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Gossip is universal, and multiple studies have demonstrated that it can have beneficial group-level outcomes when negative reports help identify defectors or norm-violators. Gossip, however, seldom happens in a social vacuum. Instead, it is enmeshed in a fabric of positive and negative relationships that creates opportunities, constraints, and also motives to gossip. This article studies the importance of friendships and antipathies among the three concerned parties (sender, receiver, target) for negative gossip among adolescents. We contrast two theoretical accounts. According to the first, gossip brings closer individuals who have “enemies” in common. Based on this, we infer that gossip appears in triads where both the sender and receiver share their antipathy against the target. The second position argues that gossip is used to compromise different opinions of friends towards the target. Thus, what predicts gossip is direct antipathy against the target or being friends with someone who dislikes the target (indirect antipathy) rather than the combination of the two antipathies. We test these two lines of reasoning with sociometric data from 17 classroom observations (13 unique classrooms in different time points) in Hungary. Bayesian Exponential Random Graph Models yield support for direct antipathy in 13 (nine unique) classrooms and indirect antipathy in five. No evidence for shared antipathy is found. Results suggest that, at least among adolescents, negative gossip is not about bonding with potential allies but more about consensus-making between friends. Also, results reveal that negative gossip concentrates on the two ends of the reputational echelon, hinting that, in the classroom, high reputation might be contested instead of rewarded. Funding agencies: Support for this work from “la Caixa” Foundation, Spain (ID 100010434 [fellowship code LCF/BQ/EU17/11590070]) for J. L. Estévez, and from the National Research, Development and Innovation Fund of Hungary (grant number FK137765 for D. Kisfalusi and grant number K132250 for K. Takács) are gratefully acknowledged. All three authors acknowledge support from the European Research Council (the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme [grant agreement number 648693]).

This paper examines the interactive dynamics of autonomous and heteronomous motives for maintaining morality. Modern society places greater emphasis on autonomous motives than heteronomous motives, even if both yield the same consequences. Such resistance to heteronomy encourages individuals to discipline themselves through their own autonomous motives, and this higher level of discipline increases the heteronomous pressure imposed on the next generation, thereby stimulating their autonomous motives. This virtuous cycle strengthens the complementarity of autonomous and heteronomous motives, leading to a globally stable stationary equilibrium that comprises highly disciplined individuals. However, extreme antipathy toward heteronomy discontinuously disrupts the above cycle.

Publisher Copyright: Copyright © The Author(s), 2022. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of Religion and Politics Section of the American Political Science Association. Low political support for religious minority groups in the United States is often explained as a matter of social distance or unfamiliarity between religious traditions. Observable differences between beliefs and behaviors of religious minority groups and the cultural mainstream are thought to demarcate group boundaries. However, little scholarship has examined why some practices become symbolic boundaries that reduce support for religious accommodation in public policy, while nearly identical practices are tolerated. We hypothesize that politics is an important component of the process by which some religious practices are transformed into demarcations between "us"and "them."We conduct an original survey experiment in which people are exposed to an identical policy demand - women-only swim times at a local public pool - attributed to three different religious denominations (Muslim, Jewish, and Pentecostal). We find that people are less supportive of women-only swim times when the requesting religion is not a part of their partisan coalition.

Women politicians have been discriminated against or negatively valued under stereotypes in media coverage and have been given a secondary role compared to male politicians. The article proposes an analysis of the treatment given by digital media to women political leaders. They are from different parties in three countries and the aim is to identify the polarity (positive, neutral or negative) of the information published about them in the media. The text focuses on the cases of Anne Hidalgo and Marine Le Pen, from France, Nicola Sturgeon and Theresa May, from the United Kingdom and Ada Colau and Inés Arrimadas, from Spain. The study develops a computerised sentiment analysis of the information published in two leading digital newspapers in each country, during the month of November 2019. The research, with the analysis of 1100 journalistic pieces, shows that the polarity or valence of the women analysed is predominantly neutral and positive and that the journalistic genres do not determine the media representation of the women studied. On the contrary, the country of study does have a predominant incidence on the way in which women politicians are represented, while the relationship of affinity or antipathy of the Spanish media with the women politicians studied is significant.

