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Copyright of Revista Linguagens, Educação e Sociedade (LES) is the property of Revista Linguagens, Educacao e Sociedade (LES) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The main argument presented in this paper is that the environmental-climate conspiracy theories propagated at the beginning of the Bolsonaro government helped to foster a populist ideology – that is, the idea that there is a moral struggle between the 'good people' against 'corrupt elites' and that the populist leader is the only legitimate representative of this people because he represents their moral values. To support this argument, we conducted a qualitative content analysis of 36 conspiratorial speeches around the environmental-climate issue delivered by five actors from the Bolsonaro government's top positions (Jair Bolsonaro, Eduardo Bolsonaro, Ernesto Araújo, Filipe Martins and Olavo de Carvalho) between 2018 and 2020. From this qualitative analysis, we evidenced a conspiratorial structure as follows: global, intellectual, technocratic, and left-wing elites seek to instrumentalize the environmental-climate agenda – in particular by ideological indoctrination and alarmism – to justify widespread control over the nations sovereignties and the individuals freedoms. It was found that unmasking and resisting environmentalism were the two main moral messages that this conspiratorial structure emanates. In the face of this moral struggle between truth and freedom, in which climate change and the Amazon are embedded, Bolsonaro is presented as a patriotic leader who defends sovereignty, development, and the interests of the people and the nation.

This article analyzes the sexual policies of the J. Bolsonaro government, focusing on sex education policy, especially the prevention of teenage pregnancy. It uses documentary and bibliographical sources, produced on and during the referred federal administration. It incorporates productions that focus on sex education, especially during this period. The documents were extracted from public sources, from governmental and non-governmental organizations. The analysis demonstrated "sexual preservation" as a panacea for the high incidence of teenage pregnancy, building strategies based on an ultra(neo)liberal, familist, theocratic, and conservative perspective. This anti-pluralist and anti-democratic policy removes from the public/collective scope the debate on the various factors that involve pregnancy in this age group, disregarding the hierarchies and violence of various orders (between genders, races, class, sexual identities) that cross the lives of young people and adolescents in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the neoliberal agenda implemented by Paulo Guedes's Ministry of the Economy, the Bolsonaro government's nationalist stance has prompted academic debates over its rationales. Once the populist and conservative foundations of that nationalism are understood, however, there is no contradiction between it and Bolsonaro's economic policy. La agenda neoliberal implementada por el Ministerio de Economía de Paulo Guedes aparentemente cuestiona la postura nacionalista del gobierno de Bolsonaro y ha provocado debates académicos en torno a sus razones fundamentales. Sin embargo, una vez que se entienden las razones populistas y el conservatismo detrás de dicho nacionalismo, no hay contradicción entre estas y la política económica de Bolsonaro. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work, located at the interface of textual studies with Cognitive Linguistics, focuses on the ministerial meeting of the Bolsonaro government (Brazil) that took place on April 22, 2020, focusing on the speech of the then Minister of Education, Abraham Weintraub. The general objective of this investigation is: to analyze how metaphors contribute to the construction of meanings in Abraham Weintraub's speech. The specific objectives are: a) to identify, classify and map the emerging metaphors and b) to analyze the relationship between the emerging metaphors and the argumentative construction of the text. In order to achieve the established objectives, the constant metaphors in the analyzed text were identified (Dienstbach, 2018), classified into conventional metaphors, conceptual metaphors, situated metaphors, new metaphorical developments and metaphorical niches (Lakoff; Johnson, 2002; Vereza, 2007; 2013), and also mapped (Kövecses, 2002). Among the localized metaphors, the emergence of the metaphor stands out: POLITICS IS WAR/FIGHT. This, when opposed to the metaphor POLITICS IS GAME, gives rise to the unfolding policy is game, but it must be war/fight, a central position defended by the speaker. In order to justify it, Weintraub highlights that the dispute that the group at the meeting is having against its adversaries is being lost and establishes targets against which they must act: Brasília and the Brazilian state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research aims to understand