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Archaeologists are often tempted to make their own contributions to the study of the evolution of cognition and language. At the same time many more researchers in other fields try to find in the archaeological literature the evidence that would disclose the steps in the evolution of these aspects of human nature. On one issue all scholars agree: The so-called Upper Paleolithic Revolution, since some 45,000 years ago, commonly characterized on the basis of Western European archaeological records, fossils and genetic evidence, is the expression of hominins like us. It is generally agreed, although not accepted by all, that due to gene flow and cultural transmissions modern humans came out of Africa and dispersed around the world. The question, however, is how much earlier were the origins of languages and cognition, and can we identify the material remains that reflect the phases that led to today's expressions, within the sequence from 3.3 or 2.6 Myr ago. This paper examines briefly the common stone tool making techniques that are still considered in the literature as a source for providing information about the evolution of cognition, along with very few comments on the pattern of seasonal/annual mobility of past groups of foragers. It reaches the conclusion that when we study not only the records of Europe, western Asia and Africa from a Western view point but also take into consideration the information from East Asia, we are forced to adopt a cautious attitude to the interpretations concerning the emergence of cognition and languages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The earliest pottery in East Asia, as is found in several cave sites in southern China, emerges in Upper Paleolithic contexts dating from the Last Glacial Maximum, ∼20 Ka cal BP. The making of simple pottery vessels in Late Pleistocene East Asia also has been noted in eastern Siberia and Japan but not yet in the Central Plains of China. This paper summarizes the better-reported evidence for early pottery sites across the vast region of China south of the Yangtze River, providing details on two dating projects conducted in the cave sites of Xianrendong (Jiangxi Province) and Yuchanyan (Hunan Province). The excavated contexts in these two caves and a few others clearly indicate that this early pottery was the creation of hunter-gatherers who hunted available game and foraged a variety of plant foods. The nature of the cave occupations is ephemeral, and where the published animal and plant remains allow, we suggest that there were repeated, seasonal occupations. In sum, there is no basis yet to suggest that the making of early pottery in South China marked sedentary or plant-cultivating communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Food security intertwined with the need to maintain biological survival of a demographically viable population is the basic long-term policy for all societies. This paper compares selected cases of successful and failed Paleolithic groups of hunter-gatherers, as recorded archaeologically across Eurasia and Africa, in responding to the impacts of abrupt climatic changes. The complex prehistory of Pleistocene foragers is briefly compared to strategies adopted by Neolithic farmers. The major difference between forager and farmer economies is not their social organization as much as the access options to alternative territories and food resources. Open Pleistocene landscapes across Eurasia and Africa allowed for movements of Paleolithic groups over large distances with or without adopting new exploitation techniques. Successes and failures that we measure in a chronological macro-scale left archaeological evidence (lithic assemblages, faunal remains, occasional flimsy dwellings, etc.) in various regions, recorded by systematic and comprehensive surveys and excavations. However, we miss the chronological micro-scale of most of the Paleolithic period that could inform us about extinctions. We can identify only survival stories explained as successful adaptations. When farming communities were established during the course of the Holocene, variable modes of social and economic interactions and group resilience evolved in order to secure survival in years of bad harvests. Interactions with foragers and herders, competition, raids, village abandonment, migration into others' territories, were among the optional strategies. Due to the difference in chronological scales between 2.6 Ma of the Paleolithic period and the 12 Ka of the Holocene (or Anthropocene), we can more easily recognize the role of abrupt climatic changes among prehistoric societies during the Terminal Pleistocene and the Holocene and evaluate the success and failure of both, hunter-gatherers and farmers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The MIS 3/2 transition (Denekamp interstadial and beginning of the LGM) is a crucial point in time for understanding adaptation of modern humans to climate. The Southern Caucasus is a unique place to study human ecology within this time period because it served as a refugium during the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM) and thus allows us to study how human populations responded to the climatic shifts during the Last Glacial. This study presents the results of the paleoecological analysis of Dzudzuana cave during the MIS 3/2 transition using small mammal community structure as a proxy for paleoenvironment. Of the four units in Dzudzuana (Units A through D), Unit C, divided into subunits C5 to C1, has been dated to 27–24 ka cal BP and the MIS 3/2 transition. Thus, Unit C allows for a diachronic analysis throughout this important time period. Small mammals were found primarily in subunit C2 and C1. Analysis of the small mammal assemblages of Dzudzuana subunits C2 and C1 confirm the paleoecological reconstruction obtained from macrobotanical remains, and suggest a refugium habitat during the last phase of MIS 3 and the onset of the LGM. Comparison with a contemporaneous site in the region (Satsurblia) suggests a high spatial-temporal mosaic habitat in the region. Small refugium areas within the Rioni River valley and its tributaries that enjoyed ameliorated climatic conditions and proximity to water resources may have promoted local human habitation. Furthermore, results suggest that the small mammal assemblages of Dzudzuana are non-analogue communities typical of European Denekamp assemblages, and provide a new datum point for the faunal remains during this time period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Three engraved limestone plaquettes from the recently excavated Epipaleolithic open-air site Ein Qashish South in the Jezreel Valley, Israel comprise unique evidence for symbolic behavior of Late Pleistocene foragers in the Levant. The engravings, uncovered in Kebaran and Geometric Kebaran deposits (ca. 23ka and ca. 16.5ka BP), include the image of a bird—the first figurative representation known so far from a pre-Natufian Epipaleolithic—along with geometric motifs such as chevrons, crosshatchings and ladders. Some of the engravings closely resemble roughly contemporary European finds interpreted as "systems of notations" or "artificial memory systems"–records related to timing of seasonal resources and associated aggregation events of nomadic groups. Moreover, similarly looking signs and patterns are well known from the context of the local Natufian—a final Epipaleolithic culture of sedentary or semi-sedentary foragers who started practicing agriculture. The investigation of the engravings found in Ein Qashish South involves conceptualizations developed in studies of European and local parallels, a selection of ethnographic examples and preliminary microscopic observations of the plaquettes. This shows that the figurative and non-figurative images comprise a coherent assemblage of symbols that might have been applied in order to store, share and transmit information related to social and subsistence realms of mobile bands. It further suggests that the site functioned as a locality of groups' aggregation and indicates social complexity of pre-Natufian foragers in the Levant. While alterations in social and subsistence strategies can explain the varying frequency of image use characterizing different areas of the Late Pleistocene world—the apparent similarity in graphics and the mode of their application support the possibility that symbol-mediated behavior has a common and much earlier origin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The climatic downturn known globally as the Younger Dryas (YD; ~12,900-11,500 BP) has frequently been cited as a prime mover of agricultural origins and has thus inspired enthusiastic debate over its local impact. This study presents seasonal climatic data from the southern Levant obtained from the sequential sampling of gazelle tooth carbonates from the Early and Late Natufian archaeological sites of Hayonim and Hilazon Tachtit Caves (western Galilee, Israel). Our results challenge the entrenched model that assumes that warm temperatures and high precipitation are synonymous with climatic amelioration and cold and wet conditions are combined in climatic downturns. Enamel carbon isotope values from teeth of human-hunted gazelle dating before and during the YD provide a proxy measure for water availability during plant growth. They reveal that although the YD was cooler, it was not drier than the preceding Bølling-Allerød. In addition, the magnitude of the seasonal curve constructed from oxygen isotopes is significantly dampened during the YD, indicating that cooling was most pronounced in the growing season. Cool temperatures likely affected the productivity of staple wild cereal resources. We hypothesize that human groups responded by shifting settlement strategies--increasing population mobility and perhaps moving to the warmer Jordan Valley where wild cereals were more productive and stable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews the archaeology and chronology of the Chinese Upper Paleolithic and the human fossils attributed to this period. The onset of the Upper Paleolithic in China dates to ca. 35,000-30,000 years ago and is marked by the appearance of a few body decorations and well-shaped bone tools that were added to stone tool assemblages, including core-and-flake tools in North China and cobble tools in South China. The proliferation of blade assemblages in northwest China is interpreted as the cultural impact or the physical presence of bearers of blade industries from western Eurasia. The ensuing appearance of microblade assemblages in North China by 23,000-22,000 years ago reflects the use of local siliceous crystalline nodules by a population that recognized the advantages of this raw material. At that time in South China, prehistoric artisans continued to shape their stone objects from the available flat river cobbles. During the later part of the Chinese Upper Paleolithic (ca. 21,000-10,000 BP), foragers also made bone tools, antler objects, pottery, and shell tools, which laid the technological foundations for the early Neolithic period. One difficulty in this research is that human fossils are rare. Few are well dated and morphological, cultural, and biological interpretations are hotly debated. Our review attempts to facilitate the understanding of a poorly known period in Chinese archaeology and its place in human cultural evolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The use of bamboo by hominins in Southeast Asia has long been used as an explanation for the lack of stone tool innovation and diversity in that region during the Pleistocene. The paleoenvironmental and ethnographic basis of “Bamboo hypothesis” has been critiqued recently, but those factors are not directly relevant to the question of whether prehistoric hominins actually used bamboo. There is an even more rudimentary question that should be answered first: is it even possible to make complex bamboo tools with simple flaked cobble tool industries? This paper shows that it is indeed possible to procure and manipulate bamboo in a variety of ways with replicated stone tools. Not all bamboo stems are of equal quality, which should add a layer of intricacy in need of consideration by any future advocate of the Bamboo Hypothesis. Pilot knapping studies are also discussed, and suggest that the raw material constraints presented by local raw materials may generally be given undue weight in the morphological appearance of Southeast Asian Pleistocene stone tools. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Despite almost a century of research, the Chinese Paleolithic chronocultural sequence still remains incomplete, although the number of well-dated sites is rapidly increasing. The Chinese Paleolithic is marked by the long persistence of core-and-flake and cobble-tool industries, so interpretation of cultural and social behavior of humans in East Asia based solely on comparison with the African and western Eurasian prehistoric sequences becomes problematic, such as in assessing cognitive evolutionary stages. For the Chinese Paleolithic, wood and bamboo likely served as raw materials for the production of daily objects since the arrival of the earliest migrants from western Asia, although poor preservation is a problem. Contrary to the notion of a 'Movius Line' with handaxes not present on the China side, China does have a limited distribution of Acheulian bifaces and unifaces. Similarly, Middle Paleolithic assemblages are present in the Chinese sequence. Although the available raw materials have been assumed to have limited applicable knapping techniques in China, this notion is challenged by the appearance of microblade industries in the north in the Upper Paleolithic. In the south, early pottery making by foragers emerged 20,000 years ago, thus preceding the emergence of farming but heralding the long tradition of cooking in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction to the symposium and to this issue of Current Anthropology attempts to provide some sense of the topic, the meeting itself, the participants, and some of the initial results. Our symposium brought together a diverse international group of archaeological scientists to consider a topic of common interest and substantial anthropological import—the origins of agriculture. The group included individuals working in most of the places where farming