Background Child maltreatment is a global risk factor for mental health. The burden of child maltreatment is heaviest in low- and lower-middle-income countries, where most of the world’s children live. This study sheds light on the occurrence of child maltreatment within Egypt’s upper social class stratum, countering a long-held belief that violence against children only occurs within low-income households. In addition, the study examines the association between exposure to child maltreatment and psychopathology, life satisfaction and resilience among emerging adults in Egypt, and whether emotion dysregulation mediates these relationships. Participants were 171 college students who were selected based on a series of questionnaires about exposure to child abuse and neglect, psychopathology, satisfaction with life, and resilience, as well as difficulties in emotion regulation. Results A rate of 48% of exposure to at least one type of child maltreatment before the age of 18 was found. Experiencing antipathy and/or sexual abuse was most strongly associated with PTSD and depression, while exposure only to antipathy contributed to lower life satisfaction and resilience. Emotion dysregulation mediated the associations between antipathy and PTSD, depression, life satisfaction, and resilience, as well as the associations between sexual abuse and PTSD and depression. Conclusions The present study hints at a comparably high rate of exposure to child maltreatment among the higher social class stratum, producing data that highlights the association between child maltreatment and mental health in emerging adults in Egypt. These findings emphasize that child maltreatment transcends social class, and that attempting to address the issue requires changing social and cultural belief systems that bolster violent behavior.

Machiavelli’s antipathy toward institutionalized Christianity has been very well documented, but less attention has been afforded to whether there might be some version of Christianity of which he ...

Human fear and antipathy toward snakes make conservation and management of these species difficult, as negative attitudes are not generally linked to public support. However, our understanding of w...

In many countries, Sinophobia or discrimination against Chinese has taken place amid the Covid-19 pandemic. While this wave of Sinophobia is popularly understood to be based on a stereotypical association of Chinese with coronavirus, I argue that at a time of international tensions surrounding China, political antipathy toward China and Chinese matters as well. Thus, there is a phenomenon of “triple conflation” in which the health, racial, and political/national statuses of Chinese people become intermingled. In this study, I examine this triple conflation based on dozens of select cases covering Sinophobic actions of governments, politicians, media, businesses and lay persons in North America, Australia, New Zealand, and Western Europe. My study consists of three parts using three respective interdisciplinary approaches. First, using a sociological approach, I argue that the racial and national statuses of Chinese are both, and sometimes interchangeably, used as identity markers for implementing containment, a public health measure that easily leads to stigmatization. Second, using a discursive approach, I examine how political claims unfavorable to China/Chinese are constructed in discussions of the pandemic. Third, using an interpretive approach, I analyze how Covid bio-political metaphors present certain imaginaries depicting Chinese as suspicious bio-political subjects. These three parts are unified in my analysis of the geopolitics of belonging, in which Chinese people’s rights to certain social and physical spaces are contested sometimes thorough administrative means (such as travel restriction) and sometimes through mental representations (such as the imagination of Chinese as alien).

The middle years of the nineteenth century are notable in the history of Catholicism in England for the development of the ‘papal aggression’ crisis. Catholic emancipation had been met with suspicion by Protestant groups and this suspicion grew into violent antipathy with the publication by Nicholas Wiseman of ‘Ex Porta Flaminia.’ At the same time that this crisis was emerging, Catholic charitable organizations were also attempting to garner support from the state for the building of Catholic schools. With a boom in the poor, urban population, fuelled by the arrival of Irish refugees, this assistance was urgently required. In the midst of this a small school in the heart of London became the focus of a cause célèbre. The belief that this school had been funded by lucre, defrauded from dying and vulnerable members of the Somers Town community by simonist priests, provided the source of a widespread conspiracy theory. The result of this conspiracy theory was a lawsuit, brought in 1851 by the relatives of a deceased benefactor of the school, against the newly enthroned Cardinal Wiseman. Metairie vs. Wiseman became one of the most celebrated and cited cases of the early Victorian era.

