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Research on immigration politics has been focused on countries of the Global North. Latin America is often discussed only as a migrant‐sending region. This study offers a comparative‐historical analysis of Brazilian immigration policy from national independence to the present day. Based on archival research and synthesis of multiple documentation sources, the study finds an affinity between authoritarian politics and immigration restrictionism in the country, which is consistent with theories that link liberal democracy to pro‐immigrant policies. Brazilian authoritarian leaders have framed immigrants as threats to the security, order, and culture of the nation to justify tighter controls on immigration. The study concludes that immigration restrictionism can develop in the Global South with discourses strikingly similar to those circulated in the Global North. The findings also suggest that Brazil is still far from the ideal of a multiracial liberal democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conservative women in Brazil played a significant role in the 1964 military coup and Bolsonaro's 2018 election victory. Oral history interviews with conservative women who experienced these two significant political events indicate that they both occurred in a climate of heightened anxiety and anti‐modern moral panic, where social order and traditional structures such as the family and the church were perceived to be under threat from feminism and Marxism. Although it is somewhat disregarded in contemporary studies, this article argues that functionalist ideology, which upholds the sanctity of the traditional family, serves to explain why Brazilian conservative women continue to fervently support the patriarchal status quo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last twenty years, Brazil has staked successive claims to regional leadership, with varying explicitness and unclear success. What factors explain the acceptance or rejection of such claims by South American countries? This article summarises the literature on regional powers and frames regional powerhood as arising from geographical belonging, resources, and will to lead; and leadership/followership as stemming from exclusivity, hierarchy/influence, consensus, and provision. By analysing panel data on Brazil and South America from 1995 to 2015, the study concludes that Brasilia enjoyed higher followership in situations characterised by high exclusivity and consensus, and low hierarchy and provision. These conditions were present in South America in the 1990s, thus rendering that decade more receptive to Brazilian leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazilian society has frequently been described as polarized during the country's recent political and economic crisis. In 2018, a wave of opposition to the centre-left Workers' Party culminated in the election of Jair Bolsonaro, a right-wing populist who portrays the political left as a malevolent force in Brazilian society. In this paper I explore this polarization through drawing on ethnographic research with the Homeless Workers' Movement (Movimento de Trablhadores Sem-Teto, MTST), a large urban social movement that develops settlements on underutilized land in the city, and a prominent civil society opponent of Bolsonaro. More specifically, I examine a key site of socio-spatial tension in São Paulo, Paulista Avenue, as a new political right came to predominate on the city's main thoroughfare during the campaign to impeach the Workers' Party President, Dilma Rousseff. I show how the perceived intolerance of the mobilized right helped to establish new normative codes that regulated the political symbolism which could be displayed in public spaces. Lastly, I consider how the vilification of the MTST in particular and the political left in general by the new right is embedded in broader structures of stigmatization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Brazil's legislative process, political exchanges between the government and legislature is an essential feature. This article focuses on the role of the president and political parties in Brazil's national legislative process. Because nonideological factors influence voting, roll calls do not suffice for estimation of legislators' policy preferences. In this article, we derive a spatial model of voting in which voting behavior is induced by both ideological motivations and coalition dynamics and develop a multilevel ideal-point model implied by the spatial voting model. After the proposed model is applied to the analysis of roll-call votes in the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies between 2003 and 2006, coalition dynamics is found to influence the voting behavior of legislators. We also confirm the finding in previous studies that the ideological alignment of political parties in the legislature contrasts with the perceived positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The intelligence and security sector in Brazil has experienced institutional tensions between legitimacy and effectiveness throughout its history. The combination of unequal socioeconomic structures, an authoritarian political culture, and uncooperative political dynamics explain such imbalances. During the Military Dictatorship (1964–1985), the National Information Service (SNI) was effective against those opposing the regime. The New Republic (1985–2014) tried to overcome its legacy. In 1990, the SNI was closed down. In the first decade after the Cold War, security reforms lingered. The National Congress established the Brazilian Intelligence Agency (ABIN) in 1999. Over two decades, the Brazilian Intelligence System (SISBIN) expanded to 42 leading agencies. Legislative oversight developed slowly and narrowly focused on ABIN. Although prone to various crises, Brazil was able to keep the trilemma democracy, security, and development in precarious equilibrium. Tight reelection for Dilma Rousseff (PT) in 2014 marked a new prolonged economic crisis and bitterly polarized politics in Brazil. Under Bolsonaro, there is concern about the military tutelage, undue politicization of law enforcement and security, and insufficient legislative oversight. Legitimacy in the security realm depends on analytical integrity, robust accountability, and clear operational rules and limits. Will that be possible in an era of global erosion of equality and democracy? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Politicians often buy votes with impunity. Brazil outlawed vote buying for many years, but prosecutions were rare. However, popular pressure mounted against the practice in the late 1990s. Over one million Brazilians signed a petition against vote buying, leading to the country’s first law by popular initiative passed by the national legislature. The law not only surmounted key obstacles to the popular initiative process but also dramatically increased prosecutions for clientelism during elections. Campaign handouts became the top reason that politicians were ousted in Brazil, with over a thousand removals from office. This study examines the role of civil society and the judiciary in the enactment and implementation of this important legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines a much cited but little understood aspect of the Latin American intellectual and cultural ferment of the 1910s and 1920s: the frequency with which intellectuals from the southeastern Brazilian state of São Paulo referred to developments in post Sáenz Peña Argentina, and to a lesser extent in Uruguay and Chile. In books, pamphlets, speeches, and the pages of a vibrant periodical press—all key sources for this article—São Paulo intellectuals extolled developments in the Southern Cone, holding them out for imitation, especially in their home state. News of such developments reached São Paulo through varied sources, including the writings of foreign travelers, which reached intellectuals and their publics through different means. Turning from circuits and sources to motives and meanings, the Argentine allusion conveyed aspects of how these intellectuals were thinking about their own society. The sense that São Paulo, in particular, might be "ready" for reform tending toward democratization, as had taken place in Argentina, Uruguay, and Chile, was accompanied by a belief in the difference of their southeastern state from other Brazilian states and its affinities with climactically temperate and racially "white" Spanish America. While these imagined affinities were soon forgotten, that sense of difference—among other legacies of this crucial period—would remain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This section presents a reprint of the article "Pacto edípico e pacto social (da gramática do desejo à sem-vergonhice brasílica)," by Helio Pellegrino, which appeared in the September 11, 1983 issue of "Folhetim" newsletter, translated by Belinda Mandelbaum and Stephen Frosh. Topics discussed include sociopathy and the political situation in Brazil, the conception of the psychoanalytic theory called Oedipus complex, and the link between the social pact and Cultural Law.

In the past decades, many studies have focused on various kinds of elites in a complex society, as well as on processes of governance and state administration. This acumen has expanded the repertoire of social meanings in both politics and state processes. However, regarding the corresponding ethnographic information, much has yet to be done. Several articles show how difficult it is to study prestigious institutions and propose alternative research strategies, but very few address the impact such discomfort has on ethnography as a means of knowledge production, over and above participant observation. This paper attempts to link the very challenge of researching powerful individuals to the difficulty of personally dealing with them and writing about them and their hidden agendas. It focuses on the Brazilian Congress and on recent events in Brazilian politics, including the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff. It offers some possibilities for studying politics by taking seriously the ethnographic motto "from the native's point of view." Is this possible when the researcher has moral objections toward the "native"? How is one to do ethnographic work with people like politicians, who usually hold secrets and tell lies? What sort of knowledge and truth can we draw from such a "dialogue"? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article stiches together a conceptual discussion on 'humanitarian infrastructure' with research amid Venezuelan migrants, asylum seekers, army personnel, governmental officers and envoys of humanitarian agencies responsible for implementing 'Operation Shelter' – described by the Brazilian government as a large humanitarian task force offering assistance to Venezuelans entering Brazil's province of Roraima. The article's goal is to explore the material and normative renderings of humanitarian infrastructure that enables migrants' desire to move, while also governing and making sense of Venezuelan mobility. We suggest that the bureaucratic split of Venezuelans into two temporally different migration figures – asylum seeker and humanitarian migrant – is illustrative of an ambivalence of enacting control and freedom. We explore how such ambivalence is manifested in attempts to discipline migrants' bodies and movements along built, technological and logistical humanitarian infrastructure, with consequences for engagements between border authorities and migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

En este artículo se analiza la política fiscal de gasto real constante adoptada recientemente por las autoridades fiscales del Brasil. También se compara la política de mantener un superávit primario como proporción del producto interno bruto con la de modificar la composición del gasto en favor de la inversión, a fin de determinar cuál de las dos políticas es más eficiente para promover el crecimiento económico. Se investigan los efectos de estas políticas en el consumo, la inversión, la oferta de mano de obra y la producción a largo y corto plazo, y la reacción de la estructura temporal de los tipos de interés. También se analiza la relación entre estas políticas fiscales y el bienestar. Se utiliza un modelo de agente representativo de maximización de la utilidad intertemporal sujeto a restricciones presupuestarias, con una previsión perfecta y un horizonte infinito. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main narratives that explain the development of the modern international order fall short of incorporating the historical peculiarities of processes of state-formation in non-European contexts. To overcome that limitation, this paper argues that class agency must be taken as a core element to understand the social and geopolitical struggles that shape each case of transition towards modern sovereignty in its historical particularity. This is informed by the Brazilian historical experience. In that case, statehood can only be understood as an outcome of the disputes of its ruling landowning class against Portuguese colonialism, mediated by the British informal empire throughout the 19th century. In order to bring all these elements together, I follow the tradition of political Marxism to reconceptualize the very notion of "geopolitics" by grounding it in class-based strategies of reproduction and spatialization. The result is an agency-centred and radically historicist theoretical framework that rejects structuralist transhistorical logics of development. It also argues against the latent Eurocentrism present in theories of state-formation that are grounded on the European experience and simply transposed to other contexts by stressing the agency of non-European subjects in the making of their own history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of Bolsonaro is the latest episode of what seems to be a Brazilian tradition of electing rightwing populists as a response to corruption, bad economic management, and disenchantment with mainstream political parties. In previous opportunities, Brazilians elected Jânio Quadros (1960) and Fernando Collor (1989). However, Bolsonaro, although very similar to both Quadros and Collor on their hostility to parties and legislative institutions, brought novel elements. To identify the distinguishing features of Brazil's new president, we systematically compare Quadros, Collor, and Bolsonaro along 13 dimensions encompassing political context and attributes, policy choices, and institutional relations. Our findings indicate that throughout 2019, Bolsonaro led an unstable minority administration that governed for a minority in society and emphatically excluded some relevant sectors. Moreover, he established close connections with Evangelical groups and the military, and attacked the press and the Supreme Court at an unprecedented level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In theory, shifts in institutional arrangements result in new public policies. This articles focuses on Curitiba, Brazil, an international flagship city of urban planning recognized for its technocratic government. The 2012 municipal elections and the 2013 nationwide political upheaval led to a change in the city's institutional arrangement. As a consequence, the 2014 Master Plan was conceived with the tagline of more public participation. This paper analyzes whether the changes in institutional arrangements influenced the city's planning process and the Master Plan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explore how Brazilian thinker Euclides Da Cunha's 1902 Sertões critically rewrites Argentine writer and statesman Domingo Faustino Sarmiento's 1845 Facundo, o civilización y barbarie. It mentions that in 1889 Brazil had overthrown the Hemisphere's last monarchy and embraced republican government under a president, and reports the region's uneven process of political, social, and economic modernization during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

This article traces resistance among members of the armed forces who opposed the military dictatorship in Brazil during the first four years of the regime, 1964–67. I show that despite scholars' efforts to depict the 1964 coup as a project supported by the armed forces as a strategic and ideological unit, there were battle lines within those forces along which hard-liners and moderate interventionists battled for government control. There were, in fact, hundreds of officers and soldiers who opposed the coup and organized against it. To contain resistance efforts inside the armed forces, the generals who orchestrated the coup labeled opponents to intervention as communists and expelled them from the institution, in many cases under considerable duress. This article discusses the first opposition efforts of officers and soldiers, particularly the Nationalist Armed Resistance (RAN) and the Caparaó Guerrilla Movement. Members of the military who were opposed to the coup shared an anti-interventionism and nationalism that united them against the regime. After 1964, their efforts to oppose military interventionism, previously carried out inside the military barracks, became the fight of all its opponents, members of the armed forces and civilians alike. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Workers' Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores – PT) in Brazil and the Justice and Development Party (Kalkınma ve Adalet Partisi – AKP) in Turkey came to power in 2002 with promises of maintaining economic growth, social justice and political stability. Initially, both governments experienced some success. However, both countries experienced political turmoil as a result of the corruption allegations in the early 2010s. This study compares these cases to analyze what allowed the AKP government to cover up and overcome the corruption allegations whereas the PT government could not. This study concludes that populist characteristics in political strategies of Turkey's President Erdoğan allowed him to maintain his ruling through suppression of all opposition movements and voices, while Brazilian President Rousseff did not implement the same strategies and consequently lost power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last several decades, dozens of dictatorships have become democracies. Yet while each has held free and fair elections, they have varied in the extent to which their citizens realize the ideal of self-rule. Why do some democracies distribute power to citizens while other democracies withhold it? Existing research is suggestive, but its implications are ambiguous. Cross-national studies have focused on democracy's formal dimensions, while work on substantive democracy is case-based. We find that one of the most consistent and powerful explanations of substantive democratization is the length of unarmed pro-democratic mobilization prior to a transition. Through a case study of Brazil, we illustrate that these movements matter in three ways: first, because practices of self-organizing model and enable democratic reforms; second, because movement veterans use state office to deepen democracy; and third, because long movements yield civil societies with the capacity to demand the continuous deepening of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In article the author talks about the situation in Brazil during the COVID-19 pandemic and government's efforts.

