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Copyright of Revista SAAP is the property of Sociedad Argentina de Analisis Politico and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

TikTok se ha convertido en una de las redes sociales más populares en Argentina y el mundo. En otros estudios (Ariza, March y Torres, 2022) hemos observado cómo los dirigentes políticos vinculados a la derecha son quienes se destacan por sobre los demás líderes y acumulan una mayor cantidad de seguidores en TikTok. Uno de los más populares es el líder del espacio La Libertad Avanza, Javier Milei, quien no sólo posee alrededor de 1 millón de seguidores en esta red, sino que es uno de los políticos con mayor presencia y viralización en el entorno digital. El objetivo del artículo es analizar el contenido, los tópicos y el estilo presentado en los videos más populares publicados en la cuenta oficial de TikTok de Milei y en las principales cuentas de apoyo que viralizan su contenido entre octubre de 2022 y marzo de 2023.

Copyright of Revista Uruguaya de Ciencia Política is the property of Instituto de Ciencia Politica (Universidad de la Republica de Uruguay) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article identifies anti-political and anti-establishment content in the videos posted by João Doria on Facebook during the electoral campaign for the S. Paulo city hall. We built a map of characteristics that mark these concepts and observed 81 videos published on the candidate's Facebook during the electoral and pre-electoral period. The analysis showed that Doria predominantly adopted in his videos directed to his audience the modus operandi of a "antipolitics", in which the anti-establishment posture was used to validate himself as an electoral alternative and the anti-political content reached greater engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este artículo analiza experiencias antipartidos que emergieron en Chile entre 1989-2017. Se propone una tipología para reconocer las formas y manifestaciones antipartidos que han surgido al interior del sistema político, en especial las adoptadas por partidos “tradicionales” y por quienes irrumpen por primera vez en la escena política. Se advierte que el fenómeno antipartidos puede ser adoptado tanto en organizaciones y liderazgos de izquierda como de derecha. Desde la izquierda la estrategia antipartido se utiliza para desplazar a los partidos que no han logrado impulsar transformaciones políticas y económicas profundas. En cambio, desde la derecha ha sido empleado como mecanismo de defensa del statu quo y que permite evitar transformaciones a la institucionalidad política vigente.

Copyright of Revista Chilena de Derecho y Ciencia Política is the property of Revista Chilena de Derecho y Ciencia Política and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Quaestio Iuris (QI) is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Mediterranean Knowledge is the property of International Centre for Studies & Research (ICSR) Mediterranean Knowledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El artículo busca comprender y desentrañar la naturaleza histórica de la antipolítica en relación con el neoliberalismo y el contexto de la crisis de la política que se vive en nuestro país. Se hace un recorrido por el marco histórico y teórico del tema, revisando textos de Degregori, Lynch y de otros autores latinoamericanos, centrando luego la atención en la crisis de los partidos y la economía política de la antipolítica. Las conclusiones son provisorias en el sentido de que se trata de respuestas tentativas a las siguientes cuestiones: ¿cómo acabar con la antipolítica?, ¿democratizando la democracia o refundando el país?

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Políticos is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

From the early years of the Republic, the central role played by political parties in Italy's post-World War II democracy was offset by a widespread sentiment of hostility towards professional politicians that had arisen in broad swaths of civil society due to fear of excessive power in the hands of political elites in State institutions. This sentiment, further nurtured in subsequent decades by the troubles associated with Cold War democrazia bloccata ('blocked democracy'), reached a decisive turning point in the 1970s. During that period, under the pressure of world economic crisis and post-1968 extremism and terrorism, rejection of partitocrazia ('party rule') across the ideological divide became a pervasive phenomenon, marked by such emblematic events as the vote in the 1978 referendum on public funding for political parties, the resignation of then President of the Republic Giovanni Leone, and the election in his place of Sandro Pertini: the first key political figure, in Italian democracy, to present himself as an 'ordinary man' rather than a member of the elite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Los medios de comunicación son indispensables en la creación de consensos pero le imponen limitaciones a la propagación de hechos políticos. La reconfiguración de los asuntos públicos, cuando se traslada a las redes sociodigitales, pasa por cinco etapas: simplificación, estandarización, segmentación, propagación y trivialización. En ese contexto se ha extendido la posverdad, que alcanza consecuencias muy relevantes y que abreva en el desprestigio de la política.

