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Individualne mentalnozdravstvene posljedice, ali i značajne promjene društvenih obrazaca i indikatora društvenog zdravlja zabilježene su od samog početka pandemije koronavirusa. Znanstvenici su uglavnom suglasni da je ova globalna javnozdravstvena kriza promijenila svijet koji smo poznavali na različite načine. Stoga je cilj ovoga istraživanja bio ispitati kako su se te promjene odrazile na građane Hrvatske, odnosno provjeriti kakve su posljedice suočavanja s pandemijom koronavirusa na mentalnozdravstvene i društvene ishode u Hrvatskoj. Provedeno je on-line istraživanje na nacionalnom dvostruko stratificiranom (regija i veličina naselja) probabilističkom uzorku građana Hrvatske u dvije točke: krajem kolovoza i početkom rujna 2020. te u drugoj polovici siječnja 2021. godinu. Dok je prvo mjerno razdoblje obilježeno naglim pogoršavanjem epidemiološke situacije, u drugom je razdoblju nastupilo njeno poboljšanje, uz činjenicu da su do tada u Hrvatsku već stigla prva cjepiva protiv koronavirusa. U oba je vala sudjelovalo ukupno 958 sudionika dobi od 18 do 74 godine. Uz druge mjere, ispitano je nekoliko indikatora mentalnog zdravlja: stupanj uznemirenosti stresorima vezanima uz pandemiju, emocionalne teškoće i opća kvaliteta života, te neki indikatori društvenog zdravlja: horizontalno i vertikalno povjerenje, društvena solidarnost, te važnost građanskih sloboda i spremnost na njihovu uskratu. Rezultati pokazuju da se tijekom ovog razdoblja pandemije indikatori mentalnog zdravlja bitnije ne mijenjaju (rubno značajno povećanje emocionalnih teškoća, ali i nešto viša kvaliteta života), dok su među društvenim indikatorima zabilježene najveće promjene na vertikalnom povjerenju, koje pokazuje jasan pad povjerenja u institucije, posebno one središnje za upravljanje krizom. Ističemo da su navedeni indikatori odmjereni tijekom desetak mjeseci pandemije, pa ih je nužno nastaviti pratiti kako bi se stekao valjan i pouzdan uvid u procese post-pandemijskog društvenog oporavka.

Projektni tim ReSPoC pratio je od kolovoza 2020. do rujna 2021., u tri vremenske točke, na uzorku od 867 sudionika kako se hrvatski građani suočavaju s pandemijom korona-virusa, kako vide društvo u kojem žive i kakvo društvo očekuju u budućnosti. Rezultati i preporuke koje donosimo na temelju njih utemeljeni su na analizi tri skupine ispitanih indikatora: 1. mjere povezane s ključnim iskustvima u vezi s pandemijom, uključujući i namjeru cijepljenja ; 2. mjere nekih od indikatora mentalnoga zdravlja i 3. indikatori povezani s time kako građani pod okolnostima pandemije procjenjuju neka obilježja države i društva u kojem žive.

Research suggests that belief in conspiracy theories (CT) stems from basic psychological mechanisms and is linked to other belief systems (e.g., religious beliefs). While previous research has extensively examined individual and contextual variables associated with CT beliefs, it has not yet investigated the role of culture. In the current research, we tested, based on a situated cultural cognition perspective, the extent to which culture predicts CT beliefs. Using Hofstede's model of cultural values, three nation‐level analyses of data from 25, 19, and 18 countries using different measures of CT beliefs (Study 1, N = 5323; Study 2a, N = 12,255; Study 2b, N = 30,994) revealed positive associations between masculinity, collectivism, and CT beliefs. A cross‐sectional study among U.S. citizens (Study 3, N = 350), using individual‐level measures of Hofstede's values, replicated these findings. A meta‐analysis of correlations across studies corroborated the presence of positive links between CT beliefs, collectivism, r = .31, 95% CI = [.15; .47], and masculinity, r = .39, 95% CI = [.18; .59]. Our results suggest that in addition to individual differences and contextual variables, cultural factors also play an important role in shaping CT beliefs.