How valuable is a cabinet position? While the current literature does not ignore the reality that ministries differ from one another, it does not offer either theoretical or methodological procedures to assess such differences. This article introduces a refined measure of coalescence degree that considers several characteristics ministries may have, as well as politicians' preferences about cabinet appointments. We estimate the effect of this alternative measure of coalescence on the president's legislative success using large Brazilian datasets from 1995 to 2014 and an elite survey conducted with 62 Brazilian legislators. Controlling for other coalition management variables (coalition size and ideological heterogeneity), our refined coalescence metric turns out to be a more appropriate tool to assess the president's performance in Congress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to reflect on contemporary journalism and its legitimation strategies from the theoretical context of the mediatization of society (HJARVARD, 2012). Specifically, we seek to understand how initiatives that aim to increase citizen participation in journalistic productions and stimulate the exercise of democracy are developed. As an empirical object, we highlight the O Brasil Que Eu Quero project developed by Rede Globo de Televisão in 2018 due to the national elections for president, state governors, state and federal representatives, and senators of the Republic. Among the results, we point out that - although the purpose was to give visibility to the demands of the Brazilian people - the voice that echoed the most was that of the television organization which transposed the centralized news production model of traditional journalism to mediatization journalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considering the widespread use of hashtags on Twitter, the purpose of this paper is to analyze how hashtags were used to express love and hate for candidates who ran for presidency in Brazil in 2018. The theoretical framework of the (Im)Politeness theory was the foundation for data analysis, together with studies concerning digital conversational style (SCOTT, 2015). From September 6 to October 6, 2018, around 3000 tweets posted by the presidential candidates and their followers were collected daily. Overall, the results indicate that hashtags served as strategies to intensify the manifestation of support for a candidate particularly, in posts on their competitor's profile or to explicitly attack their rivals. Further, aggressive and unjustified content was manifested, displaying derogatory content, which was superficial and not carefully elaborated and/or rationalized. This usage points to an anti-debate, marked by hashtags paradoxically conveying support and attack, and by linguistic impoliteness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article investigates how critics have overlooked the way poet Elizabeth Bishop participated in American globalization precisely as a lesbian writer. Topics discussed include her memoirs and nonfiction from the 1950s, and her resistance to the norms of what author Alan Nadel has termed Cold War containment culture, and her relationship to Brazilian politics and American influence.

This article discusses the relationship between governability and federalism in Brazil, analysing the dispute among Brazilian states for oil royalties. This conflict features an unusual pattern in federal legislative voting, leading to regional alignment, rather than the usual party political configuration. This study explains the phenomenon by showing how this organisation makes it possible to align the preferences of national party leaders, regional party leaders, parliamentarians, and each state's voters. The political influence of governors and mayors is also underlined, and the Union's role in the process is described in detail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this research note, we introduce congressbr, an R package for retrieving data from the Brazilian houses of legislature. The package contains easy-to-use functions that allow researchers to query the Application Programming Interfaces of Brazil’s Chamber of Deputies and the Federal Senate, perform cleaning data operations, and store information in a format convenient for future analyses, making a previously difficult task fast and convenient. Congressbr downloads data on legislators, submitted and ratified law proposals, Senate and Chamber commissions, and other information of interest to social scientists across various fields. We outline the main features of the package and demonstrate its use with practical examples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the sources of foreign ministries’ policy-making capacity in presidential regimes. Using the concept of family resemblance, we argue that professionalization of the diplomatic corps is a necessary condition, whereas the institutional attributions of the ministry and the degree of presidential delegation are relevant but substitutable elements. The higher the scores on either of the latter dimensions, the stronger is the capacity