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Purpose: To analyze the extent to which Americans aged 65 and older may have voted as an old age-benefits bloc in the 2010 midterm election in response to threats of Medicare rationing. Methods: Analysis of age group data from the Edison Research 2010 Election Day exit polls, complemented by data published elsewhere. Results: For the first time in 4 decades, there were signs of an old-age voting bloc in the 2010 election; yet, analysis of the age group data by sex and race/ethnicity reveals notable differences among these subgroups. Implications: This new tendency toward old-age bloc voting may well continue in the 2012 election and beyond. If "reforming" Medicare and Social Security persist as policy issues, the votes of older persons may increasingly be affected to a much greater degree than in past elections.

During the 50 years in which "The Gerontologist" has been publishing, the politics of aging in the United States has undergone distinct changes. The political behavior of older individuals has remained largely the same even though different birth cohorts have succeeded each other in populating the ranks of older people. But the politics of policies on aging--the organized interest and advocacy groups active in this arena, the tenor of public discourse about older people as beneficiaries of policies on aging, the national political agendas regarding public old-age benefits, and the broader U.S. political economy--have changed substantially over these five decades. Now, in the contexts of the aging of the baby boom and concerns about reducing large federal fiscal deficits (annual and cumulative), the politics of U.S. policies on aging may change considerably from those of yesterday and today. Is there a possibility of future intergenerational political conflict over taxes and expenditures for the major old-age benefit programs? If so, what might prevent or mitigate it?

Purpose: In the 2008 presidential election, a majority of older persons voted for John McCain, the loser. The purposes of this report are to help illuminate why older voters were the only age-group that gave a majority to McCain and to delineate some ongoing issues in the analysis of older persons' voting behavior. Methods: Analysis was undertaken by mining raw data from the 2008 Edison-Mitofsky national Election Day exit poll, as well as compilations from that poll that were published by various media that finance it. Results: Republican leanings of the Eisenhower birth cohort that is presently among those aged 65 years and older were a factor, whereas the immediately succeeding younger cohorts did not manifest the same partisan predilection. Positive self-identification with the 72-year -old McCain by voters aged 65-74 years seems to have been another factor, although there was no indication of such age identification among those aged 60-64 years and 75 years and older. Race may have been a factor, although all groups of White voters aged 30 years and older gave McCain a substantial majority, whereas the youngest cohort of Whites, aged 18-29 years, favored Obama. Implications: In the study of age-group voting behavior, ongoing attention is needed to cohort and period effects, as well as candidates' contrasting individual characteristics--in addition to possible effects of campaign issues.

The use of interventions claiming to prevent, retard, or reverse aging is proliferating. Some of these interventions can seriously harm older persons and aging baby boomers who consume them. Others that are merely ineffective may divert patients from participating in beneficial regimens and also cause them economic harm. "Free market regulation" does not seem to weed out risky, ineffective, and fraudulent anti-aging treatments and products. Public health messages, apparently, are having little effect. What more can be done to achieve better protection for older consumers? An analysis of the potential for federal and state action reveals many barriers to effective governmental regulation of anti-aging interventions. In view of dim prospects for stronger public regulation, physicians and other professionals--especially geriatricians and gerontologists--will need to be more aggressive in protecting older consumers. In particular, The Gerontological Society of America and the American Geriatrics Society should undertake a sustained program of specific educational efforts, directed at health professionals and the general public, in which they sort out as best they can the helpful, the harmful, the fraudulent, and the harmless anti-aging practices and products.

Recent policy proposals have introduced need-based criteria, as well as the principle of wealthier older persons paying greater taxes or sharing more heavily in financing services and benefits than those who have less income and accumulated wealth. This article reviews emergence of new approaches and concludes with commentary on political feasibility of changes. (BF)

Examines what is known about one element of the politics of aging--the voting behavior of older persons in recent presidential elections--and suggests areas of research on the 1992 election that may tell something about how far, and how soon, proponents of generational equity will be able to move toward dismantling policies that benefit older people. (Author/NB)

Accomplishments of the Older Americans Act of 1965 (OAA) include (1) identification of needs of older people; (2) development of strategies to meet those needs; (3) provision of help to older Americans; (4) development of an infrastructure to help older people; and (5) recruitment of professionals to the field of aging. (JOW)

