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espanolEste trabajo identifica los cambios y continuidades en la percepcion de la corrupcion legislativa en America Latina en el periodo 1990-2016. A partir de los datos de opinion del proyecto «Varieties of Democracy» de la Universidad de Gotemburgo y el Instituto Kellogg, se explora el peso que podrian tener variables partidistas e institucionales sobre la percepcion de la existencia de actividades ilicitas en los legislativos latinoamericanos. Los datos revelan que la ausencia de mecanismos de control y fiscalizacion ejercidos por el organo legislativo y la jurisdiccion ordinaria, la mercantilizacion de la movilizacion electoral y el peso de los intereses particularistas frente al bien comun, son los factores que incrementan la probabilidad de percibir como corrupta la labor parlamentaria. EnglishThis work identifies changes and continuities in expert perceptions about legislative corruption in Latin America since democratic consolidation in 1990 to 2016. We use public opinion data from «Varieties of Democracy» project from Gothenburg University and Kellogg Institute, to explore the effect of partisan variables, and institutional variables, on the perception of legislative corruption in Latin America. Data shows that the lack of control by the legislative opposition and the ordinary courts, the commodification of electoral mobilization and the primacy of particularistic interests over the common good, are variables that increase the probability of perceiving parliamentary work as corrupt.

This chapter uses an individual approach to analyze satisfaction with democracy (SWD) among both Latin American citizens and their representatives. We compare differences in levels of SWD and analyze the impact of five groups of factors included in the AmericasBarometer and PELA project: political trust and corruption, political performance, economic performance, political and cultural attitudes, and a cluster of sociodemographic variables. The analyses reveal critical discrepancies in the levels of satisfaction with democracy between the two groups. Latin American legislators seem to be more satisfied than their citizenries. Moreover, the variables that explain SWD levels in both groups are different. Results indicate that citizens have a more holistic vision when evaluating their level of satisfaction with their democracy, valuing those policies that affect society as a whole, or the general economic situation. Nevertheless, political elites SWD is related to more specific elements: being part of the government or the opposition, trust in the presidential figure, or the expression of post-materialistic values. These findings contribute to the comparative literature in SWD between old and new democracies. At the same time, it offers a novel comparative view of representatives and citizens, whose differing visions of how democracy works clearly reflect each group’s position within the system.

O artigo analisa as atitudes e percepções políticas dos espanhóis como constitutivas de sua cultura política, apontando o papel das atitudes políticas como um elemento necessário ao estabelecimento e consolidação da democracia no país. Apesar de concordar com a definição de Almond e Verba (1965) de que as atitudes políticas são englobadas pela cultura política, a autora apresenta uma crítica à sua classificação que divide as orientações em cognitivas, afetivas e avaliadoras e propõe que a distribuição das orientações não pode ser predeterminada, mas provém justamente da inter-relação entre elas. Em seguida, a autora propõe a construção de um modelo que distribua e agrupe os indicadores atitudinais diferentes dimensões. Embora as dimensões encontradas aproximem-se da classificação apresentada por Almond e Verba para a explicação do comportamento político, elas resultam de uma estrutura dimensional indutiva.The article considers attitudes and perceptions in Spain as aspects of the political culture, affirming the control role of the democratic political attitudes in the process of democratic consolidation. Although the author agrees to Almond and Verba (1965) definition that political culture includes political attitudes, the discusses their classification, which separates political orientations and political attitudes. She argues that distribution of orientations cannot be predetermined, and that results of their interrelations. The author presents a model of distribution and grouping the attitudinal indicators in different dimensions. The model resulted in a inductive dimensional schema.

This study aims to provide information on parliament from a different point of view: that of its members. It explores the characteristics that define them, and the aspects that motivate and preoccupy them, and bring them satisfaction through the performance of their activity in the chambers of deputies throughout Latin America. This study also seeks to establish similarities between the different countries as regards the behavior, perceptions and sensations of their parliamentary class.