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"You Have to Live: Why Not Win?" is an autobiographical graphic novel by Dave Ketchen and Larry Thornton that tells the story of Larry Thornton, an older black entrepreneur and artist who owns several McDonald's restaurants in Birmingham, AL. The book explores Thornton's journey, overcoming obstacles, and learning valuable lessons in entrepreneurship and leadership. It also delves into the impact of growing up in the segregated southern United States and the importance of inclusivity and diverse perspectives in business education. The book's concise and visually powerful storytelling makes it a valuable resource for students and faculty in business schools. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the 70th anniversary of the Brown v. Board of Education decision, highlighting its impact on desegregation and the Equal Protection Clause. It explores unresolved legal and policy questions related to race in schools, including diversity, admissions, and affinity groups. The article also delves into the historical context, challenges, and outcomes of desegregation efforts, emphasizing the ongoing debate over racial isolation, educational quality, and the role of the judiciary in promoting equal educational opportunity. [Extracted from the article]

This year, 2024 marks the 70th anniversary of Brown versus Board of Education (1954). Despite this amount of time since Black students were legally allowed to attend schools with White students, the goal(s) of this landmark court case have not been achieved. Schools are not desegregated in many states and districts. Even more segregated is gifted and talented education (GATE) in which Black students are underrepresented about approximately 55% (Office for Civil Rights' Civil Rights Data, 2023) ; denied access exists more for this group more than any other. In this brief article, we juxtapose GATE with the tenets of Brown, and provide recommendations and resources for families and educators from various disciplines. We urge educators to turn from equality to equity in order to truly advocate for their Black students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the legacy of Brown v. Board of Education and its impact on racial integration in education, highlighting the indirect strategies used to maintain segregation after the ruling. Topics include the legal maneuvers to obstruct black enrollment in universities, the role of figures like Constance Baker Motley in challenging segregation, and the emergence of critical race theory from the failures of integration efforts post-Brown.

"Punished for Dreaming: How School Reform Harms Black Children and How We Heal" by Bettina Love is a critique of primary and secondary education that highlights the structural practices that perpetuate educational inequity, cultural erasure, and injustice. Love argues for reparations as a means of addressing exclusionary curriculum, abuse by school resource officers, and dilapidated school buildings. The book also explores the concept of an "educational survival complex" that obstructs Black student success and advocates for a shift towards abolitionist teaching practices. Love's work emphasizes the need for representation, balanced dialogue, and the telling of Black stories as a source of healing and understanding. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores St. John Henry Newman's theory of doctrinal development and its relevance to the synodal process. The author reflects on their experience coordinating a synod and the desire for doctrinal clarity expressed by the faithful. They propose that Newman's theory can guide the analysis of doctrinal changes and provide a tool for determining their authenticity. The article delves into Newman's theory in detail, including his seven notes of authentic development, and applies it to the question of women's ordination. The aim is to assist theologians and the magisterium in discerning doctrinal questions during the synodal process. [Extracted from the article]