Propomos, neste artigo, uma definição do processo de modernização conservadora brasileira enquanto conciliação apolítica-despolitizada entre sociedade colonial e República, em que sujeitos, práticas, valores e relações propriamente arcaicos – como o senhor de escravos e grande fazendeiro rural, a fazenda de café monocultora, o escravismo e uma cultura fortemente essencialista e naturalizada – são reestilizados em termos de modernização brasileira, mantendo, por conseguinte, agora dentro da modernidade-modernização, uma perspectiva autoritária nas práticas políticas, racista no que tange às relações interpessoais, imobilista-inerte no que se refere à atuação da sociedade civil e fortemente tecnocrática em termos de constituição das instituições políticas. A conciliação, uma vez que amalgama em um todo indiviso, indiferenciado e homogêneo a pluralidade dos sujeitos sociopolíticos, suas diferenciações e suas contraposições, permite exatamente (a) o autoritarismo político e o institucionalismo forte, (b) o imobilismo e a inércia das relações sociais, (c) a naturalização e a ossificação da cultura tradicional e (d) a recusa e a deslegitimação da política por meio da afirmação de que a sociedade é uma grande família indivisa, unitária, constituída por laços hierárquicos e naturalizados, sem divisão e conflito internos, bastando, aqui, para a integração social, a ordem institucional pura, correlacionada ao imobilismo político na sociedade civil. Desse modo, e isso é o específico de nossa modernização conservadora, há uma integração de sujeitos, valores, práticas e princípios antagônicos – sociedade colonial e modernidade –, mas sem politização das diferenciações e das contradições dali surgidas, que acabam ficando latentes, invisibilizando-se e sendo silenciadas e desarmadas pela correlação de autoritarismo institucional, militarismo político e arcaísmo cultural. Como consequência, a conciliação institui a antipolítica como o núcleo civilizacional, político e normativo tanto das instituições e dos sujeitos institucionalizados quanto da sociedade civil e dos seus sujeitos sociopolíticos informais, de modo a constituir-se como um imobilismo em movimento, com pouca reflexividade, crítica e transformação internas, consistindo basicamente em uma modernização econômica e periferizando e até deslegitimando a modernização cultural.

This article deepens into the reasons for the creation of political parties and for that, the case of the Spanish Syndicalist Party has been chosen. This election responds to the need of knowing the causes of the birth of a political party out of groups that ideologically reject them. It has been necessary to resort to a historical case as the libertarian movement, given their peculiarities and the difficulty to find examples nowadays. The article starts with a differentiation on anti-party sentiments to define the exceptionality of the phenomenon and, after that, it formulates an initial idea that aims to clarify Lipset and Rokkan's theory on cleavages for the formation of parties. Subsequently, based on the previous theory, a series of hypotheses is established about the factors that favor the creation of parties. The empirical analysis confirms the hypothesis and it serves to conclude that the organizational level of the libertarian movement and its lack of success, together with failures in the electoral market, favored the creation of the Syndicalist Party during the 2nd Republic. Finally, the scope of the results and their relationship with similar and current cases is discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

González Gómez, Alberto Elías. Nietzsche and Landauer. Infuence and Critique. Gustav Landauer was one of the leading voices of 20th -century anarcho-syndicalism. His thinking drew on sources such as mysticism and German philosophy from earlier centuries, particularly the ideas of Friedrich Nietzsche. This article looks at Nietzschean infuences in Landauer's work, concentrating primarily on overall diferences and similarities, the notion of the anti-political, the critique of language, the call to the free creativity of values and the social proposals that arise from their philosophies. The objective of this text is to contribute to the reception of Landauer's thinking in the Spanish-speaking world, as it has not been widely translated or studied in our language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Aufklärung: Revista de Filosofia is the property of Aufklarung: Revista de Filosofia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El giro conservador en algunos países en América Latina, que han acogido a gobiernos progresistas, se ha caracterizado por un discurso y unas prácticas que parecen perseguir el vaciamiento de los contenidos políticos conflictivos de las instituciones y la opinión pública. El presente artículo plantea la existencia de una tendencia en el neoliberalismo que cohíbe los contenidos políticos por medio de la represión o una gestión progresivamente técnica y empresarialista del Estado. A esto le denominamos estrategias antipolíticas duras y blandas, respectivamente. Este artículo valora el efecto politizador que han tenido los gobiernos progresistas mediante una serie de viñetas geopolíticas. Se concluye que, aunque el carácter antipolítico del actual giro conservador prueba la capacidad politizadora de los gobiernos progresistas, los contenidos apolíticos se encuentran presentes también en estos últimos, y corren el riesgo de hacerse preponderantes en un contexto de regresión de la izquierda en la región.

