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The sciences aim to get at the truth about the nature of the world. Do the humanities have a similar goal—namely, to get at the truth about things like novels, paintings, and historical events? I consider a few different ways in which the humanities aim at the truth about their objects, in the process giving rise to epistemic goods such as knowledge and understanding. Two works in the humanities are used as test cases: the historian Tyler Stovall's , Paris Noir (1996) and the musicologist Susan McClary's article, 'The Blasphemy of Talking Politics During Bach Year' (1987). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Arab Law Quarterly has published a special issue on the topic of Islamic constitutionalism. The articles in this issue challenge existing paradigms and emphasize the importance of local context and national politics in shaping debates over the role of Islam in legal systems and constitutions. The authors argue against monolithic thinking and decontextualized analysis in the field of Islamic constitutionalism. They provide examples from Pakistan to illustrate their points and highlight the need for a more nuanced understanding of the role of Islam in constitutional structures. The authors also question the use of the term "Islamic constitutionalism" without considering the diverse interpretations and practices of Islam in different Muslim-majority countries. Overall, this special issue offers a fresh perspective on Islamic constitutionalism and invites readers to explore the complexities and nuances of the topic. [Extracted from the article]

The position of fatwa institutions in cases of blasphemy by cult groups is often seen as representing only the majority Muslims and blaming minority Muslims, as in Indonesia, or seen as a tool to suppress anti-government groups, as in Malaysia. This study aims to explain the position of the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) and Jawatankuasa Fatwa in handling heresy, including the reasons behind the differences in the positions and roles of the two institutions. Researchers use qualitative methods with a comparative legal approach. This study found that MUI's heretical fatwas had no legal force, the central MUI has the authority to enact heretical fatwas within MUI institutions, but not absolutely to respond to national laws, and not play a role in the criminal justice system. Meanwhile, Jawatankuasa Fatwa Kebangsaan (JFK) has the force of law with certain conditions, however, the federal state Jawatankuasa Fatwa has the authority to determine heretical fatwas to respond and strengthen state regulations (blasphemy laws). This research can be used as a reference for law enforcement in handling blasphemy cases by considering the views of MUI and Jawatankuasa Fatwa, which are regulated adequately by laws and regulations.

The centrality of food and drink in the 'Introduction to the Pardoner's Tale', the 'Pardoner's Prologue', and the 'Pardoner's Tale' itself has been shown by a number of scholars, in particular Martin Stevens & Kathleen Falvey (1982), Clarence Miller & Roberta Bux Bosse (1972), Joseph Millichap (1974), Robert Nichols (1967), and Frederick Tupper (1914). This essay builds on their insights by showing that Chaucer deliberately constructs a semantic field of words relating to food, some of which are neologisms. The scholars mentioned above show how the bread and wine of the texts have deeper metaphorical resonances with the Mass. But their insights can be taken further, by demonstrating that Chaucer subverts this layer of meaning with yet another discourse set: words and deep metaphors relating to brokenness, violence, and death, as opposed to the whole, the healthy – the holiness of Christ's body and blood, and its representation in the Christian Mass. In carrying this out, the Pardoner is one of Chaucer's most evil characters, but also becomes one of his most ethical constructions, as he demonstrates what a Christless world would be like. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Imam Serahsi's work, Al-Mabsut examines the relationship between faith and action from the Hanafi-Maturidi perspective, at the intersection of Islamic law and theology. This work provides a comprehensive analysis of the fundamental issues of Islamic thought, exploring the relationship between belief and behavior that has persisted since the early days of Islam. Serahsi meticulously addresses the rulings related to apostasy, the deeds of infidels and polytheists, and the views of the sect leaders on these matters. The emphasis placed on combating disbelief and preserving faith within the work is critical for understanding Islamic law and the belief system. Disbelief is defined as the opposite of faith, and in this context, the