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The article focuses on the argument for reinstating legitimate disapproval of addiction, suggesting that societal stigma may motivate addicted individuals to overcome their addictions. Topics include the role of free will among addicted people, the failure of guilt as a motivating factor for quitting addiction, and the distinction between stigmatizing addictive behavior versus stigmatizing the condition of being addicted.

There are two ways for a situation to be uncertain. Subjective uncertainty refers to not knowing facts. Objective uncertainty refers to future events that have not been determined yet. A wide ranging literature review finds that subjective uncertainty inhibits behavior, increases conserving resources and willpower, and stimulates search for information – though in crude, sometimes dysfunctional fashion. In contrast, objective uncertainty calls for action, reflected in agentic control, increased arousal, and greater willingness to take risks. Again, some responses are irrational, such as exerting more effort for less expected reward, and betting more on uncontrollable future than past events. With both kinds of uncertainty, attention is mobilized and emotion is prolonged. Our review uncovered multiple signs that some uncertainty is beneficial and heightens enjoyment as a kind of spice of life, or, in some cases, as a welcome hope that a bad outcome might still be avoided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Multisite (multilab/many-lab) replications have emerged as a popular way of verifying prior research findings, but their record in social psychology has prompted distrust of the field and a sense of crisis. We review all 36 multisite social-psychology replications (plus three articles reporting multiple ministudies). We start by assuming that both the original and the multisite replications were conducted in honest and diligent fashion, despite often yielding different conclusions. Four of the 36 (11%) were clearly successful in terms of providing significant support for the original hypothesis, and five others (14%) had mixed results. The remaining 27 (75%) were failures. Multiple explanations for the generally poor record of replications are considered, including the possibility that the original hypothesis was wrong; operational failure; low engagement of participants; and bias toward failure. The relevant evidence is assessed as well. There was evidence for each of the possibilities listed above, with low engagement emerging as a widespread problem (reflected in high rates of discarded data and weak manipulation checks). The few procedures with actual interpersonal interaction fared much better than others. We discuss implications in relation to manipulation checks, effect sizes, and impact on the field and offer recommendations for improving future multisite projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social psychology findings have fared poorly in multi-site replication attempts. This article considers and evaluates multiple factors that may contribute to such failures, other than the "crisis" assumption that most of the field's published research is so badly flawed that it should be dismissed wholesale. Low engagement by participants may reduce replicability of some findings (while not affecting certain others). Incentives differ between original researchers and replicators. If multi-site replications are indeed biased toward failure, this may have a damaging effect on the field's ability to build correct theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some relevant evidence was provided by the Pew Foundation's ([7]) survey[2] of the American public, which asked Democrats and Republicans to respond to a host of issue questions - and also asked them to predict how the average Democrat and the average Republican would respond. "...I suppose what we all desire is to improve the condition of the people by whom we are employed, and to advance our country, or at any rate to save it from retrogression." When they alternate, to put it simplistically, Republicans are able to reduce taxes without reducing spending, and the Democrats are free to increase redistributionist spending without raising taxes, and so both parties end up increasing the national debt. They saw, possibly correctly, that Republicans have a more positive attitude than the Democrats toward the USA. [Extracted from the article]

Seeking to understand and reduce partisan hostility, we propose that humans evolved to benefit from cultural societies. Societies perform two crucial tasks, which have grown apart and are now championed by political opponents: (1) amassing resources, and (2) distributing resources. The political right focuses on amassing resources, whereas the political left focuses on redistributing resources. Both tasks are needed for society to flourish, but they foster contrary policies. This explains how left and right disagree on moral emphases, attitudes about time, rights versus responsibilities, manipulative strategies, and societal enemies—and why sharing or alternation in power benefits society. Market economies use incentives to create wealth, but these increase inequality. We hope our theory will help foster mutual respect among those on the left and right as both sides come to appreciate what the other side does to benefit society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Children's peers may be less sympathetic than parents, making reputation management a prominent concern. • Modern parental protectiveness, smaller families, and increasing age segregation have weakened childhood peer culture. • Each generation of children thus has to invent its own culture rather than inherit it from older children. • Age segregation also removes some early experiences of social hierarchy. If children are socialized less by their parents than their peer group, psychology may fruitfully adapt social psychology's exploration of group processes for understanding how children develop. Concerns with self-presentation, reputation, and learning subtle norms may emerge earlier and more strongly than