This study examines Black college presidents' opinions about desegregation prior to the Supreme Court's 1954 Brown vs. Board of Education ruling. Much of the collective memory about higher education and segregation during this period focuses on NAACP attorneys' federal court cases and student activism; however, Black college presidents also played a significant role in defining the Black college for the public while explaining what their institutions could potentially gain and lose in a desegregated society. This historical assessment of five presidents of public and private Black colleges and universities provides insight into what Black academic leaders saw as the benefits and disadvantages of ending segregation. Through analysis of private correspondence, public speeches, and written commentaries, this article reconsiders the historic role of the Black college president in the broader narrative about desegregation and highlights lessons from the past for the current academic leaders of Black colleges and universities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the US Supreme Court's Brown vs. Board of Education ruling in 1954, the Mississippi Legislature approved several laws designed to fight integration and federalize civil rights. Among the legislation was the creation of the state Sovereignty Commission, which saw preserving white supremacy as good public policy. This study examines the efforts of the agency's first public relations director to carry out that mission through both standard public relations practices and far more nefarious methods of coercion and intimidation against those perceived as threats to segregation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hobson v. Hansen (1967) is best known as the first federal court case to rule against discriminatory use of standardized tests in the context of educational tracking. It was also significant as one of the first desegregation cases after Brown v Board of Education (1954) to use psychological evidence in its ruling. This essay briefly examines the debates over ability testing before Hobson, the contexts of post-desegregation D.C. educational politics that shaped the case, the social scientific evidence presented in the case, and its application to the court's ruling. It argues that while scholars have correctly acknowledged the court's mistaken assumptions about testing, the evidence presented of testing bias nevertheless cogently illustrated a broader constellation of discriminatory District practices. A review of the testimony suggests that while the psychological evidence was central to the court's ruling, the opinion rested less on the resolution of social scientific debates over testing bias than it did on the need to determine the justification of ability testing in the context of District tracking practices. Although sweeping in scope, the decision did little to resolve long running disputes over ability testing. Instead, it only helped inaugurate a more heated and contentious legal environment for educational testing in the coming decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the summer of 2020, International Relations (IR) scholars rushed to respond to the national and global irruptions of support for Black Lives Matter. But the relationship of 'domestic' racism in the United States to foreign policy and IR is long standing in the field, and non-marginal at that: in 1960, Hans Morgenthau provided a clear analysis of such connections in light of Brown vs. Board of Education. The 'post' in postcolonial acts as an intellectual provocation: in the aftermath of an event, how might we rethink received traditions of inquiry that prove ill equipped to explain and evaluate the event itself? The explanatory value of the 'post' lies in both exposing the disciplinary conventions of absence and retrieving obfuscated presences that provide alternative modes of inquiry. Picking up on Morgenthau's lost intervention, I provide a contribution to what might be called post-Black Lives Matter (BLM) IR. I weave an intellectual archeology of the long-standing intimacy of republicanism and imperialism via the racialized concept of the 'frontier'. I bring together the arguments and narratives of four authors who are progenitors of and/or mainstream scholars in the field: William Francis Allen, Frederick Jackson Turner, Morgenthau, and Merze Tate. I claim that this archeology of the 'frontier' might help us to grapple responsibly and incisively with IR post-BLM. Républicanisme et impérialisme à la frontière : une archéologie des relations internationales post-Black Lives Matter [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Allen describes Socratic pedagogy in Plato's I Republic i as follows: "the result of effective teaching will be enactment, and not merely comprehension."[13] In Allen's reading, Plato criticized the Athenian democracy in favor of instituting a more managerial politics.[14] Intriguingly, however, Plato's most memorable image stands in tension with Allen's line of interpretation. The practical, ameliorative shape of Allen's political philosophy prompts me to wonder whether Allen abandons too quickly the "free society" or the "open society" as the highest avatar of democracy. Keywords: history; utopia; Plato; Tocqueville; democratic Athens EN history utopia Plato Tocqueville democratic Athens 865 871 7 10/03/23 20231001 NES 231001 Danielle Allen is known for refashioning diverse traditions, texts, and histories in the service of improving American political life. "Beliefs are rules for action" - to quote Allen quoting James.[8] Danielle Allen's ideas have great practical importance. [Extracted from the article]

The article examines the history of school segregation in Kansas, particularly focusing on the often overlooked racial complexities beyond the Brown v. Board of Education decision. Topics include the pervasive role of ordinary white citizens in enforcing segregation through violence, the tri-racial segregation system in Kansas, and the interconnected histories of Indigenous dispossession, anti-Black racism, and anti-Mexican sentiments shaping the region.

The implementation of gifted programmes in the 1970s provided a way for school divisions to circumvent many of the aims of desegregated schooling as called for in Brown v. Board of Education. This study examines the implementation of one such system in a Southern school district that saw schools close rather than integrate in the years preceding the founding of a segregated gifted programme known as Quest. Additionally, the study situates the founding of this gifted programme in a national social and legal context involving fears of educational stagnation and white flight from public school systems. Using primary and secondary sources, this study highlights the attitudes of national policymakers at work in the 1974 reauthorization of ESEA, which significantly limited school divisions abilities to integrate while also providing funds for gifted classrooms that segregated 'exceptional' children using racially and socioeconomically biased measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on reimagining literature circles in middle school classrooms to include a new role named "systems analyst," aiming to develop critical readers by addressing societal systems, particularly racism and discrimination. It author discusses the importance of critical literacy, connecting texts to sociopolitical issues, and using literature as a tool to promote social justice and disrupt systems of oppression in education.

The first decision in Brown v. Board of Education is a landmark children’s rights case that has been lost. After all, segregated education was not sui generis; free and independent Black children in the United States had always been perceived as a significant threat to White supremacy, just as their subjugation had always been a powerful and effective means to uphold it. In an unprecedented move to address this age-old practice, Brown I recognized Black children’s right to protect themselves from government exploitation that targeted them because they were Black and young—erecting barriers in their equal path to adulthood—in order to maintain a racial caste system across generations. Regrettably, the Supreme Court relinquished its groundbreaking children’s rights precepts by shifting to an exclusive focus on Black and White adults’ rights and interests. In Brown I’s aftermath, the Court abdicated Black children’s rights through an effort to placate White adults’ rights in Brown II, playing directly into the hands of segregationists. As the Court relinquished Black children’s rights, the civil rights movement lost an indispensable weapon in the battle to desegregate K-12 public schools in the short-term as well as the opportunity for doctrinal and theoretical development of a more expansive and coherent children’s equal protection jurisprudence in the long-term. Imagine if the Court had retained, nurtured, and developed Brown I’s children’s equality law precepts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Keywords: (im)migration; racialization; inclusion; intersectionality EN (im)migration racialization inclusion intersectionality 1711 1716 6 10/13/22 20221115 NES 221115 The five articles in this second of a two-part special issue on racialization and migration[3] discuss how racialization is not exclusively linked to the exclusion of migrants, at least not explicitly so. First, they speak to how organizations or contexts seemingly welcoming to migrants can (often unintentionally) reify the same racializing logics of the xenophobic social or legal regime that exclude migrants as disposable and exploitable. Conducting his research in a migrant-serving organization (JyP) that explicitly argues "all are deserving", Jimenez finds that migrants are accepted as "deserving" only when their racially subordinate positions can be assured. Second, they raise questions about what racialization is/does from the perspective of the migrants and consider migrants as not only the objects but also subjects of racialization. [Extracted from the article]

