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The broad aim of most sexuality educational programs is to improve and promote health among students (Epstein and Johnson 1998; Allen 2005; Aggleton and Campbell 2000). Various education programs aim for young people to receive preparation for their sexual lives and be educated against sexual abuse and exploitation (Carmody 2009; Bay-Cheng 2003), unintended pregnancy and sexually transmitted infections (STIs). More contemporary debates about sexuality education argue the value of endeavoring to educate students about sexual pleasure and desire, aiming to bring about attitudinal changes at the local level of social and political activity (Fields 2008; Lesko 2010). With these intentions the teaching and learning of sexuality education is positioned to be invested, not only in conveying sexual information, but also in producing a specific kind of sexual individual. In this frame, the effectiveness of the mobilization and maneuvering of this subject within schools and in the classroom is essentially based on pedagogy. A closer analysis of the intricate processes of how teachers' pedagogies regulate sexual identities and sexual behavior thus becomes paramount to better understanding effective teaching of sexuality education. This article is about the purposes and the processes of teaching comprehensive sexuality education to diverse communities. It begins with a brief exploration of current pedagogies of sexuality education in Australia and New Zealand. It then presents overlapping but often disputed understandings of sexuality education as well as critical pedagogy to demonstrate critical pedagogy's potential significance for creating comprehensive sexuality education for diverse communities. This is followed by a critical examination of the ways in which teachers' pedagogy in Australian and New Zealand schools explicitly communicates the ''critical'' oriented intent of critical pedagogy with reference to four specific areas: dialogue, critique, counter hegemony, and praxis.

This paper explores the methodological politics of researching at the intersections of sexuality, culture and religion in secondary schools. It draws on experiences during a project concerned with how to address cultural and religious diversity in sexuality education in Australia and New Zealand. The paper focuses on two methodological sticking points, one occurring inside academia and the other outside, in schools. The first coheres around the process of gaining ethics approval from multiple institutional committees and the second accesses schools for participation. These sticking points are conceptualized as effects of a set of discursive and material constraints which are idiosyncratic to school-based sexualities research. We argue that discourses of sexuality and young people are mobilized in both spaces and intersect with a social moment of "risk anxiety" in ways that shape the methodological possibilities of the research. These discourses serve to constitute sexualities research as "risky" and "controversial", an image which impedes the generation of new knowledge in the field. By rendering challenges of this research visible and discursively deconstructing the reasons for them, we refuse to dismiss school-based sexualities research as "too hard". Instead, we aim to keep this topic firmly on the educational research agenda by alerting researchers to its challenges so they may prepare for them.

This article explores the potential of queering as a mode of critique by problematising the ways in which liberal politics of race shape normative understandings of health in a high school classroom. Drawing on findings from an Australian and New Zealand (NZ) research project designed to respond to religious and cultural difference in school-based sexuality education programmes, we critically queer how the Maori concept of "hauora" is deployed in the intended and operational NZ Health curriculum to shape the raced subject. Despite the best intentions of curriculum developers and classroom teachers to utilise Maori ways of knowing to meet their obligations within a bicultural nation, we argue that the notion of "hauora" is domesticated by being aligned with normalising individualistic notions of well-being that reflect the Eurocentric neoliberal individual enterprise subject. Palatable notions of Maori epistemologies as cultural artefacts and iconography drive that "inclusion". The "cunning politic" of (bicultural) recognition legitimates Maori ways of knowing in ways which privilege whiteness--reproducing rather than disrupting networks of power and dumbing down Maori epistemologies.

Objective: To examine current health policy in Australia and New Zealand and assess the extent to which the policies equip these countries to meet the challenges associated with increasing rates of multi-morbid chronic illnesses. Method: We examined reports from agencies holding data relating to chronic illness in both countries, looking at prevalence trends and the frequency of multiple morbidities being recorded. We undertook content analysis of health policy documents from Australian and New Zealand government agencies. Results: The majority of people with chronic illness have multiple morbidities. Multi-morbid chronic illnesses significantly effect the health of people in both Australia and New Zealand and place substantial demands on the health systems of those countries. These consequences are both predicted to increase dramatically in the near future. Despite this, neither country explicitly acknowledges multi-morbidity as a major factor in their policies addressing chronic illness. Conclusion and Implication: In addition to considering policy responses to chronic illness, policy makers should explicitly consider policies shaped to address the needs of people with multi-morbid chronic illness. Key words: chronic illness, co-morbid, chronic illness, health policy, multi-morbid, prevalence. Aust NZ J Public Health. 2010; 34:386-93 doi: 10.1111/j.1753-6405.2010.00571.x

