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We offer a new interpretation of the structure of municipal electoral competition in Vancouver, focusing on the city's high-profile municipal election in 2018. Using novel "cast vote records"—a dataset containing each of the 176,450 ballots cast in the city's municipal election—we use a Bayesian multidimensional scaling procedure to estimate the location of every 2018 candidate and voter in Vancouver in a shared two-dimensional political space. We then use data from the Canadian Municipal Election Study (CMES), a large election survey undertaken in Vancouver in 2018, to interpret this political space, assessing 96 possible correlates of CMES respondents' locations in political space. We find evidence of a single primary dimension of competition, structured by left-right ideology, along with a secondary dimension dividing establishment from upstart parties of the right. Our paper supplies a new interpretation of Vancouver's electoral landscape, clarifies our understanding of the role of left-right ideology in municipal electoral competition, and demonstrates the promise of cast vote records for research on municipal elections and voting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We provide a mixed-methods, comparative analysis of the development of the urban-rural electoral cleavage in Canada, Great Britain, and the United States from the early 20th century to the present. Using aggregate election results, electoral district boundary files, and electoral district population measures, we construct a new comparable dataset of district election results and urbanity for the lower house of the legislature in each country. We use this dataset to measure the importance of the urban-rural divide for election outcomes across countries and time. We find that the cleavage has widened over time in each country, each arrived at its current urban-rural divide via a distinct developmental trajectory, which we interpret with reference to secondary literature. We conclude by discussing the significance of our findings for theories of both the causes and consequences of urban-rural divides and discuss the implications of our work for the comparative study of urban-rural cleavages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why are some constitutions amended more frequently than others? The literature provides few clear answers, as some scholars focus on institutional factors, whereas others emphasize amendment culture. We bridge this divide with new theoretical and empirical insights. Using data from democratic constitutions worldwide and U.S. state constitutions, we examine how social capital reduces the transaction costs imposed by amendment rules. The results indicate that constitutional rigidity decreases amendment frequency, but group membership, civic activism, and political trust can offset the effect of amendment rules. Our findings have important implications for scholars in public law, constitutional and democratic theory, and social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a new measure of urbanity for every federal electoral district in Canada from 1896 to the present, this article describes the long-term development of the urban-rural divide in Canadian federal elections. We focus on three questions: (1) when the urban-rural divide has existed in Canada, identifying three main periods—the 1920s, the 1960s and 1993–present—in which the urban-rural cleavage has been especially important in federal elections; (2) where the urban-rural divide has existed, finding that in the postwar period the urban-rural cleavage is a pan-Canadian phenomenon; and (3) how well urbanity predicts district-level election outcomes. We argue that the urban-rural divide is important for understanding election outcomes during several periods of Canadian political development, and never more so than in recent decades. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings for research on urban-rural cleavages, Canadian electoral politics and Canadian political development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We construct a new measure of the aggressiveness of COVID-19 policies in 75 Canadian and American cities and estimate the effect of these policies on mobility patterns in each city. Using a new dataset of five municipal COVID-19 policy indicators for each of our 75 cities, combined with 11 provincial/state policy indicators, we estimate a daily measure of the "aggressiveness" of the provincial/state and municipal COVID-19 policy mix in each city. We then estimate the effects of these policies on subsequent mobility behaviour using dynamic time series models. We find strong evidence of policy effects on subsequent mobility behaviour, but few overall differences between Canadian and American cities. We discuss the significance of our findings both for COVID-19 policy research and for other comparative urban policy research in multilevel policy environments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Municipal governments are experts in social non-distancing. From swimming pools to libraries, streetcars to public parks, municipalities bring residents together and move them around—services vital to a vibrant community in ordinary times, but potentially disastrous in a pandemic. Municipal decisions to shutter these services and enforce social distancing are thus crucial for a successful COVID-19 response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses research which focused on the estimated death toll of the genocide against the Tutsi and Hutu ethnic groups in Rwanda during the 1994 Rwandan Civil War. Topics discussed include the use of data derived from various organizations such as Africa Rights, Human Rights Watch, and the Rwandan Ministry of Youth, Culture and Sport, the application of the Markov Chain Monte Carlo Simulation method in the study, and the estimates of error that need to be considered.

Because decision making is complicated, political elites seek advice when making decisions, and the ways in which they use that advice has systematic features. But, analyses of decision making among elites usually fail to account for advice. We take advantage of unique information about the advice provided to one set of elites to empirically uncover the effect of advice. Specifically, we examine law clerk recommendations on cert to Justice Blackmun. We find that, even after controlling for known determinants of cert and considering sequential decision making, the advice of a trusted advisor matters greatly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent statistical literature has paid attention to the presentation of pairwise comparisons either from the point of view of the reference category problem in generalized linear models (GLMs) or in terms of multiple comparisons. Both schools of thought are interested in the parsimonious presentation of sufficient information to enable readers to evaluate the significance of contrasts resulting from the inclusion of qualitative variables in GLMs. These comparisons also arise when trying to interpret multinomial models where one category of the dependent variable is omitted as a reference. While considerable advances have been made, opportunities remain to improve the presentation of this information, especially in graphical form. The factorplot package provides new functions for graphically and numerically presenting results of hypothesis tests related to pairwise comparisons resulting from qualitative covariates in GLMs or coefficients in multinomial logistic regression models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most studies posit and identify a linear and negative relationship between democracy and the violation of human rights. Some research challenges this finding, however, suggesting that nonlinear influences exist. Within this article, we examine the structure of the relationship between democracy and repression during the time period from 1976 to 1996. To conduct our analysis, we utilize diverse statistical approaches which are particularly flexible in identifying influences that take a variety of functional forms (specifically LOESS and binary decomposition). Across measures and methodological techniques, we found that below a certain level, democracy has no impact on human rights violations, but above this level democracy influences repression in a negative and roughly linear manner. The implications of this research are discussed within the conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]