The article focuses on the problems of racism in the U.S. schools. Topics include the U.S. Supreme Court case Brown v. Board of Education, Milliken v. Bradle, and Parents Involved in Community Schools v. Seattle School District No. 1 on segregated education; the ways that laws and policies contribute to the exclusion of African American students and other students of color from high-quality educational opportunities; and Fairfax County School Board revised the admissions protocols.

Municipal governments have long looked to gentrification in hopes of addressing social problems, including poverty concentration, crime, and more recently, school segregation. Yet, little is known about the educational implications of neighborhood gentrification. This article examines the process of "school gentrification" exploring school leadership challenges navigating school integration in a diverse-by-design charter elementary school experiencing gentrification. We find acute tensions of transitioning from school desegregation to integration within the context of unequal circumstances. In particular leadership's challenge of creating spaces with repeated contact across race and class, and leadership's response to lobbying efforts from parents that frequently undermined the school's equity aims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document is a summary of an essay titled "Worse than Nothing: The Dangerous Fallacy of Originalism" by Erwin Chemerinsky. The essay discusses different approaches to American constitutional interpretation, with Chemerinsky arguing against originalism. He claims that originalism is a "dangerous fallacy" that can lead to abhorrent results and jeopardize basic rights and advances in equality. Chemerinsky also criticizes originalist justices for abandoning the theory when it does not align with their desired outcomes. The essay explores the perspectives of other scholars, such as Jack Balkin and H. Jefferson Powell, who propose alternative approaches to constitutional interpretation. The summary concludes by mentioning the distinction between legal formalism and legal realism and how it relates to the arguments presented in the essay. [Extracted from the article]

The article focuses on Thirteenth Amendment's Punishment Clause and the U.S. court case Brown v. Board of Education with rather sparing Black children from unequal surveillance, punishments, and the "school to prison" pipeline. It mentions criminal confinement and places them in modern conversation during the global pandemic and slavery and involuntary servitude within the carceral system in the U.S. It also mentions repealed or dismantled by legislative action or judicial review.

Many countries renounced or waived reparations payments from Japan, including the Soviet Union, China, and Ceylon. Other Black reparations claims There are other cases of reparations for slavery involving the United Kingdom, Africa, Haiti, the Commonwealth Caribbean area, and the CARICOM Reparations Commission, a group of 15 Caribbean countries. Section 4 extends the debate by addressing earlier examples of reparations programmes, including war reparations, German payments for Holocaust victims, and a number of other cases. Darity (2021) clarifies this.[3] Darity and Mullen's proposal to use a measure of the racial wealth gap has been accepted by many advocates for reparations, most notably in the previous, and powerful, case for reparations provided by Coates (2014). [Extracted from the article]

In his conclusion, where Murphy lays out the steps he hopes Rochester can take to overcome segregation, the first on his list is to do a detailed study to answer questions about how this is to be done. I Your Children Are Very Greatly in Danger: School Segregation in Rochester, New York i can be viewed as a case study of how American communities have let this new segregation come to pass. Your Children Are Very Greatly in Danger: School Segregation in Rochester, New York: Murphy, Justin., Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 296 pp., $32.95, ISBN978-1-5017-6186-7. [Extracted from the article]

The article reports on the problems of school segregation in New York. Topics include the U.S. Supreme Court case Brown v. Board of Education on violation of the Fourteenth Amendment's equal protection clause; the amendment to the education article of the New York State Constitution; and litigation challenging extreme segregation in New York schools.

The article focuses on the U.S. Supreme Court's decision in the case Brown v. Board of Education on case holding that the racial segregation of public schools is unconstitutional. It mentions federal, state, and local governments from utilizing implicit discriminatory methods, including creating laws and inequality are evident in the public school system. It also mentions history of housing discrimination in the Long Island area has directly impacted the racial imbalance.