the relationships and interests of national and international political and economic agents that have driven the advancement of agribusiness in Brazilian territory in recent years. Based on the premise that the economic and political agents present in the current accumulation system are driven by logics and interests related to the international financial market, we can perceive the convergence of objectives in spaces of the global economy due to the increase in the financialization of land, expanding the availability of new land stocks in the market. In this context, Brazilian geographical inequality and the increase in productive development in the countryside, especially with the expansion of land concentration, resulted in unprecedented violations of human rights, specifically the uncontrolled release of pesticides and transgenics, as well as the disastrous consequences that arise from it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to analyze the transformations in the Brazilian federative dialogue emphasizing the relationship between subnational actors (municipalities and states) and the federal government in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. We argue that in this period there was an intensification of disputes between subnational governments and the Bolsonaro government. We consider the hypothesis that, in this scenario, has occurred the redesign of Brazilian paradiplomatic action characterized by disruptive federalism. With the evaluation period between 2020 and 2022, the article aims to investigate the international engagement of mayors and governors in facing the COVID-19 pandemic. In this regard, we focus the analysis on the pandemic, showing the governmental movement and the performance of subnational actors around two axes: a) purchase of equipment and vaccines; and b) bilateral relations with China. We conclude that governors of opposition parties adopted clearer measures to face the pandemic and developed a high level of tension with the federal government, as is the case of the states that constitute the Interstate Consortium for Sustainable Development in the Northeast. However, state governments that started 2019 as Bolsonaro's allies has changed their position and during the epidemiological crisis it became particularly evident, showing that the proposed debate exceeds the political-partisan bias, requiring the consideration of other variables to explain the new conjuncture of Brazilian paradiplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes a governmental analysis of the context of Education in the Governments of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in his previous terms (2003-2010) and former President Jair Messias Bolsonaro (2019-2022), as well as the perspectives on the third term (2023-2026) of President Lula. Starting from the hypothesis that the government of former President Bolsonaro promoted a setback in the educational field, with dismantling, spending cuts and insufficient investment, it was intended to identify the government policies of the Lula governments in Education, their effective application and the results obtained. The work used theoretical, bibliographical, and documentary analysis. Furthermore, the focus was Higher Education, with expansion and facilitation of its access during the Lula Governments and, with the deterioration of the applied budget and lack of interest in investments and public policies directed to Higher Education in the Bolsonaro government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Configurações is the property of Centro de Investigacao em Ciencias Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article seeks, from the exposition of the evolution of Public Environmental Policies and the applicability of the Environmental Crimes Law n° 9605/98, to focus mainly on the acts and actions practiced during the Bolsonaro government (2018-2022). Thus, a survey was carried out of the fines registered by the Brazilian Institute of the Environment and Renewable Natural Resources (IBAMA). Data were obtained based on public consultations of infraction notices on the IBAMA website about crimes against conservation units, fauna, flora and environmental quality in the last 10 years. In addition, a survey was carried out on the budget available to Ibama from 2015 to 2021, on the Integrated Planning and Budget System - SIOP platform, data contained in the LOAS from 2015 to 2021. From the analyzes it was concluded that despite the effective growth of structure and achievements in the national environmental policy, there was an attempt to dismantle the environment policy during the Bolsonaro government, it can also be seen that more crimes were committed, however even with the dismantling of the structure of this policy public health, precarious work, persecution of public servants, employees of environmental agencies did their best to fulfill their duties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Paulo Freire (1921-1997) created a revolutionary literacy