struggle against disbelief is fundamental to the preservation of faith. Serahsi's in-depth analyses aid in understanding the core principles and beliefs of Islam, helping Muslims to maintain their faith and avoid the negative impacts of disbelief. This study significantly contributes to understanding the complex structure of Islamic law and theology in terms of the relationship between faith and action, guiding solutions to contemporary issues related to this relationship. Additionally, the examination of the behaviors of different faith groups, such as believers, infidels, and polytheists, within the boundaries of faith and disbelief, facilitates a deeper understanding of Islamic creed and belief principles. Thus, al-Mabsut highlights the close relationship between Islamic law and theology while illuminating complex issues related to religion and faith, serving as a significant academic resource. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indonesia faces a number of acute developmental challenges, hence, there is a need for evidence-based policies to address a range of socio-political issues. This article examines the rise and fall of an ill-fated bill introduced into parliament in 2020 (the "RUU-HIP") which sought to reshape the nation's understanding of the state philosophy, Pancasila, while promoting "policy based on national science and technology." The article argues that Pancasila, which mandates "Belief in the One and Only God" as its first tenet, has a number of unintended and damaging consequences; it limits freedom of religion and thought; bolsters the position of powerful mainstream religious organisations; contributes to extremist, marginalising religious stances; and acts as a potent and pervasive barrier to innovation at all levels of social and political life. As a lens through which to view Indonesia's national ideology, the article examines the RUU-HIP and takes account of the historical roots of the state ideology and the pivotal role of its main progenitor, Soekarno. It examines some of the deleterious effects of Pancasila outlined above and concludes that the first sila, along with a controversial Blasphemy Law, ought to be amended and repealed respectively, to allow for greater freedom of religion and thought. The article concludes that while amending Pancasila may, contrary to prevailing legal thought, be theoretically possible, in the current socio-political climate this would be unthinkable for most Indonesians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Barelvi movement in South Asia—particularly in Pakistan—has long been regarded as the indigenous Islam of the region. It is equated with Sufism, and highlighted as the peaceful and moderate Islam of the majority of Muslims. In doing so, it is contrasted with competing Sunni traditions such as the Deobandis, as an explicit binary is created between the two. However, the narrative has seen a shift since 2011, with the rise of Mumtaz Qadri, who murdered a politician due to allegations of blasphemy. In this article, I trace these developments in the perceptions of, and discourses about, Barelvis in South Asia, especially over the last twenty years. In doing so I explore four key ways of being Barelvi, including love for the Prophet Muhammad, an affiliation with the founder of the movement, Sufi practices and shrines, and opposition to Deobandi Islam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Along with the resurrection, the trial and death of Jesus forms the climax of the gospel accounts and stands at the heart of Christian preaching. After briefly surveying the relevant sources, the following article will highlight the apologetic and literary nature of the canonical Christian gospels, the earliest surviving ‘lives’ of Jesus. It will then sketch the religio-political circumstances of first-century Jerusalem, situate Jesus’ last few hours against that broader backdrop, and examine a number of key gospel traditions. A final reflection will point to some of the theological ways in which Jesus’ death was interpreted by his earliest followers.

Studies of blasphemy in the book of Revelation are usually discussed in isolation from the book of Daniel, which provides an incomplete picture of this topic. This article investigates the meaning of blasphemy in the books of Daniel and Revelation. We argue that these apocalyptic books often describe the actions of the forces of evil in the Cosmic Conflict as blasphemy. The human dimension of blasphemy is expressed in the actions of kings and people (Dan. 1-6; Rev. 2:9; 16:9, 11; 21), while the eschatological dimension of blasphemy is expressed in the actions of the Antichrist (Dan. 7-12; Rev. 13:1, 5, 6; 17:3). We argue that the book of Revelation repeats and furthers the theme of blasphemy articulated in the book of Daniel.

