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Industrially produced trans fat (iTFA) is a harmful compound created as a substitute for animal and saturated fats. Estimated to cause up to 500,000 deaths per year, it is replaceable. In 2018, Resolve to Save Lives, the World Health Organization (WHO), Global Health Advocacy Incubator, and NCD Alliance partnered to achieve global trans fat elimination. The WHO Director-General called for the elimination of trans fat by 2023 through best practice policies outlined in the WHO REPLACE package. Since the accelerated global efforts in 2018, 43 countries have adopted best practice regulations protecting an additional 3.2 billion people and building momentum toward global elimination. Current coverage will prevent 66% of deaths estimated to be caused each year by trans fat in foods. Despite producing and selling iTFA-free products in many countries, companies continue to sell iTFA-containing products in unregulated markets. Global incentives, accountability mechanisms, and regional policies will help achieve the elimination goal., Competing Interests: Funding Support and Author Disclosures Funders include Bloomberg Philanthropies, the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, Chan Zuckerberg Initiative, Founders Pledge, and Lyda Hill Philanthropies. The authors have reported that they have no relationships relevant to the contents of this paper to disclose., (Copyright © 2024 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.)

Background: Public health scholarship has uncovered a wide range of strategies used by industry actors to promote their products and influence government regulation. Less is known about the strategies used by non-government organisations to attempt to influence commercial practices. This narrative review applies a political science typology to identify a suite of 'inside' and 'outside' strategies used by NGOs to attempt to influence the commercial determinants of health., Methods: We conducted a systematic search in Web of Science, ProQuest and Scopus. Articles were eligible for inclusion if they comprised an empirical study, explicitly sought to examine 'NGOs', were in English, and identified at least one NGO strategy aimed at commercial and/or government policy and practice., Results: One hundred forty-four studies met the inclusion criteria. Eight industry sectors were identified: extractive, tobacco, food, alcohol, pharmaceuticals, weapons, textiles and asbestos, and a small number of general studies. We identified 18 types of NGO strategies, categorised according to the target (i.e. commercial actor or government actor) and type of interaction with the target (i.e. inside or outside). Of these, five NGO 'inside' strategies targeted commercial actors directly: 1) participation in partnerships and multistakeholder initiatives; 2) private meetings and roundtables; 3) engaging with company AGMs and shareholders; 4) collaborations other than partnerships; and 5) litigation. 'Outside' strategies targeting commercial actors through the mobilisation of public opinion included 1) monitoring and reporting; 2) protests at industry sites; 3) boycotts; 4) directly engaging the public; and 5) creative use of alternative spaces. Four NGO 'inside' strategies directly targeting government actors included: 1) lobbying; 2) drafting legislation, policies and standards; 3) providing technical support and training; and 4) litigation. NGO 'outside' strategies targeting government included 1) protests and public campaigns; 2) monitoring and reporting; 3) forum shifting; and 4) proposing and initiating alternative solutions. We identified three types of NGO impact: substantive, procedural, and normative., Conclusion: The analysis presents a matrix of NGO strategies used to target commercial and government actors across a range of industry sectors. This framework can be used to guide examination of which NGO strategies are effective and appropriate, and which conditions enable NGO influence., (© 2023. BioMed Central Ltd., part of Springer Nature.)