method in which the learners would assimilate the object of study based on their experiences, his life experiences, that is, his reality. The theory of Freire is an opposition to an education he called banking, technical and alienating. On the other hand, the Bolsonaro government did not spare criticism, unfounded comments, questioning Freirean teaching. With this in mind, this article aims to understand about this phenomenon, seeking to analyze the motivation of the government elected in 2018 in demoralizing and defaming an anti-fascist philosophy. Thus, the reflections presented here present subsidies for discussions and possibilities of changes in the Brazilian reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The starting point of this text is the 2016 coup d'état, which removed Dilma Roussef from the Presidency of the Republic and increased the political space for the rise of the extreme right in Brazil. Thus, we analyze the Michel Temer government and the series of measures adopted to satisfy the most immediate interests of the bourgeoisie, which deepened austerity policies and the dismantling of the state apparatus. We continue with the rise of Bolsonaro, who represented not only a shock to the fragile Brazilian bourgeois democracy but also a president identified with the extreme right. His policies intended to deepen the neoliberal reforms in all aspects of economic and social life and acted in a decisive way to destroy the progress Brazil had made in the field of diversity and inclusion, among others. To this end, he has assembled a team of never before-seen extreme right-wingers.. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to highlight and analyze the exponential increase in territorial conflicts in Brazil involving indigenous lands. To do so, we analyzed the years from 2019 to 2022, which represent the federal government under Jair Messias Bolsonaro. This government meant the dismantling of various indigenous policies and the weakening of Funai, which began operating against these peoples. However, territorial conflicts are a historical problem that began with the colonization process based on the invasion, exploitation, and expropriation of indigenous peoples. Colonization brought with it significant territorial inequality in Brazilian agrarian areas, characterized by large landholdings, which persists to this day. To understand how territorial conflicts are expressed, it is necessary to conceptualize both territory and conflict. To analyze territorial conflicts involving indigenous lands, we used data provided by the Comissão Pastoral da Terra (CPT) - Pastoral Land Commission - and the Conselho Indigenista Missionário (CIMI) - Indigenous Missionary Council -, both of which sought to report these acts of violence in the agrarian areas during the Bolsonaro government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We propose a current reading of data from organizations that indicate the strategies adopted by the government of Brazilian President Jair Messias Bolsonaro with regard to the press. We found that the actions are characterized by attempts to establish editorial control over journalists and newspapers through three resources: the surgical transfer of public resources through government advertising funds, the judicialization of conflicts with the press and the discrediting of work journalistic through public attacks. The study also points out a favorable historical condition for the exercise of journalistic control and censorship practices in Brazil, particularly characterizing the country's press. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Direito GV is the property of Fundacao Getulio Vargas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A review of the agendas of three recent Brazilian protests in defense of women's rights—#EleNão, International Women's Day, and the March of the Margaridas—and of the Bolsonaro government's actions regarding women's rights shows that confrontation is manifested on both sides. In a sense, the protests followed and encouraged the confrontation strategies used by the government. Uma revisão das agendas de três recentes protestos brasileiros em defesa dos direitos das mulheres – #EleNão, Dia Internacional da Mulher e Marcha das Margaridas – e das ações do governo Bolsonaro em relação aos direitos das mulheres mostra que o confronto se manifesta em ambos os lados. De certa forma, os protestos acompanharam e estimularam as estratégias de enfrentamento utilizadas pelo governo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analysis of Brazil's Bolsonaro administration, its most active social support base, and the political crisis that gave rise to it shows that, operating with a concept of fascism embedded in the Marxist tradition, it can be characterized as (neo)fascist. The political crisis of 2015–2018 that led to it involved a crisis of hegemony of the bloc in power, the crisis of party representation of the dominant classes, political activism by the state bureaucracy, the