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Bangladesh-China relations has been a matter of much scrutiny since China emerged as Bangladesh's biggest trading partner in 2006. Most of the research surrounding bilateral relations provided political, economic, and strategic explanations for a rising bonhomie between the two countries. Often, these studies failed to expand the nature of the relationship from regional and global perspectives. This research plans to address these lacunae in the research in understanding the patterns of the contemporary relationship between Bangladesh and China by taking bilateral, regional, and global perspectives into account that reinforce the patterns of the relationship. In other words, this research aims to look into Bangladesh-China relations analyzing the roles of individual and domestic factors, regional politics, and global perspectives. The article, by highlighting China's involvement in Bangladesh on multiple levels, shall argue that without paying attention to and identifying the interplay among the three levels of analysis, the contours of Bangladesh-China relations cannot be fully explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACTBangladesh-China relations has been a matter of much scrutiny since China emerged as Bangladesh’s biggest trading partner in 2006. Most of the research surrounding bilateral relations provided political, economic, and strategic explanations for a rising bonhomie between the two countries. Often, these studies failed to expand the nature of the relationship from regional and global perspectives. This research plans to address these lacunae in the research in understanding the patterns of the contemporary relationship between Bangladesh and China by taking bilateral, regional, and global perspectives into account that reinforce the patterns of the relationship. In other words, this research aims to look into Bangladesh-China relations analyzing the roles of individual and domestic factors, regional politics, and global perspectives. The article, by highlighting China’s involvement in Bangladesh on multiple levels, shall argue that without paying attention to and identifying the interplay among the three levels of analysis, the contours of Bangladesh-China relations cannot be fully explored.

Based on an ethnographic study of former Bangladeshi enclaves in India, the article explores how the India–Bangladesh border is negotiated and reproduced in the everyday spaces of people living in the borderland that is often overlooked by the usual representation of geopolitical nationalism and hard realities of the barbed wire. Enclaves are fragmented territories surrounded by another state, such as Bangladeshi enclaves surrounded by Indian land and vice versa. Being abandoned by the home state, the former enclave residents were deprived of identity documents, and as a result, precluded from judicial and citizenship rights. The article focuses on marriage-related migration of women that was often used as a way out to overcome the vulnerabilities associated with living in the enclaves. Marriage proposal inside the host country promises access to public goods like a 'Ration Card', or identity documents like an 'Aadhaar card', thus determining the possible migration of women—their life paths and destinations across the enclaves and the host country. The latitudes of such migratory life courses of women along the border are determined by their religion and economic status. The study shows that these practices, although often necessary for survival, subsequently compromise the agency of the women in the process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study examines the contemporary Bangladesh–India relationship analyzing the dynamics of geopolitics centring the National Register of Citizens (NRC) and the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA)-2019 in Assam, India. On the basis of secondary data, this paper explores the historical and geopolitical roots of volatile present and uncertain future of the non-registered people, often termed as 'illegal Bangladeshi migrants' living in Assam, portrayed by the Indian ethnocratic state sidelining India's longstanding pluralist traditions and exercises. The central argument of the study is that peddling the issue of 'illegal Bangladeshi migrants' by Indian political elites is destined to transcend the boundary infusing hostility in future into Bangladesh–India relationship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the foreign policy of India towards neighboring countries in the northeast region. Topics discussed include the reasons why the said region may be deemed as geopolitically significant for India, the need for India to address challenges associated with its relationship with China, Bangladesh, and Myanmar, and the evolution of the Look East Policy (LEP) of India with regard to Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) member states.