began. This issue is organized by chronology and geography. Our goal was to consider the most recent data and ideas from these different regions in order to examine larger questions of congruity and disparity among the groups of first farmers. There is much new information from a number of important areas, particularly Asia. Following a review of the history of investigation of agricultural origins, this introduction summarizes the results of the conference. There are at least 10 different places around the world where agriculture was independently developed, and the antiquity of domestication is being pushed back in time with new discoveries. Our symposium has emphasized the importance of a multidisciplinary approach to such large questions in order to assemble as much information as possible. We anticipate that the results and consequences of this symposium will have long-term ripple effects in anthropology and archaeology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a Levantine model for the origins of cultivation of various wild plants as motivated by the vagaries of the climatic fluctuation of the Younger Dryas within the context of the mosaic ecology of the region that affected communities that were already sedentary or semisedentary. In addition to holding to their territories, these communities found ways to intensify their food procurement strategy by adopting intentional growth of previously known annuals, such as a variety of cereals. The Levantine sequence, where Terminal Pleistocene and Early Holocene Neolithic archaeology is well known, is employed as a model for speculating on the origins of millet cultivation in northern China, where both the archaeological data and the dates are yet insufficient to document the evolution of socioeconomic changes that resulted in the establishment of an agricultural system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This review summarizes the paleoecology of the Early and Middle Pleistocene of southwestern Asia, based on both flora and fauna, retrieved from a series of ‘windows’ provided by the excavated sites. The incomplete chrono-stratigraphy of this vast region does not allow to accept the direct chronological correlation between the available sites and events of faunal and hominin dispersals from Africa. It also demonstrates that hominins survived in a mixed landscape of open parkland with forested surrounding hills. In addition, the prevailing environmental conditions are not sufficient to explain successful adaptations to new ecological niches away from the African savanna of the bearers of ‘core and flake’ and the Acheulian industries, The differences in knapping and secondary shaping of stone artifacts probably reflect the learned traditions of different groups of hominins. The current distribution of lithic industries across Eurasia is undoubtedly incomplete due to lack of cultural continuities as well as paucity of field research in several sub-regions. This observation supports the contention that what we view as a constant stream of migrants was actually interrupted many times. The continuous occupation of southwestern Asia by the makers of the Acheulian is in contrast with neighboring regions such as the Iranian plateau and Eastern Europe. A more complex model is required to explain the recorded Eurasian archaeological–cultural mosaic. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This paper explores the impact of major glacial/interglacial paleohydrologic variations in the Middle-Paleolithic Levant on hominin migration and occupation. The climatic reconstruction is based primarily on the most straight-forward paleohydrologic records recently published. These terrestrial proxies convey direct paleoenvironmental signals of effective precipitation and aquifer recharge. The two main proxies are temporal changes of terminal lake levels in the Dead Sea basin and periods of deposition or non-deposition of speleothems. Other records, such as stable isotopes, if interpreted correctly, correspond well with these two direct proxies. All the records consistently indicate that the last two glacial periods in the central Levant were generally wet and cool, while the last two interglacials were dry and warm, so more water was available for the ecosystem and thus hominins during glacial periods than during interglacials. Some proxies indicate that the higher precipitation/evaporation ratio during glacial periods involved higher precipitation rather than only reduced evaporation. Beyond the general mean glacial/interglacial climate suggested here, variations occurred at all temporal scales throughout glacial or interglacial periods. In the Sahara-Negev arid barrier, moister conditions occurred during Marine Isotope Stage (MIS) 6a-5e, when Anatomically Modern Humans apparently migrated out of Africa. We suggest that this migration, as well as the later Neanderthal expansion from Southeast Europe or the Anatolian plateau into the Levant during early MIS 4, could be facilitated by the observed major climatic variations. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Since the pioneering days of Paleolithic archaeology in western Europe, the making of stone tools has received special attention. Numerous studies were aimed at creating systematic typologies of artifacts based on descriptions of their technical features and morphological attributes. Recently, the concept of chaîne opératoire, or "operational sequence" (sometimes called "core reduction sequence"), borrowed from French social anthropologists, has been introduced into the study of Old World prehistory. Its conceptual framework is focused on the recognition of the overall technology and the practical skills of the prehistoric knapper in employing a particular technique responsible for the transformation of raw material to tools. Although the stone objects of all periods received attention, those of the Middle Paleolithic—due to issues such as the significance of lithic variability in retouched tools, the demise of the Neanderthals, or the emergence of "modern behavior"—have been at the forefront. This paper discusses the definition of chaîne opératoire and its practice and demonstrates that as a system of classification, it is overformalized and provides but an illusion of reading the minds of prehistoric knappers. The need to pay more attention to the recognition of patterning in the technological information is essential if we wish to go beyond a formal type list of knapping products. We argue that an elaborate, complex typology of core reduction products and discrete chaîne opératoires is an approach that impedes informed behavioral interpretations by forcing a rigid framework of "technical" definitions on the prehistoric lithic technologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author comments on a study by Kim Sterelny and Trevor Watkins on neolithization in Southwest Asia in the context of niche construction theory. Topics discussed include a commendation of the study authors for producing a different view on the establishment of Neolithic farming and herding communities in southwest Asia, the origin of the term Neolithization, and the importance of the use of Niche Construction Theory (NCT).