This study aims to examine how Islamist groups employ the fatwas issued by the Majelis Ulama Indonesia/MUI (Indonesian Ulema Council) as a means of political leverage. Specifically, the analysis is based on 2016’s MUI blasphemy fatwa case involving the former Jakarta Governor, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok). Through a qualitative and sociological approach in analyzing politics and religious issues, this research reveals that the 2016 religious blasphemy fatwa in the case of Ahok is more politically motivated. Historically, this fatwa deviates from the traditional approach of MUI, which primarily emphasizes the strengthening of Islamic law with a focus on adherence to Islamic norms. The results also indicate that while fatwas concerning political issues and blasphemy have been issued by the MUI since its establishment in 1975, Ahok’s case has become a crucial political tool for these groups. The fatwa has placed MUI further into the realm of Indonesian politics than it had previously been. The establishment of Gerakan Nasional Pengawal Fatwa/GNPF-MUI (MUI National Fatwa Guard Movement) has been instrumental in shaping the 2017’s North Jakarta District Court decision of the blasphemy case, solidifying its status as a significant developing political entity. It has allowed them to align with opposition political parties and candidates during 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial and 2019 presidential elections and to oppose current government policies. Additionally, the study identifies justifications for employing fatwas as practical political tools, including the development of fatwa models that address practical political issues and changes in Indonesian politics that increasingly recognize the power of Islamic groups in election contests. MUI has a flexible role in society with some affiliating with the government, and others operating as a civil organization from a social perspective. This ambiguous position in MUI’s hierarchy permits the institution to serve as a justification tool for the government or a political tool for the opposition, depending on the situation.

AbstractSocioeconomic hardships are often advocated as the drivers of radicalization, but the existing research shows mixed evidence for this relationship. This study argues that socioeconomic hardships should increase the likelihood of radicalization only for sufficiently religious people, thereby implying a non-linear relationship. The study suggests that as a result of the lower opportunity costs of extreme acts during socioeconomic hardships, the likelihood of committing or supporting such acts for obtaining religiously inspired mental rewards should be the highest for the economically disadvantaged, religious individuals. The study tests this hypothesis through the non-linear threshold regression method developed by Hansen (2000), using survey data from the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan. Results indicate that radicalization has a statistically significant positive relationship with indicators of the individual level socioeconomic conditions such as the perceptions of poor economic prospects, individual relative deprivation, injustice, and inequality only above the religiosity threshold. These findings support the hypothesis that socioeconomic hardships (or the perception of these) drive radicalization only in sufficiently religious people. This implies that apart from security-centric approaches, radicalization can also be deterred by increasing the opportunity costs of political violence through socioeconomic improvements. Moreover, promoting balanced/diverse religious views may also help check radicalization.

In this article, I explore a Wittgensteinian approach to blasphemy. While philosophy of religion tends to have very little to say about blasphemy, we can note two key, typically unchallenged, assumptions about it. First, there is the Assertion from Anywhere Assumption: whether one can successfully blaspheme is entirely independent of one's religious views, commitments, or way of life. Second, there is the Act of Communication Assumption: blasphemy is essentially an act of assertion. I contend that a Wittgensteinian approach rejects both assumptions and, thus, reorients our conception of blasphemy. Take two characteristically Wittgensteinian claims. First, religious statements/beliefs have a different 'grammar' than empirical propositions. Second (and relatedly), holding religious beliefs necessarily connects with how one lives. Wittgensteinian blasphemy rejects the Assertion from Anywhere Assumption: to blaspheme, one must be in or have been in the religious framework one blasphemes. Being entirely outside of that context divests one's blasphemy from its proper content. Second, Wittgensteinian blasphemy rejects the Act of Communication Assumption: if religious belief is centrally a form of life, then blasphemy must be lived out as well. Wittgensteinian blasphemy is less about the utterances one makes and more about how one's life intersects (or fails to intersect) with religiosity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Blasphemy is a significant and sensitive topic in the news, prompting mass media to allocate coverage to religious issues. This study utilizes qualitative methods, employing the framing model analysis of William A. Gamson and Andre Modigliani. The objective is to examine news concerning alleged blasphemy cases involving Panji Gumilang, the head of Al-Zaytun ponpes, as