The paper asserts that Bangladesh survives and thrives not only the global level power rivalry but also the interests of both China and India, especially in maintaining their presence and influence in South Asia and its adjacent regions. Bangladesh enjoys friendly and robust relations with two competing global powers in its geopolitical vicinity, India, and China. While Bangladesh has excellent bilateral ties with India and China, the bilateral relations of China and India suffer from tensions and mistrust. A growing literature on Sino-Indian relations has already pointed out their relations as 'rivalry.' In this context, the paper dwells on the key questions: What implications does the Sino-Indian rivalry bring about for Bangladesh? How is Bangladesh responding to those implications that Sino-Indian rivalry brings? How is Bangladesh shifting its strategic contours of relations with India and China towards a more cooperative framework? The paper argues that these questions are critical for understanding Bangladesh's pursuit of adjusting to the emerging geopolitical environment marked by growing Sino-Indian rivalry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's militarization of its border with Bangladesh has grown alongside a paranoia around the figure of the "infiltrator" made synonymous with the "Bangladeshi illegal migrant." Set in the borderlands of India and Bangladesh, where ethnic, racial, and linguistic markers do not allow for an easy distinction to be made between the Bengali members of two nation‐states, this article focuses on the paradoxes of documentary citizenship. Residents of these highly surveilled borderlands, as well as a variety of state actors, find that simply possessing identity documents is inadequate amid forgery and deception. The possibility of detection—detectability—of the illegal migrant materializes in India's eastern borderlands across three distinct modes of policing: the interceptive, the judicial‐determinative, and the certificatory. Through an ethnographic exploration of these modes of policing, this article sheds light on the political economy of migrant illegality and reimagines detectability, the infinite and promissory search for the impostor within, as the engine that drives the state. Detectability raises new questions beyond the fetishization of documents and the production and navigation of il/legibility. [borders, migrant illegality, policing, documents, South Asia] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's border with Bangladesh figures in the Indian national imagination as a unifying construct for multiple anxieties from illegal immigration to cattle smuggling, thus garnering public support for increased border security. What does a view from the lived and messy realities of the borderlands offer when we shift our focus from the fetish of the borderline as a political and religious marker of difference? This essay tracks the binary of legal–illegal through which cattle in the borderlands are framed, showing how bovines move across different terrains of the agrarian, the sacrificial and everyday cross-border trade in the borderlands and so resist this binary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the civil- military relations in India's increasingly militarized eastern borderlands, particularly the production of national security and logics of threat and protection along an officially "friendly" border. It mentions that Nazirghat is a route on which food and consumer items like cumin, whole spices, candies, cosmetics, and clothing accessories are transported from India to Bangladesh.

