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Two events on Iona in the early thirteenth century – a papal bull in 1203 and a raid by Irish churchmen in 1204 – have conventionally been interpreted as signalling that a formerly 'Celtic' monastery became Benedictine in 1203. The raid has been seen as an attempt to reverse this change because of the supposed opposition between the two traditions. This article challenges these views, arguing that (1) no inherent conflict existed between Celtic and Benedictine monasticism, (2) the 1203 papal bull did not establish a new Benedictine foundation, (3) Iona may already have been Benedictine in some sense for a century, and (4) the raiding Irish churchmen were Augustinians, not defenders of 'Celtic' monasticism. Instead, the raid was driven by ecclesiastical and political rivalries between Derry and Iona, reflecting the competing interests of the Mac Lochlainn kings in Ireland and Ragnall son of Somerled, king of the Hebrides. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay chronicles my personal journey of uncovering a truth that contradicted my long-held assumptions, resulting in a profound professional reckoning. It began with my discovery of a treasure trove of 350 glass plate negatives, masterpieces captured between 1920 and 1940, which led me to write a biography of the photographer, Benedict Stolz, a German Benedictine monk. A central figure in this biography was Hermann Keller, Stolz's childhood friend and, in his day, a renowned theologian, philosopher, and Hebraist. I portrayed Keller as a Nazi war criminal and associate of SS leader Reinhard Heydrich, based on numerous secondary sources. However, shortly before publication, an interview with a nun who had known Keller challenged this narrative, attributing the "erroneous charges" against him to the mistakes of one historian that were subsequently echoed by others. After years of doubting her claims, I was confronted with evidence proving Keller's innocence, prompting a critical reflection on how historians, including myself, can unwittingly propagate inaccuracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an unpublished cycle of choir books written and illuminated at the end of XVI Century for the Benedictine Abbey of Santa Maria del Monte, believed to be lost. The volumes were taken from the Abbey during the suppressions of religious orders, eventually being forgotten in the storage of the Biblioteca Malatestiana. The production of liturgic books in the late Renaissance is studied on the basis of the documents in the State Archive and the signatures of scribes and artists hidden in the pen flourished initials. A new artist is discovered, Ignazio da Otranto, co-authoring these books with his confrere Serafino. The relationships between this cycle and others in the Benedictine Roman Province during the XVIth and XVIIth centuries are investigated, throwing light on the exchanges among the Cesena Abbey and the Abbeys in Ravenna, Subiaco and Farfa.

This research establishes a narrative of how the Order of Saint Benedict was restored in Brazil, in the early years of the republican regime, after the Padroado was dissolved. Present there since the six-teenth century, at a time when Brazil was a Portuguese colony, the Benedictines importantly influenced the country's development in its ecclesial, intellectual, and artistic features. The Order's monasteries were mainly located in big cities, but their presence stretched to the fields, with many farming lands being incorporated to their estate. From the second half of the eighteenth century, however, a series of government interventions prevented religious orders from managing their assets and forbade them from admitting new members. This situation was constituted during the monarchical regime, when the emperor, justified by a diplomatic arrangement called the Padroado, held a sum of alleged rights to the Church's command. Consequently, monasteries were emptied almost completely, being extinct their community life and liturgical offices. In 1889, after a coup d'état and the proclamation of the Brazilian Republic, a friendly agreement formally separated Church and State, thus returning effective authority to ecclesiastical leaders and allowing religious groups to reorganize themselves. In this new context, monastic life was renewed by the efforts of monks from the Beuron Benedictine Congregation, present in Belgium, Germany and Austria. From this, the invigorated Brazilian Benedictines could reactivate some of its old monasteries, founded more houses and took new apostolic activities. Therefore, we seek to understand, under a new light, how Benedictine religious life was suppressed and rebuilt, highlighting the political circumstances in which it all happened. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The present study revisits known issues related to the time and circumstances of the genesis of the legends of Saint Gerard. Although polemics around the legends ceased in the latter half of the 20th century, several issues related to the dating of the legends remain unresolved. This study covers some disputed points, especially links between the Major Legend of Saint Gerard (Legenda maior) and Hungarian chronicles. Earlier research, which some later works and the latest Latin-English edition of the legends of Saint Gerard did not take into account with respect to this point, have already demonstrated that the Major Legend of Saint Gerard drew some information on the pagan uprising and Gerard's death from a text which appears in the Hungarian chronicles, not the other way round. The aim of this paper is to clarify these findings and demonstrate that the author of Legenda maior did not pull information from a lost proto-legend or proto-chronicle ("Gesta Ungarorum vetera") of the 11th century, but from a later text, which was very similar to the Hungarian 14th century chronicles. Moreover, these findings question the--more or less generally accepted--existence of an 11th century proto-legend-a larger volume-of Saint Gerard, which would have been the common source for both surviving legends. The present study takes the opinion that the sources the author of Legenda maior used were the Legenda minor--specifically its earlier, slightly different version--and a lost variant of an earlier chronicle text akin to the works of extant 14th century Hungarian chronicles. The author of the Legenda maior likely incorporated some older tradition about the early history of Marosvár-Csanád and supplemented it with numerous insertions and fabulations, like in the reports on the life and death of Saint Gerard. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A tanulmány a Monostorapáti község határában található középkori Almád monostor 2014–2022 között folytatott régészeti feltárását mutatja be. Az egyes évek ásatásainak ismertetése után a kutatás eredményei alapján rekonstruálja a monostor építéstörténetét, majd tárgyalja az apátság írott forrásokból ismert történetét, és ezt összeveti a feltárások eredményeivel. This paper presents the archaeological excavation conducted between 2014 and 2022 in the medieval Benedictine monastery of Almád, located on the outskirts of the village of Monostorapáti in Hungary. After describing the excavations of each year, it reconstructs the building history of the monastery based on the results of the research, then discusses the history of the abbey as known from written sources and compares it with the results of the excavations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on French Benedictine, Peter of Celle's teachings on conscience lies in the detailed exploration of a "good" or healthy state of conscience. It highlights the multifaceted nature of a good conscience, encompassing thoughts, speech, and actions. It further implicit anthropology distinguishes conscience from bodily senses and reason, portraying it as a domain of the mind.

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Copyright of Church in the World / Crkva u Svijetu is the property of University of Split, Catholic Faculty of Theology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Church in the World / Crkva u Svijetu is the property of University of Split, Catholic Faculty of Theology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Church in the World / Crkva u Svijetu is the property of University of Split, Catholic Faculty of Theology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Combining Schlenker et al.'s (1994) accountability pyramid with the accountability framework formulated by Joannidés (2012), we conduct a qualitative study of a Benedictine community to better understand the nature of accountability in the non-English speaking context and investigate informal accountability practices that helped to sustain Benedictine organisations for more than 1,500 years. The findings suggest that monastic accountability is positive in its nature and can be conceptualised as a social and moral relationship between a believer (an account giver) and God (the highest principal) supported by the monastic leader(s) making sure that account givers adhere to certain standards and fulfil particular obligations in their daily lives. The Benedictines emphasise positive accountability enactment by implementing informal accountability practices based on trust, shared values, and mutual respect. Evaluative inquiries through an open dialogue between parties involved, social control through informal rewards and sanctions, individual appreciation through public announcements, collective discourse through regular input and two-way feedback, and leader accessibility through listening and informal information exchange are examples of informal accountability practices that guide the behaviour of the Benedictines towards the achievement of community goals and can also be adapted by non-religious organisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The monastery of San Salvador de Oña was reformed by the priors of the monastery of San Benito de Valladolid between 1450 and 1456. The majority of the monks of Oña opposed this reform, which led to their being replaced by monks from Valladolid. In addition, the payment of papal taxes, lawsuits and