, which led to the choice of this topic of the article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to analyze the content of existing anti-corruption education textbooks in Indonesian universities. The significance of this research lies in revealing the limitations of these textbooks, which only cover basic aspects and do not sufficiently stimulate students' emotions and enthusiasm regarding the dangers of corruption. To address this issue, the study employs a content analysis approach to examine several anti-corruption education textbooks in Indonesia. The commonly used steps in data analysis include traditional content analysis, which involves a preparatory stage, an organizing stage, and the reporting of results. Procedures typically used in this method include text categorization and cross-tabulation of emerging categories. The study successfully identified that the direction and format of the content in these textbooks are still limited to aspects such as "basic concepts of corruption," "forms of corruption," "legal dimensions of corruption," and "principles needed to foster anti-corruption awareness." While such content provides students with formal knowledge related to anti-corruption, it falls short in stimulating emotions and enthusiasm about the dangers of corruption. Therefore, a more comprehensive approach is necessary to foster anti-corruption awareness among students in Indonesian universities.