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This article seeks to illuminate the implications of a small state's entry into the realm of space for its national security by inquiring into the space policy of the State of Israel. Israel's technological infrastructure in space boosts Israel's technological advantage, thereby allowing it to enhance military capabilities, as well as contributing in a number of non-military fields. It increases the quality of human resources, encourages scientific research, fortifies the economy, nurtures civilian and defense industries and ultimately contributes to the building of an advanced, highly developed society. Hence, a strong, state-of-the-art, Israeli space program is highly important to its national security in a wider sense.

The construction of the American National Missile Defense System (NMD) has prompted discussion of restrictions on space activities in space law and in international law. An exploration of whether the NMD has `peaceful purposes' and is `defensive' highlights the shortcomings of these legal formulae. Without international consensus on what `peaceful purposes,' `aggression' or `self-defence' constitute, there will continue to be disagreements over the legitimacy of space activities, such as the NMD.

As the European Union takes tentative steps towards creating a 'rapid reaction force' able to operate independently of NATO, an important question is what capabilities that force must have in order to operate effectively. Among those capabilities is the use of space systems for communications and intelligence applications. This article examines the prospects for an independent security space capability in Europe, and the implications of the emerging European interest in space autonomy for US policy.

While Europe is edging towards the creation of a coherent space policy and is also trying to create an EU-wide common security policy, the need to use space assets to support security and defence has been only partially acknowledged. The background to Europe's progress towards its goals in space and security is reviewed and the diverse and vital roles that space technology plays in military operations are elaborated. The author argues that top political-level support for integrating space into the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) must be forthcoming; a good start would be the creation of an official document detailing the full range of spade missions and functions required for the conduct of crisis management operations, to be used as a thematic guide.

The UN Conference on Near-Earth objects (NEO), held in New York, in April 1995, put into perspective the need to establish international cooperation guidelines for NEO planetary defense and research. Policy considerations are suggested to create awareness of NEO hazards through an international mechanism for sharing information. Global assistance should be provided for observation programs, space exploration and research. The capacity to face NEO threats in the future should also be developed.

The need to revamp the U.S. space program and privatize the space transportation facilities has been brought to the notice of the policymakers. The space research and development policy that was pursued by the government until the end of the Cold War have been altered by the bureaucracy of National Aeronautics and Space Administration. Non-military space activity is not feasible from the point of view of national security. Methods of harnessing space energy for commercial use on Earth must also be developed.

The Australian government's involvement in international and domestic space programs began in 1946 and subsequently declined with the end of the Cold War. However, these military programs can be restructured for civil applications that could benefit the public, such as the devlopment of a satellite communications system. Unfortunately, this scenario is being opposed by many Australian companies who are still in favor of pursuing defense applications.