building projects generated a substantial debt, which was repaid through the sale of the church's silver ornaments and altarpieces, and as a result the monks who were expelled from Oña accused the reformers of theft. The priors of San Benito and its monks defended their actions in two texts: a document acknowledging the debt and explaining its origin, and a chronicle of the reform undertaken by the priors of San Benito which minimised their responsibility for the monastery's mismanagement. Thus, the financial accountancy of the reform was combined with a literary commemoration of this undertaking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores gradual manumission policies on the Order of Saint Benedict's slaveholdings in the Northeastern province of Pernambuco, Brazil, between 1866 and 1871. Relying on private religious records from the Monastery of Saint Benedict of Olinda (in Pernambuco) and parliamentary debates, we contend that the Benedictine order was the first corporate enslaver to implement institutionalized strategies of gradual manumission in Brazil. To do so, they relied both on enslaved women's reproductive capabilities and on their adherence to church-sanctioned gender roles. We further argue that the order's decisions and actions were ahead of national developments in several important ways, and that, to some degree, these projects were a test case for future national abolitionist policies. Although the congregation did not involve itself in political debates, its actions created a working example of gradual abolition based on enslaved women's bodies that abolitionists used to make their case nationally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses fight of St. Benedict and Pope Benedict XVI for primacy of God over all things, and mentions addition of things unto the Benedictines in search for God. Topics discussed include history of Christendom through response to increasing secularism, cultural works of monks linked by Count of Montalembert to spiritual charism, and emphasizing efforts to raise voice to god.

Early modern cities often harbored several different religious communities. To date, few studies of religion and history have focused on the ranking of religious communities in premodern cities with special regard to social order and the concept of heterarchy. This article focuses on a conflict of precedence between the monasteries of Kreuzlingen and Petershausen in the 17th and 18th centuries, relating especially to religious processions in the city of Constance. Efforts by courts to rank the monasteries displayed hierarchical as well as heterarchical elements. The spatial conditions of the processions made it necessary that monastic communities processed successively. This gave the impression of a clear hierarchical monastic order in the city and stimulated competition between the different communities. However, as this article argues, based on an analysis of lawsuits and related materials, in practice a clear ranking could not be achieved. Courts made contradictory decisions regarding the ranking. The monasteries derived their authority from different conflicting sources such as constitutional status, customary rights, institutional history, and religious lifestyle. Urbanity helped create the need for monasteries to compete with each other and at the same time contributed to a situation characterized by both hierarchy and heterarchy simultaneously. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thomas Swalwell, OSB (d. 1539), monk of Durham, left significant marginalia in his many books. Well educated and reform minded, Swalwell's notes indicate his high expectations for the clergy. In addition, these notes suggest how he might have preached on this topic, using both the homily and the scholastic sermon style. Prelates and curates were to be engaged with those in their charge, not abuse their power, and live up to their callings. Swalwell held traditional views of the sacraments, but was aware of the contemporary challenges launched against transubstantiation and penitential good works. Preaching emerges as a central task for clergy, a vehicle for sharing the preacher's learning, engaging his audience, and counteracting heresy, especially as Luther's ideas begin to circulate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the evolution of the Durham Cathedral relic list and manuscript compilations of northern saints' lives between the late 11th and early 16th centuries. Examining Durham manuscripts, it argues that changes in the familial structure of saints were influenced by the Benedictine priory's spiritual heritage, asserting territorial control, and responding to external pressures.

The article focuses on works and life of Austin Baker, a well-known Benedictine and a Welsh-speaker who was educated in England and converted from Protestantism. Topics include focused on personal contemplation, apparently underplaying the importance of the Divine Office; and antipathy for the discursive prayer, ‘meditation' that was gaining popularity among English recusants through the influence of Jesuit missionaries.