During the 50 years in which The Gerontologist has been publishing, the politics of aging in the United States has undergone distinct changes. The political behavior of older individuals has remained largely the same even though different birth cohorts have succeeded each other in populating the ranks of older people. But the politics of policies on aging--the organized interest and advocacy groups active in this arena, the tenor of public discourse about older people as beneficiaries of policies on aging, the national political agendas regarding public old-age benefits, and the broader U.S. political economy--have changed substantially over these five decades. Now, in the contexts of the aging of the baby boom and concerns about reducing large federal fiscal deficits (annual and cumulative), the politics of U.S. policies on aging may change considerably from those of yesterday and today. Is there a possibility of future intergenerational political conflict over taxes and expenditures for the major old-age benefit programs? If so, what might prevent or mitigate it? Key Words: Entitlement reform, Generational political conflict, Old-age policies, Politics of aging doi: 10.1093/gerant/gnq056

Purpose: In the 2008 presidential election, a majority of older persons voted for John McCain, the loser. The purposes of this report ate to help illuminate why older voters were the only age-group that gave a majority to McCain and to delineate some ongoing issues in the analysis of older persons' voting behavior. Methods' Analysis was undertaken by mining raw data from the 2008 Edison--Mitofsky national Election Day exit poll, as well as compilations from that poll that were published by various media that finance it. Results: Republican leanings of the Eisenhower birth cohort that is presently among those aged 65 years and older were a factor, whereas the immediately succeeding younger cohorts did not manifest the same partisan predilection. Positive self-identification with the 72-year-old McCain by voters aged 65-74 years seems to have been another factor, although there was no indication of such age identification among those aged 60-64 years and 75 years and older. Race may have been a factor, although all groups of White voters aged 30 years and older gave McCain a substantial majority, whereas the youngest cohort of Whites, aged 18-29 years, favored Obama. Implications' In the study of age-group voting behavior, ongoing attention is needed to cohort and period effects, as well as candidates' contrasting individual characteristics-in addition to possible effects of campaign issues. Key Words: Age-group voting, Elections, Politics of aging, Voting behavior

For several decades, candidates in U.S. presidential election campaigns have articulated policy issues designed to appeal to older Americans. However, exit-poll data have consistently shown that older people have distributed their votes among presidential candidates in roughly the same proportions as the electorate as a whole, favoring the winner of the popular vote. This happened again in 2004. The percentage of older persons voting for George Bush was slightly more than the national average, suggesting that old-age policy issues are not the predominant factors affecting older voters. (Contains 1 table and 1 figure.)

The use of interventions claiming to prevent, retard, or reverse aging is proliferating. Some of these interventions can seriously harm older persons and aging baby boomers who consume them. Others that are merely ineffective may divert patients from participating in beneficial regimens and also cause them economic harm. 'Free market regulation' does not seem to weed out risky, ineffective, and fraudulent anti-aging treatments and products. Public health messages, apparently, are having little effect. What more can be done to achieve better protection for older consumers? An analysis of the potential for federal and state action reveals many barriers to effective governmental regulation of anti-aging interventions. In view of dim prospects for stronger public regulation, physicians and other professionals--especially geriatricians and gerontologists--will need to be more aggressive in protecting older consumers. In particular, The Gerontological Society of America and the American Geriatrics Society should undertake a sustained program of specific educational efforts, directed at health professionals and the general public, in which they sort out as best they can the helpful, the harmful, the fraudulent, and the harmless anti-aging practices and products. Key Words: Anti-aging, Geriatrics, Gerontology, Government regulation, Professional regulation

Biogerontologists have recently launched a war of words on anti-aging medicine. They seek to discredit what they judge to be fraudulent and harmful products and therapies, and to distinguish their own research from what they regard as the pseudoscience of anti-aging injections, special mineral waters, and other services and products. Yet, many of these biogerontologists are themselves trying to develop interventions that will actually slow or arrest the fundamental processes of human aging and substantially extend average life expectancy and maximum life span. Achievement of these biogerontological goals would drastically alter the nature of individual and collective life, radically transforming virtually every social institution and norm. Biogerontologists who are engaged in anti-aging research need to undertake more active leadership in helping the public to understand their goals, to deliberately consider the implications of their fulfillment, and to begin thinking about ways to shape those ramifications in constructive fashions.