would be the case if children were primarily interacting with their parents. The peer group culture of childhood may be a self-perpetuating culture that is somewhat independent of and possibly in opposition to the adult culture and parents' attempts to prepare children for adulthood. Modern trends such as increasing age segregation and play-dates with adult supervision may hamper the transmission of children's and adolescents' peer culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current COVID pandemic is happening while the long-term effects of coronavirus infection remain poorly understood. The present article meta-analyzed mental health outcomes (anxiety, depression, etc.) from a previous coronavirus outbreak in China (2002). CNKI, Wanfang, PubMed/Medline, Scopus, Web of Science, Baidu Scholar, and Google Scholar were searched up to early June 2020 for articles in English or Chinese reporting mental illness symptoms of SARS patients. Main outcome measures include SCL-90, SAS, SDS, and IES-R scales. 29 papers met the inclusion criteria. The longest follow-up time included in the analysis was 46 months. The systematic meta-analysis indicated that mental health problems were most serious before or at hospital discharge and declined significantly during the first 12 months after hospital discharge. Nevertheless, average symptom levels remained above healthy norms even at 12 months and continued to improve, albeit slowly, thereafter. The adverse mental health impact of being hospitalized with coronavirus infection long outlasts the physical illness. Mental health issues were the most serious for coronavirus infected patients before (including) hospital discharge and improved continuously during the first 12 months after hospital discharge. If COVID-19 infected patients follow a similar course of mental health development, most patients should recover to normal after 12 months of hospital discharge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The need to belong resonates widely as a fundamental motivation to maintain close, continual human bonds. This commentary integrates findings and conclusions from the special issue of the Australian Journal of Psychology focused on belongingness and loneliness. Deficient belongingness, including specifically belonging in schools, is linked to high loneliness, low well-being, poor adjustment, low covitality (socioemotional health), impaired sleep, and other problems. Several advances in belongingness theory are highlighted, including a focus on opportunity as well as motivation and the sociometer theory. We then consider modern belongingness problems in the context of mismatch between the evolutionary past (that shaped the need to belong) and modern schools' social environment. In contrast to the hunter-gatherers' social world, modern schoolchildren encounter far more people, including strangers. There is much more turnover in relationships, so the continuation of social bonds is contingent rather than assumed. Different social competencies are needed, such as self-promotion to make good first impressions. Children more routinely spend time with others of different races and genders – but also spend much more time with same-age peers (so the child is shaped and socialised by peers). The modern online environment also offers new and unfolding opportunities and problems for belonging. KEY POINTS (1) Belongingness in schools is important for wellbeing outcomes in school children (2) Belongingness problems in school might reflect an evolutionary mismatch (3) Child exposure to more people, including strangers, might contribute to lower belongingness (4) New social competencies should be developed to help children relate and belong in school (5) Advances in online technologies can hinder but also enhance belongingness [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This widespread student malaise and fragility (derided as "snowflake" mentality by critics) can be usefully understood in Sedikides's terms as a failure of inoculation. Building on Sartre's ([12]) analysis, Sedikides offers an illuminating example of how a hypothetical person named Mary rationalizes an act of sexual infidelity. Sedikides's focus on homeostasis implies that maintaining the status quo in terms of private, inner self-beliefs is the main goal. The theory of the self has been built up by work of countless scholars across multiple disciplines. [Extracted from the article]

An experience sampling study with a large community sample (N = 3327) furnished data on trait and state self-control in everyday life. State measures were self-reports of ego-depleting events (restraining self, effortful decisions, and pushing self to do unwanted tasks) and feelings of depletion (emotional overreactions, difficulty making up mind, less mental energy). People with high trait self-control reported fewer such feelings and events than others. Poor sleep quality and interpersonal conflict were strong predictors of depleted feelings, and indeed the combination of very poor sleep and high interpersonal conflict led to a dramatic spike in reports of extremely depleted feelings. Depleted feelings were positively correlated with being young, female, politically non-extreme, and less well educated, and with finding life less meaningful, as well as with multitasking and hurrying. They increased across the day despite drops after meal times, thus attesting to the value of food and sleep. Pain and illness also raised them. Among other implications, the data suggest a composite picture of the daily life of someone with low trait self-control: frequently rushing and hurrying, not thinking about what they are doing, and just responding automatically to the current situation, as well as suffering aftereffects of interpersonal conflict and poor quality sleep. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When, if ever, would a person want to be held responsible for his or her choices? Across four studies (N = 915), people favored more extreme rewards and punishments for their future than their past actions. This included thinking that they should receive more blame and punishment for future misdeeds than for past ones, and more credit and reward for future good deeds than for past ones. The tendency to moralize the future more than the past was mediated by anticipating (one's own) emotional reactions and concern about one's reputation, which was stronger in the future as well. The findings fit the pragmatic view that people moralize the future partly to guide their choices and actions, such as by increasing their motivation to restrain selfish impulses and build long-term cooperative relationships with others. People typically believe that the future is open and changeable, while the past is not. We conclude that the psychology of moral accountability has a strong future component. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Three studies examined effects of social exclusion on reactions to receiving an unexpected gift. Trait Psychological Entitlement was also measured as a potential moderator in all studies. In Study 1, participants wrote about a time they felt rejected, accepted, or something neutral. Compared to the control condition, social exclusion increased self-reported gratitude and observer-rated gratitude. These effects were found among people scoring low on narcissistic entitlement. For these participants also, social rejection increased perception of the benefactor's warmth, and this increase in perceived warmth mediated the increase in gratitude. Study 2 measured trait need to belong (rather than manipulating it via social rejection) and found similar results: participants low in trait entitlement and high in trait need to belong had higher levels of gratitude than those low in trait need to belong. In Study 3 some participants underwent a peer rejection manipulation. Upon receiving a gift, rejected participants low in entitlement were more grateful (according to self and observer ratings) and engaged in more prosocial behavior than nonrejected participants. The main conclusion is that, among people low in entitlement, social rejection stimulates a heightened desire for social connection, which moves them to functionally project warm intentions onto a benefactor, which in turn makes them more grateful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on authenticity frequently invokes notions of true self, but is there such thing? The question must be answered twice, given frequent confusion and conflation of self with self-concept. Summarizing and integrating themes from authenticity research as evident in this special issue, I draw these conclusions. True self-concepts are more plausible than genuinely true selves, if the latter are independent entities distinct from actual behavior and experience. Yet rather than a single true self-concept, people have multiple nonfalse ones, none of which is entirely true. Among these, the pragmatically most important is the desired reputation, given the social-cultural orientation of humankind. Desired reputation is more a guide and goal than a reality, but successes and failures at achieving that reputation will produce welcome and unwelcome feelings that are likely reported as feeling authentic and inauthentic (respectively). Understanding authenticity in this way solves some of the perennial problems that beset research and theory on authenticity, especially positive distortion and external rather than internal orientation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Researchers have suggested that women compete with same-sex peers using indirect social tactics. However, the specific predictors and mechanisms of this form of female intrasexual competition are less well understood. We propose that one mechanism by which women harm rivals' social opportunities is through selectively transmitting reputation-relevant social information. Moreover, we contend that this behavior is designed to undermine the romantic and social appeal of same-sex romantic rivals who are perceived to be threatening. Evidence from five studies suggests that women's dissemination of social information is strategic and reliably predicted by various cues of romantic rival threat: attempts at mate poaching (Study 1), physical attractiveness (Studies 2 and 3), and provocative clothing (Studies 4 and 5). Women strategically harmed and failed to enhance the reputations of other women who threatened their romantic prospects directly (by flirting with their romantic partners) and indirectly (by being attractive or provocatively dressed). Women's dispositional levels of competitiveness also predicted their information transmission: highly competitive women (both generally and in romantic domains specifically) disclosed more reputation-damaging information than did less competitive women. Furthermore, women transmitted reputation-harming information about female targets independent of how much they explicitly liked those targets, suggesting a disconnect between women's intentions and their gossip behavior. Irrespective of the gossiper's intentions, pilot data confirmed that social harm is likely to befall the women targeted by the transmission of reputation-damaging social information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Planning is a future-directed thought process that is highly beneficial, but it requires mental effort. Informed by the strength model of self-regulation, four studies ( N  = 546) tested the hypothesis that willingness to plan is linked to good self-control. A correlational study ( N  = 201) found that people high in trait self-control had done more planning than other people and also intended to make more plans during the upcoming week. A laboratory experiment ( N  = 105) induced a state of ego depletion (i.e., impaired self-control) by having some participants continuously break pre-established motoric habits, and afterward these participants were less willing to make plans for the next four weeks than control participants. A field experiment ( N  = 112) used a naturally occurring induction of decision fatigue (IKEA shopping) and again found that ego depletion reduced planning. Specifically, fatigued shoppers exiting the store expressed more reluctance to make long-term plans than shoppers who were