The agricultural activities of the Missionary Benedictines of St. Ottilien in German East Africa before the First World War were characterised by the religious exaltation of a self-sufficient agriculture in the Benedictine Rule. This led to the Benedictines paying special attention to agriculture, which was further forced by the agrarian state conditions in the German colonies. In the process, the land and people of German East Africa were perceived as wild and yet to be cultivated within the framework of a colonising narrative that compared the Benedictine mission in the colonies with that in medieval Europe. This alone led to a positive assessment of the intensity and rationality of agricultural production techniques in Africa that was still unknown among the missionary orders in Europe. Moreover, since the mission was an expanding undertaking at the beginning, the autarchic demand of Benedict's Rule could only be implemented by intensifying agriculture, which was done on large monastic plantations. The intensity and rationality of land cultivation thus became religiously charged. Profit orientation then took the place of self-sufficiency or could be reinterpreted as autarkic due to the expanding character of the mission. This had two consequences: 1. since agriculture did not have a prominent place in Protestant mission theology, Protestant missionaries engaged in agricultural activities to a lesser extent than the Catholic missionary orders. Due to the agrarian nature of German East Africa, this led to a reversal of the European relationship of Catholic economic inferiority and Protestant economic superiority in German East Africa. While in Europe it was the Catholics who accused the Protestants of capitalist materialism and expressed fears of economic displacement, from the point of view of the Protestant missionaries in German East Africa it was the Catholic missionary orders that operated in a capitalist and profit-oriented manner and thus threatened to displace the Protestant missions. 2. Agricultural intensity thus established Catholic missionary superiority over Africans and Protestants alike. It therefore became not only an important element of Catholic superiority in Africa, but also an important element of a new transnational identity. From Africa, agricultural intensity as a cultural value in itself was then transferred to Europe and popularised in the popular agricultural schools of the Missionary Benedictines in Bavaria. The intensification of European agriculture thus also has African roots, at least in Bavaria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which editor discusses various articles within the issue on topics including significance of agricultural history within the history of European Expansion; Missionary Benedictines' contribution to colonial agriculture and history of the change in Nutrition.

Hugh Edmund Ford (1851–1930), first abbot of the English Benedictine monastery at Downside in Somerset, had a reputation, especially in monastic circles, as a scholarly and reforming monk. He is much less well known than his contemporary confrères, Cardinal Aidan Gasquet and Abbot Cuthbert Butler, lacking Gasquet's public profile and Butler's list of much-respected publications. Ford's considerable political and diplomatic skills were honed in the promotion of a monastic reform movement which transformed the English Benedictine Congregation. He travelled widely on monastic business and also on account of his always delicate health. More surprisingly, in 1918, he acted as an agent for the British government on a mission to neutral Switzerland, where the Benedictine abbey of Einsiedeln provided a refuge for many Germans displaced from Rome when Italy entered the Great War in 1915. Ford made use of the various ecclesiastical networks available to him,including the Benedictine Confederation centred on S. Anselmo in Rome and connections made through the school at Downside. This article places Ford in these and other Catholic networks and demonstrates how they were put to use in the Allied cause during the First World War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The hypothetical interpretation of the beginnings of monastic architecture in Hungary in the eleventh century as corresponding to the Italian origin of the clergy cannot be proved, and the beginning of the dominating role of a three-apsidal, axially organized basilica in Hungary cannot be traced earlier than the last quarter of the eleventh century. The dominance of the type, which has been considered in Hungarian art history since the nineteenth century as a “national” building type, can be dated as of the last quarter of the eleventh century. It is not only the problem of monastic architecture, because the same typology—in other dimensions—is also characteristic of other church buildings—cathedrals and provostry