of the foreign ministry to influence the chief executive and to contest other players’ policy preferences. To empirically validate our concept, we measure the three dimensions in Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico between 1946 and 2015 using data on diplomats’ recruitment and career paths, influence of diplomatic schools and doctrines, appointment patterns of foreign ministers, and relevance of presidential diplomacy, with an emphasis on travels abroad. Our analysis indicates that Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico enjoy a high level of professionalization of their diplomatic corps; however, differences—both across countries and over time—remain regarding institutional attributions and presidential delegation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Few innovations in democratic institutional design are considered as fundamental as the introduction of voting through the use of a uniform, official, and secret ballot. One account claims that the official ballot liberates dependent voters from the dictates of local elites, thereby enhancing democratic competition. Another argues that in contexts of widespread illiteracy, its adoption may be tantamount to a suffrage restriction. This article adjudicates between these views by drawing upon an original data set of municipal‐level voting returns from Brazil's Second Republic (1945–1964). The unique staggered rollout of the official ballot during this period permits one to assess its impact with unprecedented accuracy. The article finds that the primary consequence of ballot reform was suffrage restriction. Rather than liberating poor and dependent voters, the official ballot made it exceedingly difficult for these individuals to vote. Moreover, parliamentary debates indicate that this was an anticipated and intended effect of the reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This investigation aims to verify what kind of contents was most shared in WhatsApp family groups during the 2018 Brazilian presidential campaign and which percentage contained false information. The relevance of this study is justified because WhatsApp is a closed app and during the campaign was used as a disinformation channel. There was undertaken a quantitative analysis of 472 publications shared in ten groups. The access to this data was possible thanks to the cooperation of citizens who responded to our invitation to participate in the research. The findings show that image with text still corresponds to the most disseminated content in the groups and that 60% of said publications contained false or partially false information. The discoveries corroborate the existence of a circle of disinformation within WhatsApp users. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the phenomenon of fake news or the use of stories about facts invented or purposely altered for political purposes. he bottom line has to do with the complicated interactions between fake news and journalism, on the one hand, and fake news, politics and democracy, on the other. It starts from a brief recognition of the efect of the widespread dissemination and consumption of false narratives, especially in the electoral context, and goes through an attempt at conceptual organization of the notions involved in a consistent deinition of fake news. It then goes through an outline of the social phenomena that allowed the emergence of the epistemic crisis in contemporary politics, and presents a study with a sample of 14 histories proven forged on the subject of electronic voting fraud, which circulated during the Brazilian presidential campaign of 2018. Finally, the article draws some conclusions about the meaning and scope of fake news between journalism and democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that democratic deepening is shaped by shifting civil society-state relations that can only be understood by disaggregating democratic deepening into its component parts of participation, representation, and stateness. This frame is used to explore the divergent democratic trajectories of Brazil, India, and South Africa. Through the examples of local government transformation and social movement mobilization, I argue that a "project" civil society in Brazil has deepened democracy and transformed the state. In contrast, in South Africa and India civil society is increasingly being subordinated to political society. In South Africa, an active civil society has largely been sidelined as a politically consequential actor (containerization) and in India much of civil society has been fragmented and instrumentalized (involution). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It informs that the roots of corruption in Brazil from Vargas to Jair Bolsonaro, President of Brazil, reveals a political strategy that has long been woven into the fabric of Brazilian politics. It informs that in 1954, the former dictator-turned-democratically-elected president, Getúlio Vargas, committed suicide in the wake of the Mar de Lama ("Sea of Mud") corruption scandal, and a vicious campaign led by a right-wing news editor and politician, Carlos Lacerda.