just arriving at the store. A final laboratory experiment ( N  = 128) found that ego-depleted participants were only half as likely to choose a planning task as control participants, and identified effort avoidance as a mediator mechanism. Crucially, the three experimental manipulations were longer and stronger than the 5-min depletion tasks often used in previous research (24 min; 2 h; 30 min), and manipulation checks confirmed severe and significant ego depletion. Depletion had no effects on aspirational goals or the desire to relax. We conclude that wants and desires come easily, while planning requires mental work akin to self-control. Theoretical and methodological implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Four experiments supported the hypothesis that ordinary people understand free will as meaning unconstrained choice, not having a soul. People consistently rated free will as being high unless reduced by internal constraints (i.e., things that impaired people’s mental abilities to make choices) or external constraints (i.e., situations that hampered people’s abilities to choose and act as they desired). Scientific paradigms that have been argued to disprove free will were seen as reducing, but usually not eliminating free will, and the reductions were because of constrained conscious choice. We replicated findings that a minority of people think lacking a soul reduces free will. These reductions in perceived free will were fully explained by reductions in people’s perceived abilities to make conscious decisions. Thus, some people do think you need a soul to have free will—but it is because they think you need a soul to make conscious decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The corrosive effects of power have been noted for centuries, but the self-related changes responsible for those effects have remained somewhat elusive. Narcissists tend to rise to--and abuse--positions of power, so we considered the possibility that positions of power may corrupt because they inflate narcissism. Two pathways were considered: Powerholders abuse their power because having power over others makes them feel superior (grandiosity pathway) or deserving of special treatment (entitlement pathway). Supporting the entitlement pathway, assigning participants to a position of power (vs. equal control) over a group task increased scores on the Exploitative/Entitlement component of narcissism among those with high baseline testosterone. What is more, heightened Exploitative/Entitlement scores among high-testosterone participants endowed with power (vs. equal control) statistically explained amplified self-reported willingness to misuse their power (e.g., taking fringe benefits as extra compensation). The grandiosity pathway was not well supported. The Superiority/Arrogance, Self-Absorption/Self-Admiration, and Leadership/Authority facets of narcissism did not change as a function of the power manipulation and testosterone levels. Taken together, these results suggest that people with high (but not low) testosterone may be inclined to misuse their power because having power over others makes them feel entitled to special treatment. This work identifies testosterone as a characteristic that contributes to the development of the socially toxic component of narcissism (Exploitative/Entitlement). It points to the possibility that structural positions of power and individual differences in narcissism may be mutually reinforcing, suggesting a vicious cycle with personal, relational, and societal implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theory and research have both characterized self-control as a vital human strength. Tangney, Baumeister, and Boone's (2004) Self-Control Scale (SCS) is a 36-item self-report questionnaire that assess individual differences in multiple aspects of self-control. The scale is now considered the preeminent measure of self-control in social and psychological research. This article presents studies that evaluated: (a) the psychometric properties of the Polish version of the SCS, and (b) whether higher SCS scores correlated with positive outcomes in Poland. A total of 441 Polish university students took part in the studies. Psychometrically, the Polish SCS proved to be reasonably sound, with good internal consistency (α = .89). Correlations with criteria measures showed that both full and brief selfcontrol scores were positively related to self-esteem, perspective taking, and guilt-proneness, while negatively related to personal distress, proneness to shame, externalization, and unconcern. High self-control was also associated with being conscientious, emotionally stable, and open. It is concluded that the Polish SCS offers a viable option for assessing trait self-control and for studying its relationship with a broad spectrum of psychological and social variables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The strength model of self-regulation uses a muscle analogy to explain patterns of ego depletion, conservation of willpower, and improved performance after frequent exercise. Our 2007 overview of the literature has been well cited, presumably because of the phenomenon’s importance to theories of selfhood and a wide assortment of applied contexts, including problem behaviors. Some researchers have put forward rival theoretical accounts, and others have questioned the existence of the phenomenon. The weight of evidence continues to support the usefulness of the strength model, albeit amid continuing updates and revisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our 2003 article clashed with conventional wisdom by concluding that high self-esteem has only a couple of benefits, notably high initiative (based on trusting one’s own judgment) and feeling good. Its high citation rate reflects not only the novel conclusions but also widespread interest in self-esteem both among researchers and in the broader society. Psychology may have lost some credibility by advocating efforts to raise self-esteem that were based on correlational evidence, which may be a salutary lesson for the field. There is still much to learn about self-esteem, but