Health inequities and socio-economic disadvantage are causes for concern in Aotearoa New Zealand. Becoming pregnant can increase a woman's vulnerability to poverty, with the potential for an increase in multiple stressful life events. Providing midwifery care to women living in socio-economic deprivation has been found to add additional strains for midwives. Exploring the perspectives of the midwives providing care to women living with socio-economic deprivation can illuminate the complexities of maternity care. To explore the impact on midwives when providing care for socio-economically disadvantaged women in Aotearoa New Zealand. Inductive thematic analysis was used to analyse an open-ended question from a survey that asked midwives to share a story around maternal disadvantage and midwifery care. A total of 214 stories were received from midwives who responded to the survey. Providing care to disadvantaged women had an impact on midwives by incurring increased personal costs (time, financial and emotional), requiring them to navigate threats and uncertainty and to feel the need to remedy structural inequities for women and their wider families. These three themes were moderated by the relationships midwives held with women and affected the way midwives worked across the different maternity settings. Midwives carry a greater load when providing care to socio-economically deprived women. Enabling midwives to continue to provide the necessary support for women living in socio-economic deprivation is imperative and requires additional resources and funding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Background Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people with chronic illness confront multiple challenges that contribute to their poor health outcomes, and to the health disparities that exist in Australian society. This study aimed to identify barriers and facilitators to care and support for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people with chronic illness. Methods Face-to-face in-depth interviews were conducted with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people with diabetes, chronic heart failure or chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (n-16) and family carers (n = 3). Interviews were transcribed verbatim and the transcripts were analysed using content analysis. Recurrent themes were identified and these were used to inform the key findings of the study. Results Participants reported both negative and positive influences that affected their health and well-being. Among the negative influences, they identified poor access to culturally appropriate health services, dislocation from cultural support systems, exposure to racism, poor communication with health care professionals and economic hardship. As a counter to these, participants pointed to cultural and traditional knowledge as well as insights from their own experiences. Participants said that while they often felt overwhelmed and confused by the burden of chronic illness, they drew strength from being part of an Aboriginal community, having regular and ongoing access to primary health care, and being well-connected to a supportive family network. Within this context, elders played an important role in increasing people’s awareness of the impact of chronic illness on people and communities. Conclusions Our study indicated that non-Indigenous health services struggled to meet the needs of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people with chronic illness. To address their complex needs, health services could gain considerably by recognising that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander patients have a wealth of cultural knowledge at their disposal. Strategies to ensure that this knowledge is integrated into care and support programs for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people with chronic illness should achieve major improvements.

Abstract Background Understanding people's social lived experiences of chronic illness is fundamental to improving health service delivery and health outcomes, particularly in relation to self-management activity. In explorations of social lived experiences this paper uncovers the ways in which Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people with chronic illness experience informal unsolicited support from peers and family members. Methods Nineteen Aboriginal and Torres Islander participants were interviewed in the Serious and Continuing Illness Policy and Practice Study (SCIPPS). Participants were people with Type 2 diabetes (N = 17), chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (N = 3) and/or chronic heart failure (N = 11) and family carers (N = 3). Participants were asked to describe their experience of having or caring for someone with chronic illness. Content and thematic analysis of in-depth semi-structured interviews was undertaken, assisted by QSR Nvivo8 software. Results Participants reported receiving several forms of unsolicited support, including encouragement, practical suggestions for managing, nagging, growling, and surveillance. Additionally, participants had engaged in 'yarning', creating a 'yarn' space, the function of which was distinguished as another important form of unsolicited support. The implications of recognising these various support forms are discussed in relation to responses to unsolicited support as well as the needs of family carers in providing effective informal support. Conclusions Certain locations of responsibility are anxiety producing. Family carers must be supported in appropriate education so that they can provide both solicited and unsolicited support in effective ways. Such educational support would have the added benefit of helping to reduce carer anxieties about caring roles and responsibilities. Mainstream health services would benefit from fostering environments that encourage informal interactions that facilitate learning and support in a relaxed atmosphere.