There has been a call for a "second wave" of scholarship on policy advice to expand our understanding of the relational dynamics within a policy advisory system (PAS). In this article, we use a case from Brazil to address two key gaps in the PAS literature – the lack of attention to systems of network governance and the current predominance of "Westminster" empirical cases. To better understand the impact of policy advice within a system of networked governance, we apply the frame of "metagovernance" – the steering of governance networks. We then introduce and employ the concepts of funnelling, political brokering and gate-keeping to better understand how policy advice is shaped, modified and then either rejected or accepted. The contribution of the article is that, while much of the existing PAS literature describes the contours and key actors within an advisory system, we develop new conceptual scaffolding to better understand the trajectories and impact of policy advice, and the interplay between actors and agents, within a broader system of metagovernance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stuart Hall, a founding scholar in the Birmingham School of cultural studies and eminent theorist of ethnicity, identity and difference in the African diaspora, as well as a leading analyst of the cultural politics of the Thatcher and post-Thatcher years, delivered the W. E. B. Du Bois Lectures at Harvard University in 1994. In the lectures, published after a nearly quarter-century delay as The Fateful Triangle: Race, Ethnicity, Nation (2017), Hall advances the argument that race, at least in North Atlantic contexts, operates as a 'sliding signifier,' such that, even after the notion of a biological essence to race has been widely discredited, race-thinking nonetheless renews itself by essentializing other characteristics such as cultural difference. Substituting Michel Foucault's famous power-knowledge dyad with power-knowledge-difference, Hall argues that thinking through the fateful triangle of race, ethnicity and nation shows us how discursive systems attempt to deal with human difference. In 'Fateful Triangles in Brazil,' Part II of Contexto Internacional's forum on The Fateful Triangle, three scholars work with and against Hall's arguments from the standpoint of racial politics in Brazil. Sharon Stanley argues that Hall's account of hybrid identity may encounter difficulties in the Brazilian context, where discourses of racial mixture have, in the name of racial democracy, supported anti-black racism. João Nackle Urt investigates the vexed histories of 'race,' 'ethnicity' and 'nation' in reference to indigenous peoples, particularly Brazilian Indians. Finally, Thiago Braz shows, from a perspective that draws on Afro-Brazilian thinkers, that emphasizing the contingency of becoming in the concept of diaspora may ignore the myriad ways by which Afro-diasporic Brazilians are marked as being black, and thus subject to violence and inequality. Part I of the forum - with contributions by Donna Jones, Kevin Bruyneel and William Garcia - critically examines the promise and potential problems of Hall's work from the context of North America and western Europe in the wake of #BlackLivesMatter and Brexit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent evaluations of how the Brazilian government's primary surplus reacts to the evolution of the debt to GDP ratio convey two important (and worrisome) messages: first, the reaction function has been almost steadily decreasing since 2012. Second, it has turned from positive to negative figures as of October 2017. With effective real interest rates (over the net government debt) higher than prospects of GDP growth, negative figures for the fiscal reaction function mean a non-sustainable debt trajectory. Therefore, significant fiscal adjustments are required in the short run. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We show that Brazilian voters strongly sanction malfeasant mayors when presented with hypothetical scenarios but take no action when given the same information about their own mayor. Partnering with the State Accounts Court of Pernambuco, we conducted a field experiment during the 2016 municipal elections in which the treatment group received information about official wrongdoing by their mayor. The treatment has no effect on self‐reported voting behavior after the election, yet when informing about malfeasance in the context of a vignette experiment, we are able to replicate the strong negative effect found in prior studies. We argue that voters' behavior in the abstract reflects the comparatively strong norm against corruption in Brazil. Yet on Election Day, their behavior is constrained by factors such as attitudes toward local political dynasties and the greater salience of more pressing concerns like employment and health services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes environmental governance and black geographies to explore the connections between Brazil's erstwhile populist government and President Michel Temer's conservative administration. Although on the surface Temer's austere approach appears to put him at fundamental odds with the Workers' Party's populist emphasis on social welfare and wealth redistribution, this article argues that Brazilian populism and conservatism contain striking similarities vis-à-vis the environment and racialized violence. I examine the ways in which natural resource extraction was a central component of governance under the Workers' Party and persists under Temer. By analyzing the struggles of three black communities in the state of Bahia, I draw particular attention to the ways in which a reliance on extractivism contributes to racialized landscapes, because these communities' autonomous territories remain grievously threatened. This article points out that the environmental tendencies of the new conservative government are not novel so much as they are a fulfillment of a trend propagated under the auspices of populism. This is not, however, the final word on the topic, because affected communities resist the environmental effects of extractive industry. Although extractive measures remain central to Brazilian governance, social movements like those in Bahia nonetheless enact a politics and counternotion of the environment that establish alternative ways of life. Key Words: black geographies, Brazil, environmental racism, Workers' Party. 