Leading members of the gerontological community have recently launched a war on anti-aging medicine, seeking to discredit what they judge to be fraudulent and harmful products and therapies, and to distinguish their research from what they regard as the pseudoscience of the anti-aging movement. This article interprets the contemporary war on anti-aging medicine as largely an attempt by established gerontological researchers to preserve their hard-won scientific and political legitimacy, as well as to maintain and enhance funding for research on the basic biological mechanisms of aging. First, it recounts the difficult struggle of U.S. biogerontologists to join the scientific mainstream in terms of legitimization and public funding. Second, it examines how elements of a contemporary anti-aging movement seem to threaten the hard-won public legitimacy of established gerontological researchers and practitioners. Third, it looks at the 'boundary work' responses of the gerontological community to the anti-aging movement. Finally, it assesses the consequences of the war on anti-aging medicine to date. Key Words: Anti-aging, Biology of aging, Gerontology, Research funding, Science policy

Contemporary politicians and their advisors focus on older voters as a pivotal segment of the American electorate. Some analysts predict that this preoccupation will intensify in the years ahead and the demands of older persons will dominate American politics. One reason for this focus on older voters is that they constitute a substantial proportion of voters today, largely because of age-group differences in voting turnout rates, and they will be a considerably larger proportion in the future because of the aging of the baby boom cohort. This article examines the voting participation of age groups in past presidential elections and explores what the voting participation of older persons could be like when the baby boom cohort reaches old age. The political significance of older persons being a large percentage of voters is considered with respect to both the past and the future.

The need for policy reform concerning the elderly are addressed. The author argues that with the aging of the baby boom generation current policies are not sufficient to handle such a large population of elderly, and new policies must slowly be implemented to handle any possible economic or political problems in the future that may affect the well-being of the elderly.

A review of four books on aging reveals that the books written by biogerontologists turned out to be the worst of the lot. The two books entitled 'The Longevity Strategy' by David Mahoney and Richard Restak and 'The Clock of Ages' by John Medina are both disappointing and do not provide readers with new information on longevity. The book entitled 'Cheating Time: Science, Sex, and Aging' by Roger Gosden is really good while 'Why We Age: What Science Is Discovering About the Body's Journey Through Life' by Steven N. Austad provide a credible account of the evolution of aging.

A panel of experts convened by the National Institutes of Health recommends that genetic testing for Alzheimer's disease (AD) should only be offered to people with a family history of early-onset AD. Early-onset AD is associated with mutations in genes on chromosomes 1, 14 and 21. The apolipoprotein E (APOE) epsilon4 gene has also been linked to AD, but the presence of this gene does not automatically cause AD. Widespread screening of asymptomatic people could cause severe anxiety in those who test positive for APOE epsilon4. In addition, they could be denied long-term care insurance., Objective.--Primary caregivers should be aware of recent progress in the genetics of Alzheimer disease (AD) and of the clinical and ethical considerations raised regarding the introduction of genetic testing for purposes of disease prediction and susceptibility (risk) analysis in asymptomatic individuals and diagnosis in patients who present clinically with dementia. This statement addresses arguments for and against clinical genetic testing. Participants.--The 20 participants were selected by the investigators (S.G.P., T.H.M., A.B.Z., and P.J.W.) to achieve balance in the areas of genetics, counseling, ethics, and public policy, and to include leadership from related consensus projects. The consensus group met twice in closed meetings and carried on extensive correspondence over 2 years (1995-1997). The project was supported by the National Human Genome Research Institute of the National Institutes of Health. Evidence.--All 4 involved chromosomes were discussed in group meetings against a background of information from several focus group sessions with ADaffected families. The focus groups comprised volunteers identified by the Cleveland Area Chapter of the Alzheimer's Disease and Related Disorders Association and represented a variety of ethnic populations. Consensus Process.--The first draft was written in April 1996 by the principal investigator (S.G.P.) after the consensus group had met twice. The draft was mailed to all consensus group members 3 times over 6 months for extensive response and redrafting by the principal investigator until all members were satisfied. Conclusions.--Except for autoscmal dominant early-onset families, genetic testing in asymptomatic individuals is unwarranted. Use of APOE genetic testing as a diagnostic adjunct in patients already presenting with dementia may prove useful but it remains under investigation. The premature introduction of genetic testing and possible adverse consequences are to be avoided. JAMA. 1997;277:832-836

Aggregate national exit poll data from the 1996 presidential election suggest that voters aged 60 and older were not influenced by age-related policy issues, such as Medicare, any more than younger voters were. Yet, state-level data provide a basis for conjecture (although not a conclusion) that such issues may have influenced the voting decisions of some older voters in 14 states. if so, however, the impact was in Clinton's favor in some states and Dole's favor in others. Now that the election is over, the short-term problem of Medicare Part A will he dealt with swiftly, but a bipartisan commission to deal with the program's long-term issues is problematic. The establishment of such a commission on Social Security is more likely. The President's response to the push by governors and congressional Republicans to turn Medicaid into a Mock grant program will indicate whether he will move at all to the left of the centrist political position that he assumed throughout 1996. Key Words: Age-group voting, Medicaid, Medicare, Older voters, Social Security, Voting behavior