Illegal Bangladeshi migration is a matter of concern and has posed a great threat to the national security of India. The issue of illegal Bangladeshi migration remains a potent political issue and assumes much significance in India-Bangladesh bilateral relations, especially in the context of taking a decision in shaping India's foreign policy. How to respond to internal and external threats coming from illegal Bangladeshi migrants is a major challenge. Even more difficult is how to guide India's policy within the region and other regions for fostering cooperation to achieve India's larger national and regional security interest. This issue of illegal migration is a sensitive matter and needs meticulous thinking in the geopolitical chessboard of the Indian subcontinent. Hence, this paper attempts to explain how to deal with the illegal Bangladeshi migration issue in order to minimize the threat to India's internal security and provide the right approach to achieve regional cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bangladesh and India are enjoying increasingly close relations in the latter's northeastern region. This represents a transformation in the two countries' past relationship, which was characterised by suspicion, distrust and insecurity. This recent change, which began with the arrival of Bangladesh's current regime in 2009, has resulted in a sense of cooperation, mutual interest and connectivity. This article aims to explain this transformation. The first part of this article presents the traditional sources of insecurity between Bangladesh and India, which resulted in confrontational relations between the two neighbours. The second part then highlights how a convergence of security, economic and energy cooperation has transformed Bangladesh's relations with India, especially, in its northeastern region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Government of India decided to fence the entire India–Bangladesh border to prevent the illegal immigration from Bangladesh and to prevent the cross-border illegal and antisocial activities. Since the year 1986, the Government of India started the initiative to construct the border fencing in phase manner. The single wire border fencing which was created in the first phase has been replaced by the composite type of barbed wire border fencing a few years ago. Now the border fencing along the international border between India and Bangladesh has become a structural barrier for the Indian families living at the Country’s territorial edge. The families trapped in the geographical space between actual line of partition and the border fencing are living a restricted and deprived life within the limited land.This study is basically focused on the impact of the border fencing on the citizenship rights of the Indian fenced out families. This article will discuss how the defensive policies of the Government are affecting the citizen’s rights at the border regions of the country and subsequently resulting in displacement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite a growing body of work, scholars have rarely engaged with the classic divide of structure and agency in border studies. Drawing on theory of structuration by Anthony Giddens, this article proposes a theoretical approach and/or tool that views borders as the result of a continuous production and reproduction of structure(s) and agents. The framework offers an analysis of what makes each border distinct and of the performance of borderwork. The article briefly overviews major theoretical approaches in critical border studies, presents a brief summary of the theory of structuration, discusses the proposed theoretical framework for border studies, and presents a case study based on the recently exchanged Bangladesh-India border enclaves to demonstrate the application of this framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I examine decentralization through the lens of the local dynamics it unleashed in Bangladesh. I argue that the national effects of decentralization are largely the sum of its local-level effects. Hence, to understand decentralization, we must first understand how local government works. This implies analysing not only decentralization, but also democracy, from the bottom up. I present a model of local government responsiveness as the product of political openness and substantive competition. The quality of politics, in turn, emerges endogenously as a joint product of the lobbying and political engagement of local firms/interests, and the organizational density and ability of civil society. I then test these ideas using qualitative data from Bangladesh. The evidence shows that civic organizations worked with non-governmental organizations and local governments to effect transformative change from the grass roots upwards—not just to public budgets and outputs, but to the underlying behaviours and ideas that underpin social development. In the aggregate, these effects were powerful. The result, key development indicators show, is Bangladesh leap-frogging past much wealthier India between 1990 and 2015. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Inland Water is critical mode of transportation that is cost effective, environmentally friendly, and energy efficient. The significant advantages provided by inland water transportation makes in a suitable option for transportation of bulky cargo to and fro ports as well as for domestic consumption. Inland Water Transport also acts as an income generator for those living on the waterfront. However, in India, inland water transport has never been given priority as a means of transport. The current paper examines the causes of the indifferent attitude of India in developing the waterways as well as the importance of developing them in the context of the connectivity that it provides to Indo-Bangladesh trade potentials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on conceptualization of statelessness and ethnographic research on crucial insights of rightessness, this paper investigates how the politico-geographic-legality constructs statelessness in the enclaves in India and Bangladesh. Following the decolonization process in 1947, both India and Pakistan/Bangladesh inherited more than 200 enclaves, which comprise 80 per cent of the world's enclaves. With improved bilateral relations, India and Bangladesh officially exchanged the enclaves on 1 August 2015, and the enclave dwellers will gradually be granted citizenship rights over the next few years. In this period of transition from statelessness to statehood, this paper can be read as contemporary history. This paper will draw attention to three aspects of statelessness. First, conceptualization of statelessness not only applies to the refugeehood or de-territorialization of people but also relates to the process of constructing transterritorial stateless people. Second, this paper will discuss the condition of statelessness constructed in a politico-geographic-legal trap. And finally, the paper calls for a wider empirical and critical focus on the hidden geographies of de facto statelessness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article investigates Narendra Modi’s Bangladesh policy and India–Bangladesh relations under his regime. It challenges the conventional wisdom that when the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Awami League (AL) regime are in power, India and Bangladesh do not enjoy warm relations and argues the opposite. It contends that water issue and dynamics of domestic politics work as major challenges in forging India–Bangladesh relations. On the contrary, it also identifies opportunities to further strengthen the bilateral relations. It finds that there are a number of untapped potentials that need to be explored and be exploited. It is of greater interest for both India and Bangladesh to foster the bilateral relations based on mutual understanding, respect and reciprocity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India and Bangladesh share much in common, beyond culture. They represent one of the most important relationships in South Asia and, for India; a vital element in its 'Act East Policy' is to establish a close and stable relationship with Bangladesh. At present India- Bangladesh relations entered a new dynamic phase and over the last few years, the two countries signed a number of treaties that encouraged trade and economic cooperation, provided easier connectivity resulting in more people-to-people contact, and most importantly, addressed a number of security issues that had strained their relationship in the past. So, this paper will try to explore the new dimensions of the relationship in between present Modi Government in India and Sheikh Hasina Government in Bangladesh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Connectivity is cornerstone to move forward greater bilateral cooperation and enhance trade, investment, people to people contracts and economic opportunities for India and Bangladesh. Both countries have all ingredient of transport connectivity as historical, cultural and political administrative familiarity and geographical proximity and both have been growing at 6 percent annually over the last two decades. But despite having these ingredients, India and Bangladesh are facing serious connectivity challenges both physical and non-physical that have limited the pace of economic growth and development and poor transportation infrastructure and connectivity impediments have limited the North Eastern Region of India and Bangladesh's opportunities to find markets for their products within and outside the region. This article discusses the rationale for connectivity between India and Bangladesh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