本文分析环境治理与黑色地理学来探讨巴西过往的民粹政府和总统米歇尔．特梅尔的保守政府之间的连结。尽管表面上特梅尔的撙节政策似乎使其与工党强调社会福利与财富重分配的民粹诉求呈现根本上的对立，但本文主张，巴西的民粹主义和保守主义在面对环境与种族暴力上，包含了惊人的相似性。我检视自然资源搾取的方式作为工党政府的核心构成要件，并在特梅尔执政下持续如此。我通过分析巴伊亚州内三大黑人社群的抗争，特别关注对搾取主义的依赖如何导致种族化的地景，因为这些社群的自治领土仍然悲惨地受到威胁。本文指出，新保守主义政府的环境倾向并不新颖，而是体现民粹主义兴盛下普及的趋势。但这并不是该议题的最终结论，因为受影响的社群正在反抗搾取产业的环境影响。尽管搾取措施仍然是巴西治理的核心，诸如在巴伊亚的社会运动，仍然启动了能够建立另类生活方式的政治及反抗的环境概念。关键词：黑色地理学，巴西，环境种族主义，工党。 Este artículo analiza la gobernanza ambiental y las geografías negras para explorar las conexiones entre el anterior gobierno populista y la nueva administración conservadora del presidente Michel Temer. Si bien en la superficie el austero enfoque de Temer pareciera colocarlo en desacuerdo fundamental con el énfasis populista del Partido de los Trabajadores, en bienestar social y redistribución de la riqueza, este artículo arguye que el populismo y el conservatismo brasileños muestran notables semejanzas, con respecto al medio ambiente y la violencia racializada. Examino los modos como la extracción de recursos naturales fue un componente central de la gobernanza bajo el Partido de los Trabajadores, lo cual persiste bajo Temer. Analizando las luchas de tres comunidades negras en el estado de Bahía, pongo particular atención a las maneras como una confianza en el extractivismo contribuye a los paisajes racializados, debido a que los territorios autónomos de estas comunidades siguen seriamente amenazados. Este artículo indica que las tendencias ambientales del nuevo gobierno conservador no son mayormente novedosas en cuanto que son la culminación de una tendencia propagada con los auspicios del populismo. No obstante, esta no es la última palabra sobre el tópico, porque las comunidades afectadas oponen resistencia a los efectos ambientales de la industria extractiva. Aunque las medidas extractivas siguen siendo centrales a la gobernanza brasileña, movimientos sociales como los que ocurren en Bahía promueven, sin embargo, una política y una contra-intención del medio ambiente que establecen medios de vida alternativos. Palabras clave: Brasil, geografías negras, racismo ambiental, Partido de los Trabajadores. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Discussions in geography and cognate disciplines have considered how contemporary formations of power and politics support and give rise to violence in a range of contexts. Often, these discussions have invoked Foucault's and Agamben's analyses of sovereignty as well as governmentality to show how violence is legitimized by state and non-state actors. Focusing on the Brazilian context, the paper argues that this strand of research, though opening up productive analytic pathways, has largely eclipsed a set of powerful technologies that are structured around dependencies. Such issues of dependency have been particularly pronounced in writings that have proposed an 'embedded' approach to violence in Latin American urban contexts. Importantly, whereas Foucault- and Agamben-inspired writings have focused largely on how violence is justified and legitimized, studies emphasizing its embeddedness have brought into relief how violence is concealed and removed from systems of accountability. To describe the dependencies enabling such concealment, though, studies of embedded violence have often relied on the notion of 'political clientelism'. Interrogating the epistemological assumptions associated with this notion, the paper suggests re-framing relations of dependency as constituted through situated technologies that operate, for instance, through performances of benevolence, racialized and gendered discourses or practices of concealment. This, it is argued, opens the view towards other combinations of power than those of sovereignty, discipline and biopolitics that have commonly been focused in the wake of Agamben and Foucault. Highlights • Considers power relations that enable the concealment of violence. • Challenges the focus on structures of legitimation in Agamben-inspired discussions. • Discusses the relations between violence and dependency. • Introduces the notion of 'technologies of dependency' to Foucauldian analyses of power. • Re-considers the notion of 'clientelism' in relation to the study of violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reflects on the racial foundations of the Brazilian state through an analysis of the play Black Angel by Nelson Rodrigues. From a postcolonial approach, it is argued that this 1948 play can be read as a critique of the influential vision of “racial democracy” associated with Gilberto Freyre and that its content anticipates a whole range of ideas later found in the book Black Skin, White Masks ([1952] 2008), by Frantz Fanon. The article reveals the tensions and violence (re)produced by the state in Brazil through the encounters and disagreements between the multiple hierarchies—economic, patriarchal, and racial—explored by Nelson Rodrigues throughout the plot. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Brazil's post‐neoliberal government of upward mobility and public policies, infrastructures are the symbiosis of experimental forms of government, political action, and practices of consumption. This article draws from a four‐year‐long multiscalar ethnography of Minha Casa Minha Vida, the country's largest public housing program. It uncovers the temporalities of infrastructural hope unleashed as people wait for—and engage with—their first homeownership. Specifically, I focus on struggles over the design and implementation of surveillance and security technologies by residents of one such condominium, charting how aspirations for "the good life" crystallize in emerging—yet ephemeral—collectives of consumer‐citizens. My contention is that desires for infrastructure elucidate the ubiquity and ever‐elusiveness of middle‐class affects in Latin American social mobility. The tangled worlds of desire and materials illuminate the workings of a