This article concerns the interrelations of epistemic and physical gendered violence in two award-winning contemporary Irish novels, A Girl Is a Half-formed Thing (2013) and Milkman (2018) by Eimear McBride and Anna Burns, respectively. It argues that patriarchal naming power which defines women as sexual objects is inextricable from the physical violence featured in both texts. Using theories of violence and naming, it examines how, faced with a climate of constant and submerged sexual threat, “middle sister” (as the narrator is called) and “Girl” (the protagonist of A Girl Is a Half-formed Thing) attempt to appropriate dominant patriarchal narratives to retain subjectivity in the face of violence. While “middle sister” comes to recognize and articulate the violence done to her, Girl’s internalization of violence leads to the annihilation of both self and body.

This article presents a reading of Louis-Ferdinand Céline through the concept of trolling. A relatively new phenomenon, trolling denotes an attempt to elicit a negative response in a chosen target via deliberate provocation or incitement. While inextricable from the online social media platforms that have facilitated its emergence as a discursive mode, trolling is dependent on rhetorical strategies that are hardly new: irony, self-referentiality, effrontery, aggression, etc. Trolls seek to cultivate a brand around the antipathy they delight in triggering. I contend that Céline attempted to do just this in the postwar period, and more specifically in the series of interviews he conducted at Meudon in the last decade of his life. I thus argue against some recent scholarship that claims that Céline attempted to regain, by expressing contrition, a sympathetic audience following his condemnation for having published a series of egregiously antisemitic pamphlets. Rather, I suggest that he sought to instrumentalize his notoriety for his own advantage; some readers, he likely reasoned, are drawn to him because, not in spite of, his infamy. My argument draws on a body of recent writing on the relationship between humour, new media and far-right politics., Cet article propose une lecture de Louis-Ferdinand Céline éclairée par le concept de « trolling ». Le trolling est un phénomène relativement nouveau désignant la pratique visant à susciter de fortes réactions négatives chez autrui par la provocation ou l’incitation. Indissociable des plateformes numériques qui lui ont donné naissance, le trolling repose sur certains dispositifs rhétoriques facilement identifiables : ironie, autoréférence, impertinence, agression, etc. Les trolls visent à cultiver une réputation fondée sur l’hostilité qu’ils se délectent à provoquer. Je voudrais suggérer que Céline a adopté une stratégie similaire dans la période d’après-guerre, et plus précisément dans la série d’entretiens qu’il a accordé à quelques journalistes dans sa maison de Meudon, juste avant sa mort. Alors que certains affirment que Céline, en se repentant, essayait de regagner la sympathie du public après sa condamnation pour avoir publié trois pamphlets furieusement antisémites, je propose que sa véritable intention était d’instrumentaliser sa notoriété pour son propre avantage, car, pensait-il, une part de son lectorat s’intéressait à lui, non pas en dépit de, mais pour son infamie. Mon analyse mobilise un ensemble d’études récemment publiées portant sur l’humour, les nouveaux médias et l’extrême droite.

Latin-Amerikában – a szubkontinens sajátos történelmi helyzete miatt – a terrorizmus ott kialakult formája többfajta ideológiai bázisra is támaszkodik. Egyszerre van benne a spanyol korona ellen vívott függetlenségi harcok hagyománya, az amerikai dominancia és hegemonizmus elleni ellenszenv, a marxista–leninista behatolási kísérletek elutasítása és az ezekre adott sajátos, populista válasz. A szubkontinens társadalmi tudatának formálásában és formálódásában minden korban rendkívüli jelentősége van a Római Katolikus és Apostoli Anyaszentegyháznak.