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Políticos is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Today many countries are witnessing a waning of confidence in party politics and the growing success of populist movements, with their hostility towards the principles of liberal democracy and impatience with representative and parliamentary mechanisms. We asked three eminent political scientists, Alfio Mastropaolo, Paolo Pombeni and Loris Zanatta, how we should evaluate this populist challenge to party legitimacy and to representative institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La actual decimosexta legislatura es un ejemplo de la historia reciente de la República Italiana. El derrumbe de la alianza que apoyaba a Romano Prodi, la coalición denominada L'Unione, dio lugar a la creación de nuevos partidos y bloques que dieron la victoria en 2008 a Berlusconi. Tras los numerosos y graves escándalos, y la difícil situación económica que propiciaron su caída, el Presidente de la República encargó a Mario Monti formar un nuevo gobierno a la espera de las elecciones previstas para 2013. Entonces, nuevas formaciones, como el Movimento 5 Stelle (M5S) de Beppe Grillo, y nuevas agrupaciones jugarán un papel importante en la elección del próximo gobierno.

In Italy, the satirical press has always had a wide readership. The historians, on the contrary, rarely have used the satirical press as a source in their studies, although it is a key source to history of mentality. More than any other means of expression, satire requires the complicity of his audience. The satirist, whether he want coax or whether disturb his readers, must confront with their mentality and he must start from it to develop the ways of expression and the content of the message. During the giolittian age the difficulty of building a successful relationship between the government and the citizens created the conditions for the diffusion of a general dissatisfaction with the ruling class and politics in general. In this context, the satire has played a significant role to represent the public opinion and it has offered a framework to the anti-politics feeling to express themselves. Looking to the pages of the «Travaso delle idee», a famous satirical magazine, we can be study and understand the mentality of middle class, and we can derive a paradigm of anti-politic rhetoric declined from satire.

Copyright of Relações Internacionais is the property of Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyzes the validity of Machiavellian thinking in order to explore the contemporary era in a purposeful way. The current time can be characterized as troubled and unstable, with the alliance between great wealth and fortune and anti-politics adding an extraordinary destabilizing force. In this scenario, the invocation of virtue, as was suggested by Machiavelli, remains valid. Resetting politics based on plural deliberation and engagement with the virtues of excellence, veracity and authenticity, may allow the overcoming of wealth and fortune. At the very least, this is necessary if we want to avoid the sharp edges of anti-politics and to fight populism, the disturbing shadow of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El presente artículo realiza una revisión crítica de la cuestión de la democracia latinoamericana, la cual enfrenta retos y obstáculos nuevos. Por ello, en él se abordan temas ligados a la democracia latinoamericana, como la precariedad y fragilidad, las transiciones interminables e inacabadas que se confunden con la consolidación democrática, la crisis de la representación y el ascenso de la antipolítica. Finalmente, la polarización y el antagonismo económico, social y político en la zona se traduce en una confrontación de proyectos nacionales que tienden a enfatizar el orden y la seguridad, por un lado, y la cuestión social y la extensión de la democracia, por el otro.

Copyright of Esferas is the property of Esferas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Teoría y Praxis is the property of Editorial Universidad Don Bosco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Sociología is the property of Universidad de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay is an analysis of the main political and cultural problems connected with the accelerated modernization in the Andean area since 1980. Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia experience now a growing disillusion with the political parties and also with the democratic system (antipolitics), which may have incalculable consequences, for the traditional political culture of authoritarianism is still very strong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]