churches. However, it is apparent that both in the case of monasteries and in other genres of church buildings, the Hungarian solutions are minimal and less complicated. There is an important written source concerning the value of the patronage of church buildings. The so called Estimationes communes iuxta consuetudinem regni (i.e. common estimations) go back to Romanesque times and they were still accepted in 1516 by the printed edition of Decretum tripartitum by István Werbőczy. The classification of ecclesiastic property was governed by two criteria: the value of the building and the possession of the right of sepulture. The architectural heritage of the Cistercians appears as a rather uniform stylistic phenomenon. This uniformity was interpreted in the art historical literature as a contribution by the order supposedly having an own building organization. But the hypothesis that the workers, the conversi of the order were among the other craftsmen and builders of churches and monasteries of the order has been revealed as a legendary interpretation of art history. The most active period of the Hungarian Cistercians began with the privileges given by King Béla III to the Order and with the foundation of three abbeys in the 1180s. The very rational and well-organized building activity of the Cistercians and also the effective control coming from the top of their centralized organization has been presumably considered as unusual by contemporary observers. To prevent the excessive influence of secular people and to improve the education of the monks, the centralized organization was proposed for the Benedictines too. This reform was initiated by popes of the time about 1200, Innocent III and also Honorius III. It seems that the necessary reform as well as the solution of the problems by adopting the experience of the Cistercians influenced the spread of the regular monastery building under the evident intention of imitation. Quadratic interior courts framed by open galleries and surrounded by the most important common rooms, including the chapterhouse and refectory of the monastery, appear evidently from about 1220 in Hungarian Benedictine architecture. The Praemonstratensians, a reform order, was a nearly contemporary parallel to the Cistercians. In the twelfth century and also at the beginning of the thirteenth they were in fact in a straight contact with the Cistercians, who exercised a kind of control over the order, whose rules were not derived from the Benedictine rules but were based on the rules of St. Augustine. Mainly the centralized organization of the order could correspond to the Cistercian model. The main difference between these reform orders concerned their patronage. While the Cistercians in Hungary were mostly under royal patronage (mainly after the visit of a delegation of Cîteaux to the Court of Béla III in 1183), the Praemonstensian constructions were mainly foundations by private patrons. It seems that contrary to partly surviving hypotheses and forgeries in old art historical literature, no royal court and also no monastic order was practically involved in architecture or building praxis, including schools of architecture. Their relationship was different, corresponding to their liturgy and to the representation of their self-image.

Saint-Sulpice-la-Forêt, a Breton women’s abbey of the Benedictine order, finds itself at the head of a network counting about forty priories by the early 17th Century. While some of them are located only a few kilometers away from the monastery, most are scattered in various dioceses of Western France, far from the mother house’s authority. How does the abbess manage her dependencies remotely, and how does the distance influence the nuns’ behaviour? The abbess has to keep the entirety of her priories under her yoke – the survival of the mother abbey depends indeed on the safeguard of its network. In a context of monastic renewal, the abbess has to face her prioresses’ desires, who want to accede to new responsibilities while trying to emancipate themselves from the abbatial power. Bound by the rule of strict enclosure she has to respect, the abbess cannot travel personally within her priories network and must rely on a third party to bring her the information she needs. Studying the archives of Saint-Sulpice makes it possible to follow the evolution of the link uniting the mother abbey to its priories. The correspondence highlights kindly, respectful relations that can however prove to be difficult and confrontational. The abbess must not only face her prioresses’ complaints or internal disputes, she also has to stand up to the ecclesiastical authorities interfering in the priories’ matters. Thanks to the support of trustworthy persons and resorting to justice when required, the abbess manages to keep her rights and privileges, while firmly maintaining her sovereignty.