Growing levels of polarization and out-group hostility have become fashionable explanations for the caustic politics of the Trump presidency. However, partisan and ideological identities cannot explain popular attraction to Trump’s anti-elite and populist rhetoric, nor can polarization and sorting account for rising levels of mass identification as political independents. In light of these discrepancies, we offer an explanation for the Trump era unrelated to traditional left-right identities and ideologies: anti-establishment orientations. We argue that much of what is interpreted as an expression of partisan and ideological extremism or polarization is actually the product of a deep-seated antagonism toward the broader political establishment. We first exhibit the individual-level correlates of anti-establishment orientations, finding that people holding strong anti-establishment views exhibit relatively high levels of anti-social personality traits and distrust of others. We then show that anti-establishment orientations are more predictive than left-right orientations of beliefs in conspiracy theories regarding COVID-19, QAnon, and voter fraud. Most importantly, we demonstrate that, while anti-establishment orientations are positively related to support for Donald Trump, they are negatively related to support for Joe Biden and both major parties. In short, the toxicity emblematic of the Trump era—support for outsider candidates, belief in conspiracy theories, corrosive rhetoric, and violence—are derivative of antipathy towards the established political order, rather than a strict adherence to partisan and ideological dogma. We conclude that Trump’s most powerful and unique impact on American electoral politics is his activation, inflammation, and manipulation of preexisting anti-establishment orientations for partisan ends.

Non-adherence to medical managements or non-compliance with standard shielding maneuvers is a familiar topic in the field of medicine. But now, after delivery of trustable vaccines, though in different brands, refusal of some people, due to personal alibis, to take part actively in vaccination programs against the dominant pandemic of SARS-CoV-2, and energetic encouragement of others to take the same antagonistic attitude, while immunization is the firstline strategy for controlling and preventing the aforementioned sickness, has augmented the said problem, especially when the delivered vaccines are not unreachable for them. Such an attitude, though not prevalent, may be considered as an intruding factor during implementing community vaccination, and if remains unanswered, may delay in some way the desired national outcomes. In the present article the said quandary, along with the plausible psychodynamic, psychopathologic, cultural or administrative causes, as well as available proofs and statistics, has been discussed, concisely

The emergence of any ethno-political conflict is caused by the existence of one or another form of ethnic inequality. Therefore, the settlement of ethnic conflicts requires finding a new, compromise and acceptable for all parties to the conflict balance of mutual satisfaction of their interests. In recent decades, the problem of ethnic conflicts has been one of the most relevant topics for researchers representing various fields of science. The main reason for such a close attention to this issue is the importance of resolving such conflicts, which have also become one of the most common sources of social controversy and political instability. Today, there is a growing emotional tension on the world stage that accompanies conflict interactions and can have both mobilizing and disorganizing effects on the behaviour of conflict participants. In ethnic conflict, as it is developing, the feeling of antipathy or hostility increases. There are always reasons and cases for this.Recent events have shown that ethnic conflicts in different parts of the world go beyond domestic and even regional ones. This is especially important due to the fact that regions of ethnic instability are increasingly associated, both in periodicals and in the scientific literature, with potential subjects of international terrorism. Political and economic spatial structuring consists in the expansion of European integration, the complication of relations between political actors, the change of spheres of geopolitical influence, the transformation of the regime and the democratization of a number of countries. This process is not yet complete, walking and approaching its logical end. Conflict prevention is possible only with a comprehensive approach to solving the problem and combining national policies aimed at harmonizing relations between different ethnic groups, as well as law enforcement agencies and the media.