WTO-TRIPS regimes aspire to establish fair and competitive business practice - free from unfair competition, trade piracy, misleading consumers - with a view tofacilitating just and fair dividends to the stakeholders. Bangladesh, as a developing country, needs to reap the benefits from the existing systems. It has huge potentiality with some of its famous foodstuffs, handicrafts and cultural heritage. Although some of its local and indigenous articles are recognized, however they are yet to be protected by the regional and international players. Recent Indian steps to register some reputed foodstuffs and handicrafts of Bangladesh have posed a potential threat to Bangladesh in protecting its legitimate interests. These Indian claims over GIs of Bangladesh are not maintainable under its intellectual property regime. Historical exploration reveals much stronger evidence of the origin of those GIs in some localities that are unquestionably part of Bangladesh. The present-day GI and trade policies strongly advocate restrictions on unfair competition and, thus, recent Indian claims are controversial and questionable in terms of historical origin and legal analysis. The precedents set by the Indian courts place prohibitions on GI piracy of other countries as well. Even under the Indian state, practice in regard to the famous Basmati rice case has proven that the recent attempts to overlook or undermine the issues of legality are not compatible with the country's intellectual property regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses India's problem with Pakistan since independence along with information on India's liberation of East Pakistan, India's variegated relationship with Bangladesh, and India's approach towards Nepal and Bhutan.

The article discusses the relationship between India and Bangladesh along with information on development in India's foreign policy and Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina landmark visit to India in 2010.

The article presents the joint declaration between India and Bangladesh during Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to Bangladesh in 2015 that includes Modi's visit to President of Bangladesh Mr. Md. Abdul Hamid and Modi laying a wreath at the National Martyrs' Memorial at Savar in Dhaka.

The author talks about his experience as the Bangladesh High Commissioner to India, the protean relations between Bangladesh and India since 1975, and the exchange of enclaves as envisaged in the Bangladesh-India Land Boundary Agreement.

The article discusses the relations between India and Bangladesh, focusing on the Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi and Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, and the bilateral agenda.

The article talks about the relationship between India and Bangladesh, focusing on Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to Dhaka, after the ratification of the land boundary agreement by the Indian Parliament.

The article talks about the ties between Bangladesh and India, focusing on the finalization of the Land Boundary Agreement during Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to Bangladesh in 2015 and the Teesta water sharing agreement, which could not be concluded due to Indian domestic politics.

The article is a debate on the Indo–Bangladesh relation which talks about Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to Dhaka in 2015, Bangladesh Prim Minister Sheikh Hasina's visit to Delhi in 2010, and the Framework Agreement on Cooperation and Development signed by the two countries in September 2011.