future work can improve by noting weaknesses in self-report data and correcting for confounds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A neglected aspect of human selfhood is that people are information agents. That is, much human social activity involves communicating and discussing information. This occurs in the context of incompletely shared information--but also a group's store of collective knowledge and shared understanding. This article elucidates a preliminary theory of self as information agent, proposing that human evolution instilled both abilities and motivations for the various requisite functions. These basic functions include (a) seeking and acquiring information, (b) communicating one's thoughts to others, (c) circulating information through the group, (d) operating on information to improve it, such as by correcting mistakes, and (e) constructing a shared understanding of reality. Sophisticated information agents exhibit additional features, such as sometimes selectively withholding information or disseminating false information for self-serving reasons, cultivating a reputation as a credible source of information, and cooperating with others to shape the shared worldview in a way that favors one's subgroup. Meaningful information is thus more than a resource for individual action: It also provides the context, medium, and content within which the individual self interacts with its social environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a stand-alone reflection on meaning written by two scholars who recently edited a special issue on that topic. The first of four organizing questions concerns the nature of meaning. The meaning of signs (e.g., words) consists of nonphysical connection (e.g., symbolism) and potential organization. Meanwhile, existential meaning (meaning of life) involves purpose, value, mattering, continuity, and coherence. The second question concerns how meaning affects behavior. Answers are diverse and multifaceted, ranging from efforts to grapple with uncertainty and unknowns to engaging in significance-seeking violence and self-regulating in light of abstract values and standards. To the question of whether meaning is made or found, the authors propose that finding meaning is prevalent, while the creation of new meanings is only supported in a limited sense. Although often portrayed as a constructive process, accessing meaning normally involves relating target stimuli to what is already known. A fourth question asks whether meaning is individual/personal or collective/social. The collective dimension plays an integral yet often neglected role in scaffolding personal meanings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We suggest consumer research develop an integrative approach that favors neither unconscious nor conscious processes but rather appreciates the contributions and limitations of both, and how they work together. We agree that unconscious processes precede all conscious ones, but we argue that conscious thinking plays a prominent and likely indispensible role in much of consumer behavior. Conscious thought is particularly useful for logical reasoning, quantification (including about money), and communication, all of which are relevant to consumer behavior. We argue that most human behavior is produced by an interactive combination of conscious and unconscious causes and that favoring one over the other will yield an overly simplistic understanding of consumer behavior. Pragmatic and ethical concerns also argue for retaining a strong interest in conscious processes among consumers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People perceive their life as meaningful when they find coherence in the environment. Given that meaning of life is tied to making sense of life events, people who lack meaning would be more threatened by stressful life events than those with a strong sense of meaning in life. Four studies demonstrated links between perceptions of life’s meaningfulness and perceived levels of stress. In Study 1, participants with lower levels of meaning in life reported greater stress than those who reported higher meaning in life. In Study 2 and Study 3, participants whose meaning in life had been threatened experienced greater stress than those whose meaning in life had been left intact. In Study 4, anticipation of future stress caused participants to rate themselves higher on the quest for meaning in life. These findings suggest that perceiving life as meaningful functions as a buffer against stressors. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Punishing wrongdoers is beneficial for group functioning, but can harm individual well-being. Building on research demonstrating that punitive motives underlie free will beliefs, we propose that free will beliefs help justify punitive impulses, thus alleviating the associated distress. In Study 1, trait-level punitiveness predicted heightened levels of anxiety only for free will skeptics. Study 2 found that higher state-level incarceration rates predicted higher mental health issue rates, only in states with citizens relatively skeptical about free will. In Study 3, participants who punished an unfair partner experienced greater distress than non-punishers, only when their partner did not have free choice. Studies 4 and 5 confirmed experimentally that punitive desires led to greater anxiety only when free will beliefs were undermined by an anti-free will argument. These results suggest that believing in free will permits holding immoral actors morally responsible, thus justifying punishment with diminished negative psychological consequences for punishers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the strength model of self-regulation, complementary aspects of the identity-value model (IVM) of self-regulation. Topics discussed include self-regulation, a processes by which the self-intentionally changes its own prepotent responses such as thoughts, emotions and behaviors; findings on the importance of self-control; and stable schema of the self such as values, beliefs, social identities, goals and important past experience.