Suggestions that affective experiences may influence exercise motivation have commonly appeared since the dawn of exercise psychology. However, a measure that captures the nature, the antecedents, and the motivational implications of such experiences has been lacking. We developed the Affective Exercise Experiences (AFFEXX) questionnaire to assess the constructs within a conceptual model, according to which core affective exercise experiences (pleasure-displeasure, energy-tiredness, calmness-tension) are influenced by six antecedent appraisals and, in turn, shape attraction or antipathy towards exercise. We report results from three studies (N = 1799) evaluating internal consistency, test-retest reliability, and factorial, convergent, discriminant, construct, and criterion validity. We show that attraction-antipathy correlates with vigorous (0.55) and moderate-to-vigorous (0.48) self-reported physical activity, and accounts for 11–12% and 6–7% of additional variance, respectively, beyond variance explained by self-efficacy and behavioral intention. Affective exercise experiences warrant further study as possible contributors to motivation. The AFFEXX is available from this link: https://doi.org/10.17605/OSF.IO/EF76R .

Much prior research relies on the idea that antipathy towards immigrants is primarily driven by natives’ perceptions of the threat that immigrants represent to their economic, cultural or national well-being. Yet little is known about whether subjective well-being affects attitudes toward immigrants. This study aimed to examine whether life satisfaction would foster tolerance towards immigrants over time via the indirect influence of political satisfaction and social trust. The sample comprised young native adults (N = 1352; M age = 22.72; SD = 3.1) in Sweden. The results revealed that young adults who were satisfied with important life domains were more likely to extend their satisfaction towards the political system, which consequently resulted in a generalised expectation of trustworthiness and a widening of their circles of trusted others. This then translates into more positive attitudes toward immigrants. The findings provide evidence that it is the causal relationship between political satisfaction and social trust (rather than social trust in itself) which promotes the positive impact of life satisfaction on tolerance towards immigrants. The study highlights that fostering political satisfaction and social trust may play an important role in shaping young people’s positive attitudes towards immigrants.

The article presents the results of the analysis of the issue of attracting young people to public service taking into account social attitudes and trends that prevail among modern youth. The author, based on thematic questionnaire and analysis of domestic and foreign researches of previous years, analyzed the list of basic indicators, which are crucial when young people choose their professional path. This list contains the following items: dominant motivational elements; main problems and shortcomings of public service; categories of prestige and attractiveness; focus on priority directions of work; value installations and determination of the most significant competences, considering the outlook of young people. It has been established, that a key element of the future viability of the Ukrainian civil service is to attract young and ambitious specialists with a modern view of state-building, rejection of outdated, rudimentary approaches to understanding the essence of public administration, an established European-oriented outlook, mobility, openness and political unbiasedness. On the other hand, we need to reform some elements of the modern civil service, which do not correspond to the outlook and behavioral characteristics of young people The main approaches to determining the levels of sympathy and antipathy to public service are indicated. The main stop-factors and disadvantages preventing the involvement of young people in the public sector are highlighted, the moral-value orientations characteristic of the majority of modern youth are modeled and understanding of the primary needs of young public employees is achieved, considering the general psychosocial and philosophical worldview model of society and state perception by young people. The author emphasizes the importance of optimizing the existing system of attracting personnel to the civil service based of a study of the social climate, the gradual increase of the prestige of public service and the creation of more opportunities for creative and professional realization of young people.

Public health policies have been proposed to help address prevalent Canadian obesity rates. Along with the increase in obesity prevalence, explicit weight bias is also rampant in Western society. This paper aimed to assess the association between explicit weight bias attitudes and Canadian public support of these policy recommendations.Canadian adults (N = 903; 51% female; BMI = 27.3 ± 7.0 kg/mPublic support of policy recommendations ranged from 53% to 90%. Explicit weight bias was primarily expressed through a fear of weight gain and the belief that weight gain was within the individual's control based on willpower. Although the Dislike subscale was associated with lower support for several policies that enable or guide individual choice in behaviour change, the Willpower and Fear of fat subscales were associated with greater support for similar policies.This study contributes to evidence-informed public health action by describing public support of public health policies and demonstrating an association between explicit weight bias and public support. A higher total explicit weight bias score increased the odds of supporting primarily less intrusive policies. However, dislike of individuals with obesity was associated with decreased odds of supporting many policies.RéSUMé: OBJECTIFS: Il a été proposé que les politiques de santé publique soient adoptées pour contribuer à réduire la prévalence de l’obésité au Canada. Le biais et les préjugés liés au poids ont augmenté considérablement avec l’accroissement de la prévalence de l’obésité dans notre société occidentale. L’objectif de notre étude était d’examiner si le biais explicite lié au poids était associé au soutien des politiques et des stratégies canadiennes de prévention de l’obésité. MéTHODE: Des adultes canadiens (N = 903; 51 % femmes; IMC = 27,3 ± 7,0 kg/m