The rise of new Cistercian and Premonstratensian monastic orders in the twelft h century is a traditional theme of global medieval studies. The Czech discourse proposes that the new movements could only blossom because Benedictine monasticism had bled out internally and was unable to step up to the challenges of the new era. Such generalizations however lack the support of specific data, which makes us question the conclusion as being pos sibly too schematic. The reasons leading to the new monastery were varied, from pastoral, mortuary, and generally commemorative incentives, through representational factors, to economic and political aspects. Although the arrival of the Cistercians and Premonstratensian meant the end of a certain hegemony of the Benedictines, the monasteries did not disappear and new ones, if fewer, were built well into the fourteenth century in the Czech lands. The study focuses on Moravian Benedictine monasteries in the Přemyslid era (until the end of the thirteenth century). It illustrates, based on the oldest Benedictine house - the Hradisko Abbey near Olomouc, the social networks in which these religious houses were perched, and shows relationships the institutions maintained and the role they played in contemporary society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Croatica Christina Periodica is the property of Croatica Christiana Periodica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents a set of Renaissance, Baroque and more recent glass from excavations in the centre of Ludanice from 2005 to 2007, which aimed to localise the extinct Benedictine Monastery of Sts. Cosmas and Damian. A smaller part of this set can be associated with the period of the 16th to 17th centuries following the abandonment of the monastery, and a larger part with the running of a farmstead belonging to the Chapter of Nitra which was built here in the 17th/18th century and closed in the second half of the 20th century. In terms of glass products, in most cases they are torsos of glass vessels (mainly bottles and glasses), and to a lesser extent flat window panes. Only two quite unspecific fragments can potentially be associated with the mediaeval monastery, but these are also open to more recent dating [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The central regulatory document of the tenth-century English Benedictine Reform, Æthelwold of Winchester's Regularis concordia, contains an important performance piece: the Visitatio sepulchri, which standard theater histories understand as an anomalous originary text that marks the reemergence of drama in the European Middle Ages. This article resituates it alongside the schoolroom colloquies of Æthelwold's student Ælfric of Eynsham and his student and editor Ælfric Bata to argue that these texts together cultivated monastic self-possession by means of self-conscious performances of its absence. By staging (in)attention, they thereby modeled extended engagement in moments and spaces that could otherwise seem too quiet or empty to hold concentration for long, from the classroom to the sepulcher to the page, while also exposing the limits of ''distraction'' and ''attention'' as analytical terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the failed reform of the abbey of Grestain by Arnulf, bishop of Lisieux (r. 1141–81). Faced with a disobedient abbot, in whose absence the monks had resorted to violence and murder, Arnulf saw an opportunity to stamp his authority on his diocese by turning the monastery into a house of canons regular. Arnulf's policies were shaped by the example of his older brother John, bishop of Sées (r. 1124–44), and his uncle and predecessor in his own bishopric John of Lisieux (r. 1107–41), as well as his mentor Geoffrey of Lèves, bishop of Chartres (r. 1116–49). A close reading of Arnulf's letters demonstrates that Arnulf's conception of religious leadership and his representation of the crisis at Grestain were formed not only by familial networks, but also by the wider social and educational ideals of the eleventh and twelfth centuries filtered through the Victorines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a consequence of the nineteenth-century dissolution of religious orders, no male Benedictine monastery survived in Poland. Renewal of religious life was undertaken by Father Klemens Dąbrowski (1875 – 1953), from 1909 a monk of the Emaus Monastery in Prague. He found a depth of spiritual life there. During the Great War he was involved in helping Polish refugees. After its conclusion, he decided to return to Poland. In the years 1919 – 1923 he attempted to create a Polish foundation based on the monastery in Prague (at the Holy Cross and in Tomaszów Mazowiecki). Left without help, he did not realize his plans there. His prior, Father Arnošt Vykoukal, offered help, but he did not have the resources to effectively support the Polish monk. The plan of Father Dąbrowski was finally implemented in 1924 when the monastery in Lubiń was established. Financial and personal support was sent there. For these reasons, it is difficult to imagine the revival of Polish male monasteries without the abbey in Prague. Father Dąbrowski described his struggle to create the first Polish monastery after the dissolution period in interesting chronicles. The following study also used materials from the religious archives in Prague, Zevenkerken (Belgium), Kęty, Tyniec, Lubiń, Krzeszów, Częstochowa, Poznań, and state archives in Warsaw, Wrocław, Kraków, London. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Archaeologia Historica is the property of Masaryk University, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)