reported by Republika and Detik during the period from July to August 2023. Researchers scrutinized six news articles, three from Republika and three from Detik. The findings reveal that both Republika and Detik distinctly highlight ongoing investigations by law authorities into the blasphemy case attributed to Panji Gumilang. Republika's coverage primarily focuses on evidence exploration to gather information, reinforcing the report on the alleged blasphemy case for a smoother legal process and justice. In contrast, Detik examines the societal influence and impact of the blasphemy case. Meanwhile, Detik discussed the influence and impact of this blasphemy case on society. The reason for choosing the two media is because both have different backgrounds, Republika is a media born from the Muslim community that is more in-depth in news related to Islamic religious issues while Detik is a popular media whose reporting is neutral. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The denial of religion is considered one of the major themes of Christopher Marlowe's Doctor Faustus (1604). Doctor Faustus, Marlowe's protagonist, realizes that all of the knowledge he has acquired, including theology, is no more satisfying. Therefore, he decides to learn magic since he believes that magic will bring him absolute knowledge and power. Despite the warnings he receives from the Good Angel, Faustus' excessive pride leads him to sell his soul to the devil and harden his heart toward God--a decision that leads him to hell. Pharaoh in the Qur'an denies and repudiates the invitation of Moses to submit to God and have mercy over his people. Pharaoh arrogantly claims that he needs no God since he himself is the great god of his people. This article is an interdisciplinary study between theology and literature to demonstrate how the archetypal villain in literature mirrors the one introduced in the holy texts. It also argues that Marlowe's Faustus is, in many ways, a replica of Pharaoh mentioned in the Qur'an. They both share diabolical traits, including but not limited to pride, arrogance, and blasphemy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The protection and regulation of religious expression present complex challenges. Blasphemy laws, which criminalize acts deemed disrespectful to religious beliefs, have been abolished in England, allowing for broader freedom of expression. However, concerns and discussions about blasphemy persist. The Home Secretary, Suella Braverman (2023), has emphasized that there are no blasphemy laws in Great Britain and no obligation to show reverence towards any religion. Religious Education (RE) plays a crucial role in fostering understanding and tolerance of diverse religious traditions. It provides students with opportunities to develop critical thinking skills and engage in meaningful dialogue. However, certain aspects of critical thinking within RE may be perceived as provocative or blasphemous. This paper explores the ongoing debate on blasphemy laws in England, considering the evolving religious landscape and its implications for the teaching of RE. It aims to shed light on the complex dimensions of this discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of blasphemy has been the subject of considerable legal debate and normative analysis. However, we know much less about the lived realities of people living under regimes that not only criminalise blasphemy but also actively monitor and enforce blasphemy laws. This article analyses metal music as a form of religious deviance in Iran, where the production and consumption of most types of metal music have been banned. We examine how Iranian metal musicians negotiate the tension between free artistic expression and religious control and argue that the effect of control is opposite to its intention: The religiously deviant label is carried as a marker of authenticity in the scene instead. In this way, the control itself works to inspire ‘blasphemous’ acts, just as the theory of secondary deviation suggests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Christian environmental ethics have always navigated the thin line between the Scylla of pantheism and the Charybdis of deism. On the one hand, removing God from the world avoids pantheism but can inadvertently render the divine a distant, absentee father who cares little about what we do with the environment. On the other hand, if we bring the Creator too close to creation, we may begin to blur the distinction between them, fringing on pantheism. While making nature divine might at first seem to heighten the environmental desecration of the earth by making it a literal de-sacralizing of the sacred, this may be only a surface-level reading (or, at least, only true of very carefully nuanced versions of pantheism). For the pantheist, God would not just be the trees but the machines that log them; God would not just be the polar bears but the carbon dioxide that is evicting them. God would be no more present in that which is desecrated than in that which does the desecration (e.g., God would be one with the pesticides, bulldozers, and factory smoke). By making God everything, it becomes difficult to call any person, act, legislation, or event godless. This paper offers Henry More's view of divine space as a constructive, Platonic Christian middle way between these two extremes, charting a God who is spatially present to nature without being pantheistically reducible to it, in the same way that space is intimately