political defensiveness of the workers' and lower-class movement, and the formation of a reactionary middle-class movement. The option for fascism was not without risks, as is reflected today by the demonstrations of dissatisfaction with its administration. Uma análise do governo Bolsonaro no Brasil, a sua base social a mais ativa e a crise política que lhe deve origem, mostra que, baseado num conceito de fascismo enquadrado na tradição marxista, este governo pode ser denominado como (neo)fascista. O governo (neo)fascista de Bolsonaro era decorrente de uma crise política nos anos 2015-2018 que implicou uma crise de hegemonia no bloco de poder, uma crise de representação partidária das classes dominantes, um ativismo político na burocrâcia estatal, uma atitude defensiva política do movimento dos trabalhadores e classes pobres e a formação de um movimento reacionário da classe média. A opçao fascista não é isento de riscos vis-à-vis a burguesia como se reflete hoje nas manifestações de insatisfação com a administração burguesa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Clio: Revista de Pesquisa Histórica (01024736) is the property of Universidad Federal de Pernambuco / Revista Clio and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Quaestio Iuris (QI) is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cadernos de Gestão Pública e Cidadania is the property of Fundacao Getulio Vargas, Escola Brasileira de Administracao Publica e de Empresas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Based on bibliographic and documentary research, this article analyzes the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on health policy. The objective is to point out the trajectory and rationalities that have permeated health policy since the 1990s, with an emphasis on health counter-reform proposals from the Bolsonaro government, especially in the context of a pandemic. In the context of the world's largest health crisis, the federal government has minimized the pandemic and its consequences, due to its far-right project, which prioritizes profit over life, ignoring and trivializing the more than 551,000 deaths in Brazil. Based on readings, documents and government ordinances, the various attacks on health policy in Brazil are identified. It is considered necessary to resist the interests of capital in health that dismantle the SUS and remove the possibility of implementing the principles of Health Reform, especially in the face of the current government's policy of death.

From the contributions of critical social theory in its Marxist aspect, we aim to problematize federal public universities in the neoconservative scenario that rose in Brazil in mid-2016, legitimizing conservative discourses and the dissemination of the ideals and values of postmodern ideology. To this end, we carried out a literature review and analysis of news linked to the digital media internet published in the first year of President Jair Bolsonaro's term (2019). We conclude that this neoconservative and far-right framework directs the persecution of federal higher education institutions in the name of fighting the riot, the censorship of critical thinking and the devaluation of knowledge produced in the human sciences, as well as the reduction of public investments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses changes in the objectives and strategies of the World March of Women in Brazil, based on interviews to seven activists and the analysis of public documents of the Movement. It concludes that the World March of Women is still mobilized and active and that, despite a retreat in the dialogue with the State, there is an increasing in the use of repertoires of contestation against the authoritarianism and conservatism of the Bolsonaro´s government and in the defense of democracy.

The text discusses Brazilian education, based on Jair Bolsonaro's Government Plan Proposal, in correlation with the three main agendas of the first year of his presidential term: ideological indoctrination, literacy, and discipline. The freedom category, presented in the Proposal as the most precious asset of human beings, is considered in the study. The documentary analysis is mainly based on the dialogue with Fernandes (1981) and Todorov (2012). It concludes that there is an ultraconservative educational project in progress, that does not consider education as a right.

In this text I seek to identify the implicit interests of the attacks on the supposed "cultural Marxism", which according to the Bolsonaro’s government predominates in the Brazilian public education. Using the method of historical-dialectical materialism, I conclude that the intention of these attacks is to legitimize the interruption of recent social advances, ensure the appropriate conditions for capitalism and institute uncritical training for the working class, in order to prevent questions and social manifestations that would address the worsening of the social inequality, thus maintaining brazilians dependent of capitalism.

