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A set of new indices for interpreting change in life expectancies, as well as a technique for explaining change in life expectancies by change in mortality at each age group are presented in the paper. The indices, as well as the new technique for explaining the differences in life expectancies, have been tested and examples using United States life tables are presented. The technique for explaining life expectancy differentials can be used for analyzing change in mortality or mortality differentials by sex, ethnicity, region, or any other subpopulations. The technique can be applied to life expectancies at birth or temporary life expectancies between any desirable ages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper has two principal aims: (1) to analyze and measure how the demographic variables-mortality, fertility, and immigration- affect the cost of education; (2) to evaluate what possibilities developing countries, such as those of Latin America, have for a rapid educational improvement. The paper relates demographic and educational variables of three different populations: Sweden, 1840-1965; the United States, 1850-1960; and Latin America, 1930-2000. Three educational variables are also cone sidered: (a) school attendance rates by sex and age; (b) distribution of students of same age by grade; and (c) cost of student by grade. Demographic changes in countries such as Sweden and the United States were favorable for the development of education. For the future, unless an increase of fertility occurs, mortality and fertility changes will not have a significant effect on the cost of education in these countries. In current less developed countries the demographic changes during the past were less favorable to educational development. A future reduction of fertility will significantly help them to achieve a higher educational level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A study by historical comparison of the fertility trends related to mortality levels is made between Latin America and Europe. The purpose of such study is to show why Latin America did not repeat the European mortality-fertility pattern during 1930-1960. Differences between the two areas are established, and an explanation is given about the particular Latin America mortality-fertility model. The effects of such a Latin America trend are pointed out, principally in relation to population growth, city growth and labor force. Hypothetical Latin American populations are calculated under the assumption that the area has repeated the European pattern. A comparison between these hypothetical populations with the actual ones shows how different the situation of the area has actually been. Nevertheless, an analysis of the necessary fertility changes in order to reproduce the European model shows that it was impossible for Latin America to repeat the European mortality-fertility experience during 1930-1960. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using 69 new life tables recently made by Arriaga for Latin American countries by stable-population methods, the authors examine the mortality trends for more countries and more periods of history than have previously been available for analysis. For the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the new tables yield a substantially lower life-expectancy than that shown by previously published life tables; for recent decades the difference is smaller, though in the same direction. As a consequence, the new tables show a speed of mortality decline in Latin America greater than the speed hitherto assumed. When the trend is analyzed in terms of economic development, it appears that the decline was extremely slow in the more backward Latin American countries until around 1930, whereas in the more advanced countries of the region, a more rapid decline had set in before that. After 1930, however, in both groups of countries the pace of decline was faster than ever, and it was virtually the same for both groups, suggesting that after that date public health measures were exerting a strong influence independently of local economic development. This result is confirmed by comparison with the past history of now developed countries; the mortality decline in Latin America after 1930 was much faster than it was historically at the same level in the industrial countries. As compared with other underdeveloped countries today, the unprecedented decline of mortality in Latin America is typical. In most underdeveloped countries, whether in Latin America or elsewhere, mortality change seems increasingly independent of economic improvement and more dependent on the importation of preventive medicine and public health from the industrial countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The use of the new index of years of life lost allows us to relate mortality by age and causes of death to the change of the life expectancy, at birth or between any given ages. This index replaces the use of the multiple decrement life tables for analyzing the impact of the change in mortality by age and cause of death on the life expectancies....The article presents the theoretical derivation of the index, some examples of its use, and a detailed calculation." Examples provided include Mexico, Chile, and Argentina. (SUMMARY IN ENG), (excerpt)

"The level and change of mortality can be measured in several ways not only because [of] the selected index, but also because of the way that the mortality change is measured. This document considers the indexes more frequently used for measuring the level of mortality, including the one of years of life lost recently developed. Each index is analyzed in relation to its accuracy for measuring the level and change of mortality, and advantages and disadvantages of each of them are discussed. The index years of life lost is presented with some details, since it was developed rather recently." (SUMMARY IN ENG), (excerpt)

"The article analyzes [selected] developing countries with reliable information on adult mortality between ages 15 and 65 years....A brief analysis of each country indicates the following aspects. Females maintained a more sustained and systematic decline of adult mortality than males. There are some countries that in spite of reasonable development, as Mexico, still have a great excess of male mortality in relation to other countries. Finally, some countries experienced a stagnation of the male mortality decline, while females continued benefiting from a decline of mortality." (SUMMARY IN ENG), (excerpt)

"The analysis concentrates on the mortality of [the] adult population at ages 15 to 74 in 8 countries of the American continent.... Results are presented by age, sex and principal groups of causes of death. It is concluded that: a) mortality can significantly decline further in the Americas; b) there are noticeable mortality differentials by cause among countries; [and] c) all the countries still have excess mortality in certain age groups and causes of death, and hence, the mortality transition has not ended." (SUMMARY IN ENG), (excerpt)

"The use of the logistic function in demographic techniques and analyses has increased significantly during recent years. Nevertheless, not too much attention has been given to the function of the constants nor to the consequences of the implicit assumptions when the function is used for estimating some demographic parameters. In this article, the author underlines the meaning of the constants in the logistic function when applied in some demographic cases, and gives some examples of the assumptions involved in the application of the logistic to the trends of urban/rural populations, life expectancies, and the logit transformation." (summary in ENG), (excerpt)

This study begins with a brief analysis of past and present urban-rural mortality in those countries which are presently considered to be developed. The same analysis centers in developing countries, for it is thought that their rural mortality should be greater than their urban mortality. Since available statistics generally show the contrary, a way is presented for constructing possible means of sub-registering vital statistics in some areas of these countries. The index would vary to agree with the system of the registry of vital statistics in a given area. Mexico is used as an example-the result of constructing and analyzing the index is to show in which areas there should be a subregistry of deaths. Finally, the cases of India and Taiwan are analyzed in order to confirm the hypothesis that in developing countries there will be a higher mortality rate in. rural than in urban areas.