The side-effect effect is the seemingly irrational tendency for people to say harmful side effects were more intentional than helpful side effects of the same action. But the tendency may not be irrational. According to the Tradeoffs Justification Model, judgments of a person's intentions to cause harm depend on how that person decided to act, and on whether the reasons for acting justified causing the harmful consequences. Across three experiments (N = 660), unjustified harms were viewed as more intentional than justified harms. If the person had a choice of what to do and knowingly caused harm for no good reason, people judged that the person must have actually desired and intended to cause the harm. However, if the person had a strong, compelling reason (e.g., to ransom his daughter from kidnappers) that the observer deemed to have justified causing the harm, then observers thought the harm was weakly intended at most. Taboo harms that violated sacred moral values were especially likely to be seen as intentional because most reasons do not adequately justify violating a sacred value. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social networking sites (SNSs) offer new avenues for interpersonal communication and self-presentation. We report a meta-analysis of 80 studies yielding 143 effect sizes on the effect of self-esteem, narcissism, and loneliness on SNS use. Total SNS use was higher among people low in self-esteem, high in narcissism, and high in loneliness. Further analyses revealed high narcissism to be linked to all SNS activities (status updates, posting photographs, interacting/commenting on others, and total friends). High self-esteem (not low) was linked to having more online friends but no other activities. Links were stronger in studies with lower proportions of females and participants from non-Western, non-individualistic countries. We speculate that effects are somewhat diluted among females and Western samples by multiple reasons for SNS use, and further that low self-esteem participants constitute the so-called “lurkers” (i.e., people who browse but do not reveal themselves). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social psychology's current crisis has prompted calls for larger samples and more replications. Building on Sakaluk's (in this issue) distinction between exploration and confirmation, I argue that this shift will increase correctness of findings, but at the expense of exploration and discovery. The likely effects on the field include aversion to risk, increased difficulty in building careers and hence more capricious hiring and promotion policies, loss of interdisciplinary influence, and rising interest in small, weak findings. Winners (who stand to gain from the mooted changes) include researchers with the patience and requisite resources to assemble large samples; incompetent experimenters; destructive iconoclasts; competing subfields of psychology; and lower-ranked journals, insofar as they publish creative work with small samples. The losers are young researchers; writers of literature reviews and textbooks; flamboyant, creative researchers with lesser levels of patience; and researchers at small colleges. My position is that the field has actually done quite well in recent decades, and improvement should be undertaken as further refinement of a successful approach, in contrast to the Cassandrian view that the field's body of knowledge is hopelessly flawed and radical, revolutionary change is needed. I recommend we retain the exploratory research approach alongside the new, large-sample confirmatory work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Self-protection can have psychological and behavioral implications. We contrast them with the implications of a self-enhancement strategy. Both self-enhancement and self-protection have costs and benefits as survival strategies, and we identify some of the emotional, cognitive, and behavioral tradeoffs associated with the differential preferences for each strategy. New analyses on a large existing data set confirm the target article's hypothesis that women are more attuned than men to potential negative consequences of innovations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reviewing the literature of the past two decades, Orth and Robins (2022) conclude that high self-esteem yields reliable benefits. In this commentary, we caution that for objective outcome measures, these effects are variable- and domain-dependent. The allure of high self-esteem remains largely a matter of mind and memory, not behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the present, the past is more knowable than the future—but people think far more about the future than the past. Both facts derive from the principle that the future can be changed whereas the past cannot. Our theory of pragmatic prospection holds that people think about the future so as to guide actions to bring about desirable outcomes. It proposes that thoughts about the future begin by imagining what one wants to happen, which is thus initially optimistic. A second stage of such prospective thinking maps out how to bring that about, and this stage is marked by consideration of obstacles, requisite steps, and other potential problems, and so it tends toward cautious realism and even pessimism. Pragmatic prospection presents a form of teleology, in which brains can anticipate possible future events and use those cognitions to guide behavior. Toward that end, it invokes meaning, consistent with evidence that thinking about the future is highly meaningful. Prospection often has narrative structure, involving a series of events in a temporal sequence linked together by meaning. Emotion is useful for evaluating different simulations of possible future events and plans. Prospection is socially learned and rests on socially constructed scaffolding for the future (e.g., future dates). Planning is perhaps the most common form of prospection, and it exemplifies all aspects of our theory (including pragmatic utility, meaning, teleological and narrative structure, and sociality). Bracing for bad news and defensive pessimism are strategies that inspire adaptive responses to feared outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Four studies measured or manipulated beliefs in free will to illuminate how such beliefs are linked to other aspects of personality. Study 1 showed that stronger belief in free will was correlated with more gratitude, greater life satisfaction, lower levels of perceived life stress, a greater sense