This article analyzes the communication policies implemented in the first two years of the Bolsonaro government (2019-2020) on three fronts. The first concerns the issues that the Bolsonaro government has addressed most, including regulatory bodies, institutional communication, broadcasting, telecommunications, internet access and data protection. The second front concerns the role of the federal government in the policies implemented. In this case, it is shown how the Bolsonaro administration led regulatory initiatives vis-à-vis the initiatives of other branches of the Brazilian Republic (Parliament and Judiciary). Finally, an analysis of the communication policies that were implemented is presented, considering the framework of human rights in communication prepared by UNESCO. In the conclusions, the key points of the analysis are summarized, having as guidelines the contributions of the report of the international organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Intersecoes: Revista de Estudios Interdisciplinares is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Religião e Sociedade is the property of Instituto de Estudos da Religiao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The COVID-19 pandemic found Brazil at a bad moment, with a populist and a rightwing government, with few resources and few ideas to confront it. The purpose of the article is to describe and reflect on the trajectory of government behaviour in the face of the pandemic. With this aim, it covers the beginning of the crisis in March 2020 until the spread of COVID-19 in 2021, highlighting the worsening of the pandemic during the period of Eduardo Pazuello. It also analyses the behaviour of the Brazilian government abroad and examines the crisis that settled in the government from the second wave of COVID. At the end, the article presents the steps and consequences of the Parliamentary Investigation Commission, created to palliate the policies of confrontation of the pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Confluenze. Rivista di Studi Iberoamericani is the property of Universita di Bologna, Dipartimento di Lingue, Letterature e Culture Moderne and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Confluenze. Rivista di Studi Iberoamericani is the property of Universita di Bologna, Dipartimento di Lingue, Letterature e Culture Moderne and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Confluenze. Rivista di Studi Iberoamericani is the property of Universita di Bologna, Dipartimento di Lingue, Letterature e Culture Moderne and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cadernos PAGU is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the activities of cross-cultural evangelical missions among indigenous peoples in Brazil and explores how these activities fit into the policies of Jair Bolsonaro’s government. The aim is to show how these missions relate to three federal government policies that are currently threatening the existence of indigenous peoples – policies that are expressed in the moral, anti-environmental, and national security agendas. This article argues that the element connecting these different sets of interests is a notion of individual freedom that directly opposes the idea of collective rights and, therefore, represents an expression of anti-democratic values.

Copyright of O Social em Questão is the property of Faculdades Catolicas - Pontificia Universidade Catolica do Rio de Janeiro and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cadernos Argentina Brasil is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cadernos Argentina Brasil is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The dystopian logic, the undermining of intentional intentions in the conduct of public powers and social projections, appears at the crossroads of practical actions, as, for example, in the confrontation of pandemics, as through which humanity passes. In spite of the different angles, we will approach that of institutional communication in face of the consequences caused by COVID-19 in Brazil, with the background of provoking reflections that allow to radiograph the current state of health of the public communication in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudos Sociedade e Agricultura is the property of Revista Estudos Sociedade e Agricultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The emergence of internet in the 1990s transformed the cultural industry on a global scale in a gradual and definitive way and put print journalism at risk. This article aims to investigate, from the analysis of the Brazilian case, the dimension of these changes and try to answer the following issues. How have digital publications transformed the production and dissemination of content? Will the paper publications will still have space? Can alternative digital publications face the big media? Will they take the place of the political-cultural magazines of the past? finally, how can we think the relationships among intellectuals, culture and politcs in the field of cultural and mediatic production? The analysis of these and other issues will start from two temporal perspectives. The first one will be the 1970s, the peak of the military dictatorship, when the so-called alternative press worked as a bastion of resistance to the regime and magazines such as Versus, of Latin American character, circulated. The second will be the current context, with Brazil under a government of the extreme right, in which digital publications seek to act as a counterweight to the voice of the hegemonic media that yesterday supported the dictatorship of 1964, and today the political trial of Dilma Roussef in 2016 and the current government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudos Ibero-Americanos is the property of EDIPUCRS - Editora Universitaria da PUCRS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relações Internacionais is the property of Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This text discusses institutional changes implemented in the recent period in Brazil. If they are not reversed in a future government, they will have, on the one hand, redefined the place of the state in the economy and society, resulting, among other consequences, in the shrinking of public policies in general, and especially of social policies; on the other hand, they will have substantially altered the country's labor market, expanding the presence of the already important and structural segment of informal workers. They consist of the Constitutional Amendment 95 (EC 95) and the set of articles and provisions of the Consolidation of Labor Laws (CLT) that were amended by the labor reform. In the first section, aspects concerning the conditions inherited by the new government are analyzed; in the second one, we discuss the Constitutional Amendment 95; in the following section, we go over the labor reform and the labor market, both inherited from Michel Temer's government. In section four, some of the ongoing measures of the new government are presented into detail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]