With effective and safe COVID-19 vaccines beginning to be distributed across the United States, questions about who should receive the vaccine first have been the focus of public discussions. Yet, over the long-term, questions about the order of distribution will be displaced by questions about how to achieve high levels of vaccination rates. Historically, absent incentives or mandates, Americans have shown ambivalence, if not general antipathy, towards vaccinations, and vaccination rates have generally been low for many vaccines. There is evidence that vaccination requirements across educational settings are an effective policy instrument to increase vaccination rates. We administered a large national survey to assess American's attitudes towards vaccination requirements across three educational settings (daycare, K-12 schools, and universities) in general and for COVID-19 specifically. Partisanship, gender, race, rurality, and perceptions about the appropriate role schools should play in providing health services are substantive predictors of public opinion. While Americans generally support vaccination mandates across all three settings for both types of requirements, support is consistently and significantly lower for COVID19 requirements. The effect of partisanship is accentuated for COVID-19 requirements as compared to general requirements. Drop off in support between general and COVID-19 specific requirements are driven by partisanship, gender, political knowledge, rurality, and having children in the household. Nonetheless, mandates are supported by a majority of Americans. Assessing Americans' opinions of vaccination requirements in educational settings offers an important opportunity to explore the potential of mandates as policy instrument in the government's arsenal against COVID-19 and guide public policy on the issues.

A comfortable classroom environment cannot be separated from the role of the teacher in managing the learning environment. Heterogeneous classroom conditions are a challenge for teachers to create a conducive and meaningful learning atmosphere. This is because each student has different characters, needs, and potentials that need to be developed. On the other hand, the heterogeneity of students if not managed properly can be a source of various problems in the classroom. Starting from bullying, the learning atmosphere is uncontrollable, even the attitude of antipathy to diversity triggers other negative attitudes, such as discrimination and injustice. Therefore, to overcome this problem, it requires the ability of teachers to create a classroom environment that respects diversity (multicultural). Based on this view, multicultural class management is needed. This is because multicultural classroom management is believed to be able to foster student diversity while still adhering to universal human values that are just and in favor of equality. Multicultural classroom management is also able to provide educational services that are by human needs, and respect differences with the human approach. On this basis, this study discusses teacher strategies in managing the diversity of students using a multicultural classroom management approach. Multicultural classroom management needs to be developed to create a more humanist and democratic learning atmosphere which is needed to foster the diversity of students in the classroom. Among the multicultural class management strategies that can be carried out are managing gender diversity, social status, ethnicity, including intelligence

The habit of observing and recording carefully, in words and in drawing, the works of God in nature and of man in art made travel essential to the process of continual rediscovery which characterizes the work of John Ruskin, causing him to repeatedly redraw his map of Europe. In 1840–1, the young man's Evangelical upbringing and antipathy for the classical inhibited his response to Rome, which remained peripheral to the monumental volumes of the mid-century. Shifting religious views and studies of ancient myth prepared the way for two revelatory visits to Rome in the early 1870s. In Oxford lectures, Ruskin read in Botticelli's frescoes in the Sistine Chapel syntheses of oppositions between schools of art, between the natural and the spiritual, Greek and Christian cultures, Catholic faith and Reforming energies. He also came to feel the ‘power of the place’ in holy places of early Christianity and in continuities of peasant life. Rome is therefore relocated as ‘the central city of the world’, but modern realities menaced this vision. What had been an impoverished backwater was undergoing massive redevelopment and industrialization as the capital of a newly unified state with international ambitions. From these changes, commented on in his monthly pamphlet, Fors Clavigera, Ruskin extracted severe lessons for Victorian Britain. This article is about the ways in which the two types of change interact.