Ovo je istraživanje provedeno krajem kolovoza i početkom rujna 2020. na nacionalnom probabilističkom uzorku od 1060 odraslih sudionika u dobi od 18 do 74 godine. Cilj istraživanja bio je utvrditi neke mentalnozdravstvene i društvene posljedice suočavanja s pandemijom koronavirusa. Indikatori mentalnog stanja građana govore da se najveći dio njih zasad relativno uspješno nosi s krizom – razine doživljenoga stresa izazvanoga okolnostima pandemije su umjerene, kao i procijenjeno zadovoljstvo životom. Međutim, oko petine sudionika izvještava o izraženijim emocionalnim teškoćama u nošenju s izazovima pandemije. Rezultati na različitim indikatorima mentalnog zdravlja i percepcije stanja društva pokazuju da oni mentalnozdravstveno pogođeniji krizom ujedno percipiraju i društvo u kojem žive lošijim. I premda građani visoko vrednuju građanske slobode, njih gotovo četvrtina iskazuje sumnju da mogu osobno utjecati na ishode događaja oko sebe. Udruženo s općenitom niskim povjerenjem u institucije i izraženijom percepcijom društvene dezintegriranosti i odsustva vodstva, naši rezultati upućuju na to da hrvatsko društvo pokazuje znatne deficite zdravog funkcioniranja. Ove je trendove važno prepoznati na vrijeme i zaustaviti, jer je za očekivati da će produbljivanjem krize koja više neće biti samo zdravstvena, nego i ekonomska i općedruštvena, raslojavanje postati sve intenzivnije, a kohezivni se elementi mogu pokrenuti i potaknuti samo aktivnim uključivanjem i sudjelovanjem građana u društvenom oporavku. A research project entitled (Rebuilding) Society: A Longitudinal Study of Post-Corona Social Recovery in the Croatian General Population (ReSPoC), funded by the Croatian Science Foundation, sought to address the psychological and social consequences of facing the long-standing coronavirus pandemic in Croatia, as well as whether Croatia, as a society, can recover from the pandemic. The research was conceived as a longitudinal study that assessed, at three points in time over the course of a year, how Croatian citizens faced the pandemic, how they perceived the society in which they lived and what kind of society they expected in the future.

Izvješće projekta Eurostudent VI daje sliku uvjeta studiranja studenata u Hrvatskoj u 2016. godini.

Individual differences in political ideology are related to voters’ preference for political candidates, and are rooted in the way people perceive their social environment. Conservatives view the world as more dangerous and competitive place compared to liberals, and tend to choose more dominant leader. Research show that voice pitch serves as a cue for dominance: deeper voices are perceived as more dominant. Therefore it is hypothesized that conservative voters would prefer political candidates with lowerpitched voices. In this study we test if ideology moderates relation between politician’s voice pitch and election outcome using highly ecologically valid design. We have used data on national level ideology collected during World Value Survey, and extracted voice pitch of political candidates of 69 elections held across the world. . Regression analysis revealed a strong preference for presidential candidates with lower-pitched voices in more conservative countries, while similar pattern was not observed for parliamentary elections.

The aim of this research was to find out how refugees and migrants were narratively constructed and represented in selected Croatian daily newspapers during the migrant crisis in 2015 and 2016. We were interested to determine whether such people were addressed in the articles as “refugees” or “migrants”, whether they were commonly portrayed as victims or as a threat, and if Croatia and the neighbouring countries were represented as a refugee- friendly or refugee-hostile country. We present the results of quantitative content analysis and narrative analysis of articles on refugees and migrants published in three of Croatia’s most read daily newspapers (Jutarnji list, Večernji list and 24 sata) in different periods during the crisis.

Previous studies have shown that voters rely on sexually dimorphic traits that signal masculinity and dominance when they choose political leaders. For example, voters exert strong preferences for candidates with lower-pitched voices because these candidates are perceived as stronger and more competent. Moreover, experimental studies demonstrate that conservative voters, more than liberals, prefer political candidates with traits that signal dominance, probably because conservatives are more likely to perceive the world as a threatening place and to be more attentive to dangerous and threatening contexts. In light of these findings, this study investigates whether country-level ideology influences the relationship between candidate voice pitch and electoral outcomes of real elections. Specifically, we collected voice pitch data for presidential and prime minister candidates, aggregate national ideology for the countries in which the candidates were nominated, and measures of electoral outcomes for 69 elections held across the world. In line with previous studies, we found that candidates with lower-pitched voices received more votes and had greater likelihood of winning the elections. Furthermore, regression analysis revealed an interaction between candidate voice pitch, national ideology and election type (presidential orparliamentary). That is, having a lower-pitched voice was a particularly valuable asset for presidential candidates in conservative and right-leaning countries (in comparison to presidential candidates in liberal and left- leaning countries and parliamentary elections). We discuss the practical implications of these findings, and how they relate to existing research on candidates’ voices, voting preferences and democratic elections in general.