close to the objects within it while nonetheless remaining distinct from them. The bulk of the paper counters potential opponents to this proposal, specifically defending Morean space from the charge that it would break down the Creator–creature distinction and/or cave to the environmental Scylla of pantheism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Augustine of Hippo (354-430) and Martin Luther (1483-1546) both argued in favor of toleration and freedom of religion in their younger years, but both changed their policy toward dissenters as they grew older. They also adjusted their reading of the Parable of the Weeds (Matt 13) to varying situations. The older Augustine and Luther both called on the secular authorities to suppress their theological opponents, using the sword that God has given them (Rom 13) to protect both tables of the law: religion and morals. This article describes and explains their similar development in this regard. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarly knowledge about the interplay of Wagnerian opera and British church history has advanced on an uneven front and has yet to reach lofty heights. Relatively little has been published about how Parsifal, Richard Wagner’s final and arguably most religious opera, was perceived in the United Kingdom. The present study begins to fill that gap by investigating how a spectrum of British Catholics diversely debated such crucial themes as the extent to which Parsifal was a Christian work, the possible mimesis of the Mass in the Holy Grail scenes, the construction of the title character as a symbolic Christ figure, and whether the staging of this work, whose spiritual content was widely acknowledged, could appropriately be performed in a secular setting like the Royal Opera House at Covent Garden. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1239, the convert Nicholas Donin submitted thirty-five articles against the Talmud to Pope Gregory IX. As a result, Christendom became aware of how Jews observed an oral law that was allegedly plagued with folly, blasphemy, and heresy. This triggered the infamous trial against the Talmud and resulted in the production of several Latin translations of rabbinical texts, including the compilation of the Extractiones de Talmud (1245). The present article mainly focusses on a short text taken from the manuscript Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 822 (folios 204ra–205ra), which includes a series of Talmudic passages that derive from texts which emerged from the Paris Disputation against the Talmud (1240–1245). From it, we are able to infer new information regarding the genesis of subsequent anti-Jewish works, including the Errores Iudaeorum by Thibaud de Sézanne and Passau Anonymous anti-Jewish sections. Additionally, we also provide the edition and translation of the text of the Vatican manuscript at the end of the article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the structure of the book to its enigmatic law codes, Leviticus poses a number of interpretive questions for readers. This article aims to tackle a variety of these questions raised by the blasphemer narrative. I will consider especially the relationship between the nature of the crime committed and the legal decision that follows. I further intend to show how the internal concerns of this pericope cohere with the concerns of the H redactor and the passage's immediate context between chapters 23 and 25. While no doubt a difficult task, coming to an understanding of the blasphemer narrative is vital for grasping the structure and argument of Leviticus. Furthermore, this narrative raises obvious questions concerning the justice of God. Does the punishment of the blasphemer fit the crime? Does this sentencing fit with general notions of justice in the ancient world, or even with the God of Israel's own legal standards? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explains and identifies the existence of mens rea in the dissemination of news packaged into content through various social media platforms, implicitly containing hate speeches, so that it can be viewed as an electronic-based criminal offense uploaded either verbally or non-verbally. An ability to communicate within the scope of society in the use of language is not owned by everyone, especially in the era of social media where there are those who use language in an inappropriate way. For example, it is used for swearing, defamation, making fake news or hoaxes, threats, persecution speech, to hate speeches that can harm the interlocutor. This study aims to determine the existence of mens rea in the use of language about hate speech committed by individuals through social media platforms. Their point of view will be studied through the perspectives of criminal law. The study’s objective was to examine the use of language in individual uploads through several social media platforms that contain hate speech and ‘SARA in the context of criminal law. In sampling, the author uses descriptive qualitative research methods and legal research methods based on the available data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al-Manahij: Jurnal Kajian Hukum Islam is the property of UIN Saizu Purwokerto and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The topic of the article are religious conflicts in the 1920‘s judged by the Regional court in Uherské Hradiště. In most cases, paragraphs 122 and 303 of the Criminal Code were used. Those paragraphs protected the churches against criticism and disruption of their ceremonies. Other laws were used to protect religion in cases of violence between members of different confessions. The analysis focuses on the discourse of the criticism. Besides that, the causes of conflicts are another topic of the research. The author pays his attention to how the state was solving the conflicts and how the offenders were punished. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Natural law (and, by proxy, religion) covertly informs the relative legal weight attached to empirical studies in the United States. To substantiate that claim, this Note establishes three subsidiary conclusions in Parts I, II, and III. Part I contends that the modern (ostensibly secular) natural law theories popularized by John Finnis and others share religious purpose and effect with Thomistic, theological natural law. To create an analytical framework incorporating that overlap, I synthesize Finnis's theory of the "common good" with the Calvinist perspective of natural law as a tool by which God mitigates anarchy ("Finnis-Calvin natural law"). Under Finnis-Calvin natural law, laws are not adjudged valid or invalid according solely to their adherence to the natural law, but they are presumptively disfavored if they counteract religious principles of Truth. Part II asserts that U.S. law is uniquely susceptible to Finnis-Calvin influence due in part to the history and structure of the United States Constitution. Part III proposes ways in which religion relates to and animates science and outlines American law's historical use of empirical studies. These three premises, posited together, strongly suggest that American jurisprudence is uniquely susceptible to religious influence--most prominently in (a) issues of first impression, that (b) rely heavily on empirical data, and (c) touch on precepts corollary to religious tenants. Part IV conducts a Finnis-Calvin case study on equal protection jurisprudence and environmental law to demonstrate that susceptibility. This posture demands a heightened investigation of the law's hidden use of universal, objective, divinely ordained norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Qur’an burnings have come to constitute a subculture in Scandinavia. Why have they focused on sacrilege against Islam’s scripture, while blasphemy against its prophet still dominates polemics in other parts of Europe? This essay traces the emergence of blasphemy as the principal form in which such polemics occur to colonial India. It shows how critics there tried to attribute Muslim protests against insults to Muhammad with a religious language they seemed to be missing. With its globalization after the Cold War, this debate about blasphemy was taken up in Europe. But in the Nordic countries it has been replaced with sacrilege as a way of rehearsing the religious element that remains absent from Muslim demonstrations of offence against alleged insults to Islam.

The Danish lawyer and politician Rasmus Paludan has gained notoriety for filming and uploading footage of demonstrations and burning copies of the Qur’an, first in 2019 in Denmark and later in Sweden. Based on videos and material from social and conventional media, this article investigates the background and political and legal opportunity structures of Paludan’s activism. It argues that Paludan’s actions are situated in reference to broader debates on freedom of expression in general and understanding of blasphemy in particular. Paludan’s treatment of the Qur’an resembles a global injustice symbol (Olesen 2015; 2016). The symbol becomes global in nature when it resonates cross-nationally and cross-culturally. In 2023, as the symbol spread to the global public sphere, the Danish government decided to introduce a blasphemy clause that had been repealed five years previously. This underlines Sherwood’s argument that blasphemy has made a paradoxical return as a contested global category in the twenty-first century.

Indonesia faces a number of acute developmental challenges, hence, there is a need for evidence-based policies to address a range of socio-political issues. This article examines the rise and fall of an ill-fated bill introduced into parliament in 2020 (the “RUU-HIP”) which sought to reshape the nation’s understanding of the state philosophy, Pancasila, while promoting “policy based on national science and technology.” The article argues that Pancasila, which mandates “Belief in the One and Only God” as its first tenet, has a number of unintended and damaging consequences; it limits freedom of religion and thought; bolsters the position of powerful mainstream religious organisations; contributes to extremist, marginalising religious stances; and acts as a potent and pervasive barrier to innovation at all levels of social and political life. As a lens through which to view Indonesia’s national ideology, the article examines the RUU-HIP and takes account of the historical roots of the state ideology and the pivotal role of its main progenitor, Soekarno. It examines some of the deleterious effects of Pancasila outlined above and concludes that the first sila, along with a controversial Blasphemy Law, ought to be amended and repealed respectively, to allow for greater freedom of religion and thought. The article concludes that while amending Pancasila may, contrary to prevailing legal thought, be theoretically possible, in the current socio-political climate this would be unthinkable for most Indonesians.