In 2010, the Journal of Legal Commentary was renamed the Journal of Civil Rights & Economic Development (JCRED) to reflect its status as the official journal of the Ron Brown Center for Civil Rights here at St. John's University School of Law. From then on, the Journal has been dedicated to exploring issues of social, racial, and economic justice in the law. Thus, JCRED is situated to be a publication that breaches the divide that has held so much power over legal scholarship through the years. That divide is the segregation of issues of Public Law and Private Law, the realm of Public Law being considered the only appropriate space to discuss issues of identity-based oppression covered in the civil rights cases and anti-discrimination litigation of Constitutional Law. The realm of Private Law, on the other hand, has been considered the "neutral" economic space devoid of any considerations of identity or historical context, where the law of Contracts, Business Organizations, and Property exists. There is no doubt that this arbitrary division has been a major disservice to legal scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the decision of the U.S. Supreme Court in the case Brown v. Board of Education featuring the decision of Earl Warren, and Charles Bush. It mentions pages at the Supreme Court were required to attend the Capitol Page School in Washington, DC and educational services for pages working at the Supreme Court and Congress. It also mentions Supreme Court was effectively requiring the Capitol Page School to immediately desegregate.

The article discusses the highlights of the Critical Race Theory (CRT) symposium on educational inclusion in 2022. Topics covered include the views that CRT is socially-constructed and with no biological basis, and that the whiteness possessed by White people has accruing value over time, and the observation that the political right uses CRT as a name for everything they do not like.. Also noted is the passage and consideration of anti-CRT legislation in two dozen states.

Discrimination law has long been in theoretical crisis. Its central theory--disparate treatment law--has no agreed-upon core principles. Because prevailing theories of discrimination once treated "disparate treatment" and "discriminatory intent" as coextensive--something we now know not to be true--it is unclear whether all "disparate treatment" is truly proscribed. In the absence of a clear commitment to proscribing all disparate treatment, judicial law-making has run amok. The result has been the development of a network of technical rules that have all but eclipsed the factual question of whether discrimination took place, and that have been devastating to discrimination plaintiffs' success. This Article contends that the time has come to resolve the theoretical crisis in anti-discrimination law. In a series of recent cases, the Supreme Court has situated the question of whether an individual or group would have fared differently "but for" their protected class status as the central defining question of anti-discrimination law. Moreover, the Court has suggested that this inquiry flows from antidiscrimination law's plain text. As such, there are compelling arguments to be made that a true disparate treatment principle--the but-for principle--is the textually mandated inquiry in antidiscrimination law, and that judicial deviations from this standard are illegitimate. This idea--that our anti-discrimination laws must reach all contexts where the outcome would be different "but for" the sex, race, or other protected class status of those affected--is simultaneously conservative in its aspirations and potentially radical in its legal effects. Such an approach comports with our often-stated commitment that all individuals in our society be given equal opportunities, and not be judged on the basis of their race, sex, or other protected class status. But anti-discrimination law has strayed far from these anti-disparate treatment principles--and thus taking such a commitment seriously would have truly significant effects. This Article thus suggests that reorienting our inquiry around the factual question of whether the outcome would be different "but for" protected class status is important to ensuring that anti-discrimination law can achieve its basic promises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on evaluating early-commitment medical programs and their impact on academic outcomes, particularly concerning the selection of matriculants and the representation of underprivileged groups.

The article focuses on addressing concerns raised by Drs. Palma and Kaufmann regarding the management of orthostatic hypotension, highlighting the importance of individualized treatment while cautioning against deprescribing antihypertensives en masse for older adults with hypertension.

This article, titled "Educational Cultures Promoting Excellence," is a special issue of Gifted Child Today that commemorates the 70th anniversary of the Brown v the Board of Education decision. The article acknowledges the progress made in terms of African American rights since Brown, but also highlights the ongoing challenges in providing access to quality education. The issue specifically examines the cultures of elite Black high schools during the era of Jim Crow and the current cultures of Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs). The authors explore the characteristics of these educational environments that fostered high levels of achievement and discuss how these characteristics can be replicated in today's schools. The article concludes by emphasizing the importance of ensuring equal and equitable opportunities for all students to participate in advanced and gifted education. [Extracted from the article]

The article examines the status of the U.S. Supreme Court case Brown v. Board of Education as a constitutional icon in the U.S. political culture. It explains the role of efforts to constitutionalize the actions of nonjudicial actors to restrict the reformist potential of the ruling in the iconic status of Brown. It mentions the challenge posed by the elite opinion to the jurisprudential merit of the ruling. The role of the passage of the Civil Rights Act in the reputation of Brown is cited.

The article focuses on term limits and regular appointments at the U.S. Supreme Court with power campaign finance, religious liberty, abortion, voting, and immigration. It mentions Court ruling unanimously in Brown v. Board of Education despite the fact that the outcome was highly politically contentious at the time. It also mentions mistakes in his work such as forgetting which attorney was representing which party during the oral argument.