Abstract: This paper considers the recent radiometric dating (14C-AMS, TL, ESR) of 76 late Middle and early Upper Paleolithic samples from Ortvale Klde Rockshelter, located in the Republic of Georgia. We present a critical evaluation of each date based on its stratigraphic and archaeological context, its pretreatment and contamination history, and its resulting accuracy and precision, the goal being to establish a sound chronology for the site. Only by systematically identifying aberrant dates within a data set and isolating them from further analysis can we hope to understand cultural and biological phenomena on an accurate temporal scale. Based on the strict discard protocol outlined here, we omit 25% of the dated samples from the analysis. The remaining data speak to the lengthy tenure of Neandertals in the region, but also to their relatively rapid demise and the establishment of modern human populations ∼38–34ka 14C BP (42–39kacalBPHulu). We compare these chronometric data with those from the neighboring sites of Bronze and Dzudzuana caves, as well as Mezmaiskaya Cave, located in the northern Caucasus. While the lack of key contextual information limit our ability to subject these other data sets to the same critical evaluation procedure, they provide the first interregional temporal assessment of the Middle to Upper Paleolithic “transition,” the results of which suggest an initial expansion of modern humans into the southern Caucasus followed by expansion along the Black Sea coast and into the northern Caucasus. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The Upper Palaeolithic Revolution, sometimes called ‘the Creative Explosion’, is seen as the period when the forefathers of modern forager societies emerged. Similarly to the Industrial and Neolithic Revolutions, it represents a short time span when numerous inventions appeared and cultural changes occurred. The inventions were in the domain of technology, that is, shaping of new stone tool forms, longdistance exchange of raw materials, the use of bone, antler and ivory as well as rare minerals for the production of domestic and ritual objects. Spatial analysis of ‘living floors’ indicates the presence of a kitchen area, sleeping grounds, storage facilities (in certain regions) and a discard zone. We can also detect a certain increase in social hierarchy and the presence of shamans. Body decorations indicate the appearance of personal individuality. Several hypotheses were offered as an explanation for the initiation of all these cultural changes often grouped under the term ‘modern behaviour’. It stands to reason that attributing the new successful technologies observed in the Eurasian Upper Palaeolithic to intrinsic social processes and economic innovations by local Middle Palaeolithic populations would need a better archaeological demonstration than that available today. For the time being, the emergence of Modern humans in sub-Saharan Africa, their socio-economic dynamism that caused their expansion through the Nile Valley into the Near East, and their migration along the ‘southern route’ of Asia as far as Australia, is the most plausible scenario though it still leaves much to be desired from future archaeological research. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Prior to the establishment of farming communities direct physical evidence for human conflict was rarely reported from archaeological contexts. Here we present a case of an Early Natufian (14.500–13.000 cal B.P.) projectile, classified as Helwan lunate, embedded inside the seventh or eighth thoracic vertebra sequence of a mature middle age adult male. Due to calcareous concretion four vertebras were still in anatomical connection when uncovered by F. Turville-Petre, during his excavations at Kebara cave (Mt. Carmel) in 1931. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

A study of the mineralogy and phytolith assemblages of hearths and their associated sediments in Hayonim Cave, Israel, shows that wood ash is a major component of the sediments of both the Natufian (approximately 12,000 bp ) and the Mousterian deposits (approximately 100 to 250,000 bp ). Interestingly, phytolith analyses show that in the Natufian deposits grasses are the second most abundant form of vegetation preserved, whereas in the Mousterian deposits leaves of dicotyledonous plants are the second most abundant form of vegetation preserved. Significant differences were repeatedly observed in phytolith assemblages from closely associated but different stratigraphic layers, showing that vertical mixing of intact sediments is not intensive, and that there was a diverse input of vegetation over relatively short time periods. No consistent differences were observed in the mineralogy and the phytolith assemblages between hearths and their associated sediments. Both contain abundant ash components. This study demonstrates that quantitative analyses of phytoliths together with mineralogical analyses, can provide much information on the use of plants for fuel and other purposes by the cave occupants. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The transition from the Middle Paleolithic to the Upper Paleolithic is considered one of the major revolutions in the prehistory of humankind. Explanations of the observable archaeological phenomena in Eurasia, or the lack of such evidence in other regions, include biological arguments (the role of Cro-Magnons and the demise of the Neanderthals), as well as cultural-technological, and environmental arguments. The paper discusses issues of terminological ambiguities, chronological and geographical aspects of change, the emergence of what is viewed as the arch-types of modern forager societies, and the hotly debated and loaded issue of modern behavior. Finally, the various causes for the Upper Paleolithic revolution are enumerated, from the biological through the technocultural that relies on the analogy with the Neolithic revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines evidence for the production of early blade technologies in Eurasia and Africa, dating to the late Lower and Middle Paleolithic. Morphological definition of the blade; Blade technologies before the upper Paleolithic; Flakes, blades and bifaces in later assemblages.