This is a film review of Krazy House (2023), directed by Steffen Haars and Flip van der Kuil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Earlier this year, the British Parliament launched an independent review that was headed by Colin Bloom, titled 'Does Government "do God?,"' This review was meant to assess the government's engagement with various faith-based communities. Instead, it turned out to be a rather lazy attempt by the author to classify non-Christian minority communities along his makeshift spectrum of values. This article will revisit Bloom's recommendations and highlight the very dangerous ways in which he endorses state surveillance and violence on communities that deliberately protest government ideals of 'God' and 'godliness' while upholding western liberal democratic values of 'free speech and religion'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the rapid development of social media applications today, especially the YouTube application, more and more YouTubers are known by the wider community. One of them is youtuber LM. One of LM's video content "Eating Pork Crunch" (2023) went viral so that it was entangled in a blasphemy law case under Article 28 paragraph 2 of the ITE Law. To find out the content of the youtube video has the potential for blasphemy or cannot be analyzed by qualitative description method with Fairclough's model critical discourse analysis analysis. The critical discourse analysis of Fairclough's model is divided into three dimensions, the micro dimension, the meso dimension, and the macro dimension. The stages of data analysis are (1) stages of providing data and (2) stages of data analysis. The results of critical discourse analysis are further associated with forensic linguistics. The results of the analysis are to determine whether the content of LM's youtube video has the potential for blasphemy. The results of the analysis showed that the analysis of LM's video content "Eating Pork Crunch" (2023) was identified as having the potential for blasphemy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on case studies of seven (attempted) lynchings in Pakistan, we argue that they can be considered lynching rituals, which are instrumental in a context of political strife. 'Shrpsnd anasr' (agitators) play an important role as ritual engineers; they assemble crowds by spreading rumours and vocalizing accusations, use rhythmic chanting and slogan repetition to generate a shared vengeful mood and focus the crowd's attention on the (fabricated) encroachment of a moral imperative (notably blasphemy). We conclude that the vengeful effervescence generated in lynching rituals strengthens the clientelistic interdependency networks of religious–political leaders. The contribution of our study lies in demonstrating the importance of bodily practices in lynching rituals and their instrumental political value for both masses and political leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between minjung theology and the process of social change called secularization or theoretical and practical projects based on such processes of social change is complex. It requires more detailed discussions. Therefore, this paper seeks to reinterpret minjung theology as a theological minjung project using the methodology of new-style phenomenology of religion with a theoretical basis on Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben's conceptions of secularization and profanation as projects with religious intentions and orientations. Through this reinterpretation, the paper demonstrates that minjung theology in relation to secularization is a unique theological project with very different goals from those of Latin American liberation theology as well as other political and situation theologies. In order to accomplish this purpose, the paper first introduces French sociologist Émile Durkheim who has explained secularization differently from German sociologist Max Weber. It then shows that secularization is not the only way in which the sacred is reappropriated through Agamben's discussions of secularization and profanation. To identify the passage from secularization to profanation of the concept of minjung, this paper analyzes the minjung-event theory of Byung-Mu Ahn, a representative first-generation minjung theologian. This theory emphasizes the importance of "event" as a way of understanding minjung instead of defining it conceptually. Insofar as it presents the minjung as an intrinsically unnamable, invisible, and unpredictable event, a form of religious phenomenon called "the sacred", minjung-event theory involves an attempt to secularize Jesus-Messiah as the Minjung-Messiah. In conclusion, this paper argues that beyond the secularization of the Messiah into the Minjung, minjung-event theory moves toward a dialectical project of desacralization and re-sacralization, in which the minjung itself is profaned into an event. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

