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The framework of cyber-archaeology was developed by Jones (1997, 2003) and later modified by Zimbra et al. (2010) to examine online networks and virtual communities. Since the modification, the method has fallen out of favor and is no longer utilized by qualitative researchers. To rebuild the method for qualitative research, we engaged in four steps of cyberarchaeology for other scholars to replicate. The steps included: (1) research planning (seeking out primary, secondary, and auxiliary documents); (2) slow crawling through virtual settlements, which involved closely reading sites and coding for general characteristics (e.g., interactive vs. intertextual); (3) refining coding for specific categories that address the research question (e.g., types of interactivity and accessibility); and (4) searching for patterns in the data and collecting descriptive data through qualitative content analysis.

In this research, we engaged in a cyber-archaeology of interactive media utilized by Qanon content creators to determine if the concept of diffused intertextual production was present in their work. Most of these content creators were engaged in commercial endeavors with their content. Through our research, we found a communicative strategy similar to diffused intertextual production was utilized by content creators in the Qanon community, but with key differences. We call this emergent strategy centralized intertextual fortification. Our analysis demonstrates that there were different kinds of content creators associated with the Qanon community: intertextual curators, interactive accumulators, and interactive confederates. The first two often "boost" one another and the newer confederates through the content that they produce. In addition, interactivity associated with the various social media and streaming platforms did not allow for followers to take part in the production process as in the case of diffused intertextual production. Instead, the user-to-user interactivity provided by followers of the content creators entailed praise, sharing of virtual objects, and expressions of ideology. Taken together, this centralized use of intertextuality and interactivity allows for these commercially oriented content creators to spread the Qanon intertext, as well as reinforce it through the interactivity of their followers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pan and McLeod's multilevel analysis is utilized to explore interactivity in alternative media production within an activist network to demonstrate the role of interactive media production in one new social movement network.

The following paper explores the establishment of credibility by two forms of alternative media: (1) a traditional alternative media site, and (2) an alternative media program embedded within a mainstream channel. We engaged in a qualitative content analysis of the program Declassified produced by Epoch Times and circulated via YouTube, and the program Hannity broadcast by Fox News. In particular, we focused on the claims made by the hosts, and the sources that they provided in their reports. We found that the host of the former worked to overcome an alternative journalism credibility gap by engaging in mainstream news mimicry, while the host of the latter largely relied on the credibility that came from being embedded in a mainstream channel. Overall, these findings hold important implications for the construction of credibility through alternative media channels that are increasingly influencing mainstream political discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this project, we conducted focus groups with college students at a mid-sized university in order to examine their interpretations of different political advertisements. Our interest emerged from heightened political tensions in the United States that have led to increases in political advertisements targeting people in general, but young people and students in particular. After viewing nine different ads, students were asked a series of questions to generate discussion. Overall, these discussions provided insight concerning the interpretive strategies that were used to make sense of the ads. We found that most of the students would only interpret the campaign ads as "political," while the others--including ads produced by activists--were interpreted as "issue ads" or "topic ads." What is more, most of the students (but particularly those who identified as conservative) found the candidate ads to be untrustworthy, or viewed them as negative. Many of these students explained their interpretations of the candidate ads as a response to the growing negativity and partisanship that they saw in contemporary elections. Such findings hold important implications for strategic approaches to audiences--for both traditional politicians, as well as activist organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]