In the United States, race and racism are woven into the very fabric of the welfare state. Racial antipathy has undermined public support for benefits perceived as favoring African Americans and ha...

Game online pada saat sekarang ini bukan hanya sekedar pengisi waktu luang tetapi sudah masuk kategori kebutuhan, seiring perkembangan teknologi dan mudahnya mendapatkan akses internet membuat game online menjadi sebuah hiburan yang wajib dimiliki oleh Mahasiswa – Mahasiswa, remaja bahkan orang tua. Pemikiran kebanyakan orang game online mepunyai dampak negatif, kecanduan game online bisa membuat seseorang menjadi antipati terhadap lingkungan sekitar yang sebenarnya, Tetapi dibalik dampak negatif terdapat beberapa dampak positif yang dihasilkan oleh game online yaitu para pemain akan mendapatkan cara berfikir yang cepat dan kreatif yang bisa didapat dari game strategi, tidak hanya itu pemain juga bisa belajar team work dari sebuah permainan game. Para pemain game online bisa memanfaatkan hobi tersebut untuk membuka peluang usaha seperti youtube, jual beli aset di karakter game online, sampai membuat game online sendiri. Teknik pengumpulan sampel pada penelitian ini memakai metode korelasional, jumlah sample yang di teliti 45 orang yang tediri dari 82% laki – laki dan 18% perempuan dangan usia 40% di bawah 20 tahun dan 60% diatas 20 Tahun. Dengan analisa data menggunakan metode Servqual di dapatkan hasil Game Online dapat meningkatkan pikiran kreatif yang berdampak pada kreatifitas dalam berwirausaha.

The focus of this essay is Paul de Man's provocative antipathy towards the category of the aesthetic in his late writings on philosophical aesthetics. I introduce de Man's critique of what he terms aesthetic ideology – a form of ideological communication – which he considers manifest in the aesthetics of Schiller in particular but also in more scrupulously critical philosophers. I begin the essay with Benjamin's well known observation that twentieth century fascisms aestheticized political practice as part of a defence of existing property relations. I introduce de Man's critique of aesthetic ideology as a way of developing or elaborating on what are relatively sketchy comments on the relationship aesthetics and politics in Benjamin's earlier essay.

More research is needed to understand the different vulnerability profiles of university students who engage in non-suicidal self-injury (NSSI). This study sought to classify university students (n = 479; 83.8% female) aged 17–25 years (M = 18.77; SD = 1.42) who had engaged in NSSI within the past year into latent profiles based on their self-perceived difficulties in regulating both positive and negative emotions. Independent samples of students who had a past history of NSSI but had not self-injured within the previous year (n = 439; 82.9% females; Mage = 19.03, SD = 1.62) and who had no history of NSSI (n = 1551; 69.9% females; Mage = 19.02, SD = 1.55) were recruited for comparison purposes. Latent cluster analyses revealed three emotion regulation profiles within the NSSI sample—the Average Difficulties (47.4%), Dysregulated (33.0%), and Low Difficulties (19.6%) profiles—each of which differed meaningfully from both comparison samples on mean emotion regulation difficulties. Students across profiles also differed in their self-reported experiences with parents, particularly with fathers (pressure, antipathy, unresolved attachment, psychological control), and in the extent to which they felt alienated from parents. Lastly, students across profiles differed in the frequency, methods, functions, and addictive properties of their NSSI. Findings highlight that university students who self-injure experience distinct patterns of difficulties with emotion regulation, which are associated with variation in parent–child relational risk factors and NSSI outcomes.