This paper describes four Upper Paleolithic sites from NE Sinai, near Quseime. Three of them are in a primary context, two of which yielded radiocarbon dates of ca. 33,000- 32,000 years b.p. They are embedded in a silt-sand terrace that is attributed to a relatively wet phase of the Early Upper Paleolithic period. The sites are small camps, remnants of living surfaces, with numerous flint artifacts, limestone anvils and hammers, ochre flecks, and ostrich eggshells. The flint assemblages are dominated by numerous fine blades, some of which were either retouched or backed. The Qadesh Barnea assemblages, along with similar assemblages from the Negev and Sinai, represent the earliest and best-documented Upper Paleolithic culture in the Levant, the Lagaman, which is broadly contemporary (ca. 40,000-30,000 b.p.) with the Early Aurignacian of Europe and the French Castelperronian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Netiv Hagdud is an Early Neolithic village site in the Lower Jordan Valley. Systematic excavations exposed a 500-sq m surface, which included several oval and circular houses. Carbonized plant remains, animal bones, and a wealth of lithic assemblages were the primary materials recovered from the houses and the fill. The seeds indicate that barley cultivation was practiced, along with the continuous gathering of wild fruits and seeds. Gazelle hunting and trapping of migratory waterfowl provided the major meat sources. Evidence concerning distribution of subsistence activities indicates that the site was occupied during at least nine months each year. Domestic activities are expressed in a variety of grinding and pounding tools, a few bone objects, and numerous flint tools. The lithic industry, classified as Sultanian, is characterized by the presence of Khiam points, sickle blades, and tranchet (Tahunian) axes, and is similar to that uncovered in Jericho. Flexed burials, the removal of adult skulls, and a few female figurines are the only sources of information concerning on-site symbolic activities. The report discusses the primary finds from the excavations and places the site within the context of other Early Neolithic sites in the southern Levant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a reply to comment made by A. M. T. Moore regarding an article on seasonal mobility and agriculture in the Levant. Moore questions the assumption that the behavioral ecology of mountain gazelle remained relatively stable over the Late Pleistocene. He states that although it is clear that the geographic distribution of these zones changed as a result of Upper Pleistocene climatic fluctuations, the floral and faunal composition remained the same throughout the period. Furthermore, Moore does not agree with the evidence that hunter-gatherers preferred lowlands in one season and uplands in another. However, the authors believe that the evidence shows a radiating mobility pattern in which humans repeatedly returned to the same sites over the course of many seasons.

This paper summarizes the social evolution of the Pleistocene Palaeolithic sequence of the Levant. It examines the available cultural records as reflecting a non-continuous record that was created by the impacts of mainly human inward migrations followed by the development of local cultures and mixing with foreigners. Outward migrations are yet poorly known due to the paucity of solid information from neighboring geographic territories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The long archeological sequence exposed during our renewed excavations in Hayonim Cave sheds new light on the striking technological changes observed at the boundary between the Acheulo-Yabrudian (end of the Lower Paleolithic) and Early Middle Paleolithic in the Levant, as well as on their meaning in terms of population movements. The recent, as yet unpublished, technological studies highlight a clear technological break between these two entities. In Hayonim, the Acheulo-Yabrudian assemblages found at the bottom of the archeological sequence display the specific combination of bifacial shaping and the production of thick, often cortical, flakes frequently shaped into scrapers by Quina retouch. Neither of these lithic production systems is observed in the succeeding Levantine Middle Paleolithic assemblages. In contrast, the Early Middle Paleolithic is characterized by the expansion and diversification of the Levallois production system in its full-fledged form, the emergence of a specific Laminar technology, and a high proportion of retouched tools made on elongated blanks (points and blades). These technological features are unknown in the previous Acheulo-Yabrudian assemblages in the cave. Based on this information, we attempt to determine if the observed changes in stone tool production strategies resulted from an autochthonous development or a dispersal out of Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The region of western Georgia (Imereti) in the Southern Caucasus has been a major geographic corridor for human migrations during the Middle and Upper Paleolithic. Data of recent research and excavations in this region display its importance as a possible route for the dispersal of anatomically modern humans (AMH) into northern Eurasia. Nevertheless, within the local research context, bone-working and personal ornaments have yet contributed but little to the Upper Palaeolithic (UP) regional sequence's characterization. Here we present an archaeozoological, technological and use-wear study of pendants from two local UP assemblages, originating in the Dzudzuana Cave and Satsurblia Cave. The ornaments were made mostly of perforated teeth, though some specimens were made on bone. Both the manufacturing marks made during preparation and use-wear traces indicate that they were personal ornaments, used as pendants or attached to garments. Detailed comparison between ornament assemblages from northern and southern Caucasus reveal that they are quite similar, supporting the observation of cultural bonds between the two regions, demonstrated previously through lithic techno-typological affinities. Furthermore, our study highlights the importance attributed to red deer (Cervus elaphus) by the UP societies of the Caucasus in sharing aesthetic values and/or a symbolic sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since its discovery in the 1980s, Nahal Hemar Cave has been interpreted as a cult site where