England and Wales are now amongst the least religious countries in the world. According to Census data between 2011 and 2021, the number of people identifying as having 'No Religion' jumped by over 8 million, from 25% to 37%. Further, although there was a small upward shift in those identifying with minority religions, during the same period, the number of people identifying as Christian dropped by 5.5 million to 46.2% of the population. Wales is particularly irreligious. Here, 47% ticked 'No Religion' compared to 44% 'Christian'. But even in Northern Ireland, where the majority still identify with a Christian denomination, the non-religious population has nearly doubled (from 10 to 17%) in the last decade. This surge in the non-religious will (and ought to) affect policy in a wide range of areas, but it is likely to be most profoundly felt in education; be that via reforms designed to better accommodate non-religious learners or attempts to reverse what is seen as a threatening trend by some religious groups and organisations. In this paper I explore the implications of this rapid demographic shift on religious education (RE). I argue that, while some may view the growth of the non-religious as a 'death knell' signalling the subject's impending demise, it actually presents an unparalleled opportunity for revitalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Government responses to the COVID-19 pandemic raise various legal concerns otherwise inconceivable in recent memory. One of the many implemented policies is the requirement of inoculation or vaccination to achieve herd immunity, similar to other diseases that have been eradicated by intensive vaccination programmes. Vaccine hesitancy, nevertheless, remains a persistent State concern which is complicated by reference to constitutionally protected rights. Refusal to be vaccinated on religious grounds has led various countries to provide religious exemptions to avoid judicial scrutiny. The Philippines, as the largest Christian nation in Asia, has a complex legal relationship with the church. This article discusses the State-church relationship from a constitutional and human rights law perspective and, using approaches formulated by the Philippine Supreme Court in religion clause analysis, attempts to assess, and possibly bridge, the perceived conflict between religious freedom and the Philippine government's COVID-19 vaccination policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Freedom of religion and the application of blasphemy laws remain critical issues in Pakistan. The issues have deep historical roots in British India, where British administrators attempted to preserve peace between and within religious communities but, faced with growing challenges, occasionally misused such laws. This article juxtaposes the Angare case from the 1920s with that of Asia Bibi in the 2020s. It attempts to illustrate that religious minorities in Pakistan remain vulnerable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the phenomenon of blasphemy and its relationship to freedom of speech. It does so by focusing on "the state of Denmark"—in particular two significant events that have arisen in Denmark in the last eighteen years. These are the Jyllands-Posten publication of the Muhammad cartoons in 2005 and the division that emerged between Danish state authorities and the Danish Parliament arising from a Quran burning in Denmark in 2017. What possibly connects these events is the violence to which the 2005 publication of the cartoons gave rise. What definitely connects these events are the competing imperatives that the phenomenon of blasphemy elicits, involving two rival claims to "respect." The article explores these rival claims and shows that although mutual accommodation is often possible between them, the phenomenon of blasphemy is significant insofar as its circumstances can render these rival claims a mutually exclusive choice. The article explores the implications of this phenomenon in terms of the circumstances arising in Denmark. However Denmark's experience has significant implications for other liberal democracies in which freedom of speech is a fundamental value and where issues of blasphemy arise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The legal framework of the Federal Republic of Somalia does not explicitly forbid apostasy but explicitly prohibits blasphemy against Islamic religion, object of worship and people venerated by Islam. If a person leaves Islam, he is ostracised by his kindred and the entire community. If he is a businessman, he would lose customers. If you are a jobseeker that is declared an apostate it becomes difficult to secure a job until you revert to Islam. The hatred against non-Muslims and non-believers is so deeply rooted in Somalia that many apostates has been persecuted in different ways. An apostate cannot inherit from a Muslim parent or ancestor and vice versa. The current application of blasphemy laws that exalt Islamic faith over other revealed religions is not in line with human rights obligations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Since 2019, anti-Islam non-parliamentary activists have explored the limits to freedom of speech in Denmark, Sweden, Norway, and the Netherlands through their provocative Quran desecration acts. Using the non-parliamentarian arena to exercise power from a position of minority, the far-right activist Rasmus Paludan and his party were able to effectively push the Danish constitutional boundaries, while at the same time affecting the geopolitical situation. While the protests so far only have had legal repercussions regarding blasphemy and freedom of speech in Denmark, it clearly demonstrates that non-parliamentary far-right activists also hold certain legislative powers.