of self-efficacy, greater perceived meaning in life, higher commitment in relationships, and more willingness to forgive relationship partners. Study 2 showed that the belief in free will was a stronger predictor of life satisfaction, meaning in life, gratitude, and self-efficacy than either locus of control or implicit person theory. Study 3 showed that experimentally manipulating disbelief in free will caused a reduction in the perceived meaningfulness of life. Study 4 found that inducing a stronger belief in free will caused people to set more meaningful goals for themselves. The possible concern that believers in free will simply claim all manner of positive traits was contradicted by predicted null findings with regard to sense of humor, empathy, and self-rated attractiveness. Taken together, the present studies show that the belief in free will is a strong predictor of several positive traits and outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We discuss this issue's six articles regarding resource-based interventions in the workplace. Despite some encouraging findings, overall these articles provide weak and inconsistent support for the view that such interventions yield benefits. In particular, the documented benefits are mostly confined to self-reports and lack objective evidence. Future studies of such interventions might find better results by trying different research methods (as some articles have proposed) and by trying different interventions. Tailoring interventions to target populations and focusing emphasis on particular resources may improve outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We apply self-regulation theory to understand addictive behavior. Self-regulation and volition depend on a limited resource, and when that resource has been depleted, self-regulation becomes prone to fail. Moving beyond traditional models that have emphasized the relevance of self-regulation to quitting addiction, we propose that self-regulation is used both to facilitate and resist addictive behaviors. Self-regulation is often needed to overcome initial aversion to drugs and alcohol, as well as to maintain addictive usage patterns despite situational obstacles (e.g., illegality, erratic availability, family disapproval). Sustaining addiction also requires preventing use from spiraling out of control and interfering with other aspects of life. More generally, the automaticity and irresistibility of addictive responses may have been overrated, as indicated by how addictive behaviors respond rationally to incentives and other concerns. Self-regulation does facilitate quitting, and relapse may be especially likely when self-regulatory capabilities are depleted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

High trait self-control has been traditionally described as a keen ability to resist temptation. The present research suggests that high trait self-control is linked to avoiding, rather than merely resisting, temptation. People high in trait self-control reported engaging in behaviors thought to minimize (or avoid) temptation to a greater extent than people low in trait self-control (Study 1). People high in trait self-control were more likely than those low in trait self-control to choose to work in a distraction-free environment rather than in a distracting, yet appealing, one (Studies 2 and 3). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Four studies demonstrated that social exclusion caused a shift from promotion toward prevention motivation. Lonely individuals reported stronger prevention motivation and weaker promotion motivation than non-lonely individuals (Study 1). Those who either recalled an experience of social exclusion or were ostracized during an on-line ball tossing game reported stronger prevention motivation and generated fewer goal-promoting strategies (Studies 2 and 3) than those who were not excluded. Last, a hypothetical scenario of social exclusion caused a conservative response bias, whereas a scenario of social acceptance yielded a risky response bias in a recognition task (Study 4). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Expert opinions have yielded a wide and controversial assortment of conceptions of free will, but laypersons seem to associate free will more simply with making choices. We found that the more strongly people believed in free will, the more they liked making choices, the higher they rated their ability to make decisions (Study 1), the less difficult they perceived making decisions, and the more satisfied they were with their decisions (Study 2). High free will belief was also associated with more spontaneous associating of choice with freedom, and with the perception of actions as choices. Recalling choices (Study 3) and making choices (Study 4) led to a stronger endorsement of the belief in free will, with an additional effect for the level of choice involved. These findings suggest that the everyday social reality of beliefs about free will is a matter of how people think and feel about choice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This experiment aimed to identify narcissistic risk factors for aggression. Grandiose narcissism, the more familiar form of narcissism involving overt assertion of personal superiority, was differentiated from vulnerable narcissism, which is found in people who present themselves as shy and humble. Aggression was measured in multiple ways, including laboratory behavior, self-report measures (reaction to provocation and proactive, instrumental aggression were measured separately), and hormonal reactivity (testosterone). Grandiose narcissism predicted behavioral, reactive, and proactive aggression and testosterone response. Vulnerable narcissism predicted self-reported aggression but was irrelevant to behavior and testosterone. Thus, testosterone responses in aggression depend on both situational context and trait, and grandiose narcissism may contribute more than vulnerable narcissism to externalizing aggression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Milgram's obedience studies dramatically demonstrated how obeying authority can have grim consequences. Nevertheless, we propose that obedience to legitimate authority is a vital aspect of human culture. Among other things, obedience to authority can encourage individuals to set aside their selfish desires for the good of their group. Often, such selfish desires are violent in nature. Thus, obedience can function to limit violence. We challenge the notion that people typically respond to