ceremonies were performed, as indicated by the extremely selected and highly symbolic repertoire of objects found in the cave (e.g., stone masks, modelled skulls, bone figurines, etc.). The finds, dated to the 8th millennium cal. BC and assigned to the Pre-Pottery Neolithic B (PPNB) period, also consisted of other artefacts often found in contemporaneous sites, such as flint tools or stone beads. In this paper, the status and use of the unique lithic assemblage found in the cave is assessed through a comprehensive approach integrating techno-typological and use-wear analyses and, secondly, contextualized within current lithic research and in the broader context of the Middle/Late PPNB in the southern Levant. The study resolves some of the major questions concerning the production, use and meaning of the flint tools, also bringing some light to the ritual, spiritual or unconventional activities associated with the use of the cave. It concludes that the flint assemblage found in the cave was the result of a series of episodes of deposition of objects over a relatively lengthy period of time, that a varied group of social agents was involved in the production of the said tools and, finally, that the tool producers, and likely, the cave users, were farmers from the agricultural villages in the Mediterranean woodland region. In addition, use-wear analysis indicates that the flint tools found at the cave had a previous history of use before being abandoned/deposited in the cave and some of them may have participated in the ritual activities. Finally, we propose that, in the particular case of the Nahal Hemar knives, they could be related to the processing/dismembering of human bodies, a hypothesis further supported by the remains of 23 individuals (mostly cranial) found in the cave. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Glycymeris shell beads found in Middle Palaeolithic sites are understood to be artifacts collected by modern humans for symbolic use. In Misliya Cave, Israel, dated to 240–160 ka BP, Glycymeris shells were found that were neither perforated nor manipulated; nevertheless, transportation to the cave is regarded as symbolic. In about 120 ka BP at Qafzeh Cave, Israel, modern humans collected naturally perforated Glycymeris shells also for symbolic use. Use-wear analyses backed by experiments demonstrate that the Qafzeh shells were suspended on string, thus suggesting that the collection of perforated shells was intentional. The older Misliya shells join a similar finding from South Africa, while the later-dated perforated shells from Qafzeh resemble other assemblages from North Africa and the Levant, also dated to about 120 ka BP. We conclude that between 160 ka BP and 120 ka BP there was a shift from collecting complete valves to perforated ones, which reflects both the desire and the technological ability to suspend shell beads on string to be displayed on the human body. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The timing and behavioral markers of the Upper Paleolithic in different parts of the world are of great importance to research on modern human dispersals. The pattern of behavioral developments in the Upper Paleolithic in northern China differs in important ways from the patterns observed in West Eurasia, Africa, and South Asia. Shuidonggou (SDG), a cluster of Paleolithic sites in northern China, contains several of the most important Upper Paleolithic sites in the region. Various localities yield evidence of three major cultural components dated by 14C, uranium-series, and optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) methods to between roughly 46 ka and 10 ka. The oldest component, blade assemblages with western Eurasian early Upper Paleolithic characteristics, appears to be intrusive from Siberia and/or Mongolia, beginning at least 41 ka (e.g., SDG 1 and SDG 9). Advanced core and flake assemblages may mark the appearance of an indigenous Late Paleolithic of North China beginning at around 33 ka (e.g., SDG 2 and SDG 8). Finally, around 10.5 ka, microblade technology arrived in the area (SDG 12), although we are not sure of its origins at present. Other typical Upper Paleolithic cultural remains, such as bone tools and body decorations, have been found at various localities in the SDG area as well (e.g., ostrich eggshell beads from SDG 2, 7, and 8). Information from this cluster of occupations increases our understanding of cultural variability, adaptation, and demographic dynamics of modern humans in Late Pleistocene northern Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents an analysis of faunal remains from Laonainaimiao, a late Middle Palaeolithic site in Henan Province. The site deposit is subdivided into five layers, among which Layer 3 yielded the most abundant archaeological remains including lithics, animal bones, and fireplaces. There are a series of repeated human occupations dating to about 40,000 B.P. Taphonomic observations demonstrate that the animal bones accumulated in Layer 3 are the result of human activities. The assemblage is dominated by horse and aurochs, followed by gazelle, deer, wild boar, and rhinoceros. The equids and bovids show a prime-age dominated profile indicating the capability for hunting large game during the Middle Palaeolithic. According to detailed analysis of skeletal parts, bone fracture patterns, and bone modifications, the carcasses were probably transported to the site whole for butchery. Marrow and grease were fully extracted. The intensive utilization of the carcasses reflects a very high food demand. Such a behavioral pattern may result from lower availability of food due to the palaeoenvironment, seasonality, or group size or from the poor quality of the food, which pushed people to maximize the carcasses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Levantine Aurignacian is a unique phenomenon in the local Upper Paleolithic sequence, showing greater similarity to the West European classic Aurignacian than to the local Levantine archaeological entities preceding and following it. Herewith we highlight another unique characteristic of this entity, namely, the presence of symbolic objects in the form of notched bones (mostly gazelle scapulae) from the Aurignacian levels of Hayonim Cave, Lower Galilee, Israel. Through both macroscopic and microscopic analyses of the items, we suggest that they are not mere cut marks but rather are intentional (decorative?) human-made