middle‐class sensorial: the topography of images and affects through which class mobility is experienced and located in time and space. Trailing the movement, saturation and porosity of housing materialities and their embroilment with emergent forms of sociality decode the ambiguous economic and political subjectivities flourishing in the aftermath of fraught urban interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes how subnational governments request transfers from the federal government in Brazil. Using microdata on applications for discretionary transfers from the Brazilian federal government to municipalities between 2009 and 2016 and a regression discontinuity design (RDD), I show that mayors affiliated with the president's party demand substantially more resources than opposition mayors, meaning that the partisan alignment is an important channel to request transfers. On the other hand, the effect varies among mayors from other coalition parties. Thus, the results show that partisan alignment between different levels of government is a key factor in explaining the requests for discretionary resources in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the election of far-right president Jair Bolsonaro, Brazil has entered into unknown territory. Bolsonaro is an extremist who has promised harsh security and policing and a clamp-down on all forms of liberalism. The regime's hatred is particularly focused against feminists and gay activists. Bolsonaro's neoliberal economic policies are backed up by a rhetoric of hate and by violence. The police and militias now have a license to kill and have started doing so on the streets. Bolsonaristas are also poised to attack the universities, which they see as fostering the bogeymen of 'gender ideology' and 'cultural Marxism'. The election result reflects the erosion of the old popular majority based around the Workers Party's and the traditional civil society groups that sustained it. There has, however, also been a flourishing of some groups - especially black and women's organisations. The left in Brazil needs to do some serious thinking, and to begin to make new alliances - a fragile hope for which is currently sustained by recent popular unity in mass protests over the killing by right-wing militia men of Rio councillor, feminist, and black and human rights activist Marielle Franco. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the presidencies of Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007) and Cristina Kirchner (2007-2015) in Argentina, and of Lula (2003-2011) and Dilma Roussef (2011-2016) in Brazil, both countries showed relatively high growth rates, real wages increased and poverty decreased. In Argentina, the economic dynamics slowed down in 2012 and Brazil entered into a deep crisis in 2014. These failures can be explained by two “original sins": the relaxation of external constraint in Argentina and Brazil and financialization in Brazil. The former generated a real appreciation of the national currency against the dollar not compensated by an increase in labor productivity. The second manifested itself to the detriment of industrial investment. Although these effects could have been controlled, their cost has been very high. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1980s, when drug gangs became embedded in Rio de Janeiro’s favelas, or poor urban neighborhoods, much has been written about the violent regimes that govern these spaces. This article argues that a nonviolent political regime run by activist residents also plays a critical role in favela governance by expanding the provision of services, promoting social development, fighting for their citizenship rights, and inserting favelas into political networks across the city. This claim is based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted between 2014 and 2017 in the City of God, one of Rio’s most dangerous gang-controlled neighborhoods. Paradoxically, in activists’ efforts to improve the neighborhood and fight for their rights, the nonviolent political regime in the City of God not only subverted violent politics but also helped to provide the conditions for its survival. Nevertheless, scholarship must account for nonviolent political actors in order to fully theorize favela governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The regional issue of peripheral underdevelopment has in the Brazilian Superintendency for the Development of the Northeast (SUDENE) its first great paradigmatic case. The adoption of its two master plans reflects the economic and political onslaught of this institution. In this context, dialogue between SUDENE and the United States was established via the request for financing. This paper analyses the rapprochement and distancing between SUDENE and the "Alliance for Progress" in order to identify the political negotiations established between the two actors in the 1961-1964 period. First, the process of rapprochement to the Alliance for Progress by SUDENE (1961-1962) is examined, followed by a review of the causes of the decline of those negotiations (1963-1964). The methodology is based on the documentary analysis of the acts of SUDENE's Deliberative Council and its first and second master plans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay deals with the political upheaval of modern art after the civilianmilitary coup that took place in Brazil in 1964. The disappointment with the constructive project of Latin American art and the construction of Brasilia led many artists to question the capacity of Modern art to transform the reality. If the constructivist vanguards were dominant from the years 1950 to 1964, after those years it comes the art of new French realism and pop art. The Brazilian pop art will assume an ambiguous political discourse, sometimes critical of the influence of cultural industry in society or, more frequently a discourse of enchantment with the new society of consumerism. After the political closure and the violence in Brazil since 1968, many artists resolved to follow the example of the guerrillas in the field of visual arts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]