the commands of authority with blind obedience. Last, we suggest that the implications of Milgram's findings have in some cases been overstated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Three experiments tested the effects of ego depletion on economic decision making. Participants completed a task either requiring self-control or not. Then participants learned about the trust game, in which senders are given an initial allocation of $10 to split between themselves and another person, the receiver. The receiver receives triple the amount given and can send any, all, or none of the tripled money back to the sender. Participants were assigned the role of the sender and decided how to split the initial allocation. Giving less money, and therefore not trusting the receiver, is the safe, less risky response. Participants who had exerted self-control and were depleted gave the receiver less money than those in the non-depletion condition (Experiment 1). This effect was replicated and moderated in two additional experiments. Depletion again led to lower amounts given (less trust), but primarily among participants who were told they would never meet the receiver (Experiment 2) or who were given no information about how similar they were to the receiver (Experiment 3). Amounts given did not differ for depleted and non-depleted participants who either expected to meet the receiver (Experiment 2) or were led to believe that they were very similar to the receiver (Experiment 3). Decreased trust among depleted participants was strongest among neurotics. These results imply that self-control facilitates behavioral trust, especially when no other cues signal decreased social risk in trusting, such as if an actual or possible relationship with the receiver were suggested. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The present research suggests that people's bodily states affect their beliefs about free will. People with epilepsy and people with panic disorder, which are disorders characterized by a lack of control over one's body, reported less belief in free will compared to people without such disorders (Study 1). The more intensely people felt sexual desire, physical tiredness, and the urge to urinate, the less they believed in free will (Study 2). Among non-dieters, the more intensely they felt hunger, the less they believed in free will. However, dieters showed a trend in the opposite direction (Study 3). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Being happy and finding life meaningful overlap, but there are important differences. A large survey revealed multiple differing predictors of happiness (controlling for meaning) and meaningfulness (controlling for happiness). Satisfying one’s needs and wants increased happiness but was largely irrelevant to meaningfulness. Happiness was largely present oriented, whereas meaningfulness involves integrating past, present, and future. For example, thinking about future and past was associated with high meaningfulness but low happiness. Happiness was linked to being a taker rather than a giver, whereas meaningfulness went with being a giver rather than a taker. Higher levels of worry, stress, and anxiety were linked to higher meaningfulness but lower happiness. Concerns with personal identity and expressing the self contributed to meaning but not happiness. We offer brief composite sketches of the unhappy but meaningful life and of the happy but meaningless life. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Greater belief in free will is associated with greater empathy towards the working poor, support for social mobility, greater desire for socio-economic equality, and less belief that poor people are fated to live in poverty. We found no sign that belief in free will led to prejudice or discrimination against poor people or undercut justice. These findings from an online survey flatly contradict the claims made by James Miles (2013). Belief in a just world did produce many of the patterns Miles attributed to belief in free will. We also question the reasoning and the strength of the purported evidence in his article, and we recommend that future writers on the topic should cultivate cautious, open-minded consideration of competing views. Miles' article is a useful reminder that to some writers, the topic of free will elicits strong emotional reactions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: What effects do motivation and beliefs have on self-control? We tested this question using a limited resource paradigm, which generally has found that people show poor self-control after prior exertions of self-control. Recent findings have suggested that motivation and even belief in unlimited willpower can render persons immune to ego depletion. We replicated those findings, but also showed they are limited to cases of mild depletion. When depletion is extensive, the effects of motivation and subjective belief vanished and in one case reversed. After performing only one self-control task, the typical pattern of self-regulation impairment was ameliorated among people who were encouraged to regard willpower as unlimited (Experiment 1) or motivated by task importance (Experiment 2). Those manipulations failed to improve performance among severely depleted persons who had done multiple self-control tasks. These findings integrate ideas of limited resources, motivation, and beliefs in understanding the nature of self-control over time. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Some people believe more than others in free will, and researchers have both measured and manipulated those beliefs. Disbelief in free will has been shown to cause dishonest, selfish, aggressive, and conforming behavior, and to reduce helpfulness, learning from one's misdeeds, thinking for oneself, recycling, expectations for occupational success, and actual quality of performance on the job. Belief in free will has been shown to have only modest or negligible correlations with other variables, indicating that it is a distinct trait. Belief in free will has correlated positively with life satisfaction and finding life meaningful, with self-efficacy and self-control, with low levels of stress, and (though not entirely consistently) with internal locus of control. High belief in free will has been linked to a punitive attitude toward wrongdoers and lower forgiveness toward them. The belief seems to involve a sense of agency and expecting others to behave in morally responsible fashion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]