markings. The significance of this evidence for symbolic behavior is discussed in its chrono-cultural and geographical contexts. Notched bones are among the oldest symbolic expressions of anatomically modern humans. However, unlike other Paleolithic sites where such findings were reported in single numbers, the number of these items recovered at Hayonim Cave is sufficient to assume they possibly served as an emblem of the Levantine Aurignacian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors present an example of close field collaboration among prehistorians and researchers from different disciplines (particularly the geosciences), within the context of a long program of interdisciplinary research at the caves of Kebara and Hayonim (Israel). We outline the benefits brought about by the presence of different specialists being in the field during the excavation over long periods. Specifically, daily collaboration in the field during the excavation brings about: (1) A consensus of choice of strategic areas to excavate, either at the beginning of the project or during successive field campaigns, while taking into account the needs and goals of different specialists and their needs in taking samples; (2) A meeting of different points of view with many discussions of stratigraphy and site formation processes, which in caves are quite complex; (3) A unification of specialized vocabulary and jargon specific to each discipline by constant interaction in the field, which in turn facilitates communication among specialists; (4) A positive didactic element in training doctoral students in the field. This interdisciplinary strategy is more or less widespread now, but it was not the case in the early 1980s, and actual integration of results from the sciences (particularly the geosciences) came about only fairly recently. Without doubt, the awareness of the importance of such interdisciplinary archaeological data for discussing archaeological issues has ultimately paved the way for active interdisciplinary collaboration sprouting from the fieldwork, and has led to the generation of more robust and accurate interpretations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a report titled "30,000-Year Old Wild Flax Fiber," by researcher Eliso Kvavadze and colleagues. The team reported the identification of wild flax fibers from the Upper Paleolithic layer at Dzudzuana Cave in the country of Georgia. The presence of flax fibers indicated the construction of cords for hafting stone tools, weaving baskets, and sewing clothing by prehistoric people. The team used radiocarbon dates to show the cave's use during the Upper Paleolithic period.

Abstract: The site of ’Ubeidiya provides a unique paleontological record in the Early Pleistocene of the Levantine Corridor, with a rich faunal assemblage, as well as evidence for the presence of early hominins. This research presents a revision of the bovid record of the site found in the last seasons of excavations (1989–1999) as well as the previously published material. Five species of bovids have been identified [Bos oldowayensis, Bovini gen. et sp. indet. (cf. Bison sp.), Oryx sp., Antelopini gen. et sp. indet (cf. Pontoceros ambiguus/Spirocerus sp.), and Gazella sp. cf. Gazella gazella]. The paleoecological reconstruction of the site based on the bovid assemblages supported a non-homologous ecology not similar to any African environment today. This bovid assemblage is biochronologically compatible with previous ages proposed for the site based on the paleomagnetism and the carnivore guild, around 1.6–1.2 Ma. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This paper examines the spatial distribution of faunal remains on the floor of Kebara Cave (Israel) during unit X (60,000 ± 3500 years), one of the densest occupation layers in the site’s late Middle Paleolithic sequence. During unit X, the central floor area of the cave contained numerous hearths and associated ash lenses, surrounded by an area that was nearly devoid of macroscopic faunal remains, except for three densely packed oval to circular concentrations of bones (structures 1, 2, and 3), each of which was surrounded by a dark organic-rich aureole or ring, and whose shape, size, and spatial location remain virtually unchanged during the accumulation of over 60 cm of unit X deposits. Mineralogical analyses of the sediments from the décapage surface using "on-site Fourier transform infrared (FTIR) spectrometry" showed that the absence of visible bones outside of the three dense concentrations is not an artifact of differential preservation. Bones were also densely concentrated in a midden along the north wall of the cave adjacent to the occupation area. The composition of the faunal assemblage from structure 1, the best preserved of the three structures, is compared with the remains found in the midden, and the results of these comparisons used as a basis for hypothesizing how these curious bone concentrations may have formed. While no explanation can be offered with any degree of certainty, one viable possibility is that these structures are the remains of trash-filled pits. Further studies are suggested that may help clarify the nature of these unusual bone concentrations. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: The archaeological site of ‘Ubeidiya provides a unique, rich faunal assemblage, as well as evidence for the presence of early hominins in the Levant. Paleontological analysis of the faunal community is pertinent to understanding the biochronology and the timing of hominin dispersal events from Africa to Eurasia. This study presents the large carnivores from the recent seasons of excavations (1989–1999) and previously published material. Based on biochronological correlations of the carnivore guild and paloemagnetism, the age of the site is 1.5–1.2Ma. This date is 100–200,000 years earlier than previous estimates. Of specific importance is the presence of the African origin saber tooth Megantereon cf. M. whitei and the Eurasian origin canids Canis moschbachensis and Lycaon lycoanoides. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: Resource intensification is often viewed as a precursor to sedentism and thereby to agriculture. Late Upper Paleolithic sites in China are also seen as important precursors to the beginnings of sedentism and agriculture, but few faunal assemblages have been studied in detail and therefore little is known of pre-Neolithic economies in the region. A large faunal sample from a key site for early pottery and possible rice collection sheds light on subsistence strategies at the end of the Paleolithic. We apply an array of taphonomic analyses to the mammal remains to investigate the extent to which carcasses were processed for within-bone nutrients, which we see as a possible indicator of resource intensification. Determining if this is a regional trend, and/or represents diachronic change in subsistence strategies, will depend on the availability of comparative data in the future. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: Qafzeh Cave, the burial grounds of several anatomically modern humans, producers of Mousterian industry, yielded archaeological evidence reflecting their modern behavior. Dated to 92kaBP, the lower layers at the site contained a series of hearths, several human graves, flint artifacts, animal bones, a collection of sea shells, lumps of red ochre, and an incised cortical flake. The marine shells were recovered from layers earlier than most of the graves except for one burial. The shells were collected and brought from the Mediterranean Sea shore some 35km away, and are complete Glycymeris bivalves, naturally perforated. Several valves bear traces of having been strung, and a few had ochre stains on them. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This paper reconstructs the vegetal diet of the Middle Paleolithic humans in Kebara cave (Mt. Carmel, Israel) on the basis of a large collection of charred seeds and other vegetal food remains uncovered during the excavations. The human choices of mainly legumes reflects the gathering activities during springtime when often the common hunted species (gazelle and fallow deer) were fat depleted. Minor fall activities are indicated by the collection of acorns and pistachio nuts. This vegetal dietary information adds another aspect to the range of subsistence activities of the late Mousterian occupants of Kebara cave, and sheds further light on the semi-sedentary use of the cave as revealed from analysis of animal bones. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Prehistoric archaeology provides the temporal depth necessary for understanding the evolution of the unique human ability to construct and use complex symbol systems. The long-standing focus on language, a symbol system that does not leave direct evidence in the material record, has led to interpretations based on material proxies of this abstract behavior. The ambiguities resulting from this situation may be reduced by focusing on systems that use material objects as the carriers of their symbolic contents, such as color symbolism. Given the universality of some aspects of color symbolism in extant human societies, this article focuses on the 92,000-year-old ochre record from Qafzeh Cave terrace to examine whether the human capacity for symbolic behavior could have led to normative systems of symbolic culture as early as Middle Paleolithic times. Geochemical and petrographic analyses are used to test the hypothesis that ochre was selected and mined specifically for its color. Ochre is found to occur through time in association with other finds unrelated to mundane tasks. It is suggested that such associations fulfill the hierarchical relationships that are the essence of a symbolic referential framework and are consistent with the existence of symbolic culture. The implications of these findings for under- standing the evolution of symbolic culture in the contexts of the African and Levantine prehistoric records are explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mineral components of the sediments that accumulate in an archaeological site constitute a potentially rich source of information on the diagenesis, and in turn the archaeology of the site. This detailed three-dimensional study of the mineral assemblages in mainly the Mousterian sediments of Hayonim Cave incorporates more than 2100 infrared analyses performed on-site during the excavation, as well as diverse analyses in the laboratory. Three major mineral assemblages are identified: the calcite-dahllite (CD) assemblage, the assemblage comprising mainly montgomeryite, leucophosphite and siliceous aggregates (LMVS), and a highly altered sediment in which the clays have broken down and silica was released. The boundaries between these assemblages were mapped in detail. The overall picture is one of extreme heterogeneity with sharp variations occurring over distances of a few centimetres. The relation between the CD and LMVS assemblages shows that it is a product of post-depositional diagenesis, whereas the altered clay assemblage formed beneath an erosional unconformity. The CD and LMVS assemblages were derived primarily from an accumulation several metres thick of ash deposits produced by humans. Ash is thus shown to be a major component of the sediments of this cave. The distribution of the CD assemblage reflects to a large extent the locations of two active springs/seepages in the cave. The distribution of the CD assemblage also faithfully maps the distribution of bones in the cave, showing that their distribution is a function of preservational conditions and not human activities (Stineret al ., 2001). The conditions that produced the erosional unconformity, also resulted in severe alteration of the clays and other mineral components of these sediments. The erosion process and the fact that the thickness of this altered zone decreases towards the centre of the cave, indicates that the diagenetic driving force was probably climatic. The three-dimensional distributions of the mineral assemblages have a direct bearing on the dating of the cave by thermoluminescence and electron spin resonance. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

It is generally accepted that the fig tree was domesticated in the Near East some 6500 years ago. Here we report the discovery of nine carbonized fig fruits and hundreds of drupelets stored in Gilgal I, an early Neolithic village, located in the Lower Jordan Valley, which dates to 11,400 to 11,200 years ago. We suggest that these edible fruits were gathered from parthenocarpic trees grown from intentionally planted branches. Hence, fig trees could have been the first domesticated plant of the Neolithic Revolution, which preceded cereal domestication by about a thousand years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]