This papers deals with comparative analysis of survey data on global and local conspiracy theories related to the war trauma from post- Yugoslav wars and trauma of social change in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Serbia.

Supplementary_materials for Presidential, But Not Prime Minister, Candidates With Lower Pitched Voices Stand a Better Chance of Winning the Election in Conservative Countries by Benjamin Banai, Lasse Laustsen, Irena Pavela Banai, and Kosta Bovan in Evolutionary Psychology

The innovation of this paper lies in the fact that for the first time young people's perceptions about radicalism were studied. Encouraged with the unclear and confusing use of the term radicalisation, the general lack of empirical studies on the topic of radicalisation (Borum, 2011 ; Dalgaard-Nielsen, 2010), and relying on the existing literature which suggests that young people have been particularly prone to radicalisation (Özerdem & Podder, 2011 ; Costanza, 2015), we conducted empirical research to reveal what young people in Croatia understand under the term “radical” and what they perceive as elementary characteristics of radical individuals. One of the incentives for this research was to see what young people understand as being radical and what is mainstream from their perspective. To get these answers we conducted six focus groups among young people between 15 and 30 from five Croatian cities and towns. The research confirmed that the radicalisation process is highly context dependent, and it pointed to the presence of a corrosive apathy among Croatian youth. Furthermore, the findings suggested that both mainstream and radical young people were viewed equally negative. In addition, describing a radical person, young people in Croatia confirmed that radicalisation has many different faces and that it can also be non-violent. Therefore, this paper could serve as a starting point for researchers particularly interested in non- violent radicalisation in non-Western contexts.

Prema pristupu retrospektivnog glasača, građani prije izbora racionalno procjenjuju uspješnost vladajućih političara. Ukoliko procijene da su političari uspješno obavili svoj posao, nagrađuju ih glasom na izborima ; u protivnom, daju glas drugima. Međutim, niz nalaza pokazuje da građani nisu racionalni u svojim procjenama uspješnosti. Pokazano je da su građani skloni kazniti političare za događaje koji su izvan kontrole političkih kandidata, kao što su prirodne katastrofe. Ovakvi nalazi dovode u pitanje racionalnost glasača, a samim time i opravdanost demokratskog režima. Cilj ovog istraživanja bio je provjeriti jesu li poplave iz 2014. i 2015. godine utjecale na izborno ponašanje hrvatskih građana, te kakav je bio utjecaj financijskih potpora za poplavljena područja. Analizirane su razlike u podršci vladajućim političarima između predsjedničkih izbora 2009. i 2014. godine (Ivo Josipović) te parlamentarnih izbora 2011. i 2015. godine (SDP koalicija). Prikupljeni su podaci iz službenih izvora – o izbornim rezultatima, o poplavljenim područjima, o financijskoj potpori, te o ostalim socioekonomskim karakteristikama pojedinih područja. Korištenjem metodologije koja je standardna u ovom području, tj. direktne usporedbe nepoplavljenih i poplavljenih područja, utvrđeno je da je u poplavljenim područjima došlo do većeg pada u podršci vladajućima između dva izborna ciklusa. Međutim, koristeći tzv. matched method metodologiju, kojom su poplavljena i nepoplavljena područja statistički izjednačena u karakteristikama važnima za izborno ponašanje, razlike u podršci nestaju. Osim toga, rezultati pokazuju da financijska potpora nije imala utjecaja na izborno ponašanje. Rezultati su interpretirani iz perspektive racionalnosti glasača, te važnosti korištenja adekvatne metodologije u istraživanjima političkog ponašanja.

Most studies on populism focus either on citizens’ or politicians’/parties’ populist attitudes. Contrary to that, in this study we wanted to combine these two strands of research with the goal of examining the impact of various individual (demand side) on the probability of voting for a (non)populist party in a mock election (supply side). Using previous populist speeches and interviews during political campaigns in Croatia, we identified 14 salient political issues. By using expert evaluations of these data, we formed four positions (statements) for each mock party on each of issues – a combination of left-right, and non-populist-populist. Thus, the only difference between two (left or right) parties was whether they used a populist discourse or not. Participants filled out a questionnaire for individual characteristics, and two weeks later participated in a mock election. To elicit different cognitive load, participants were faced with two types of campaigns – low cognitive load was elicited in a static board situation in which they were presented with all information, had unlimited time do gather them and decide for which party to vote. High cognitive load was elicited with a dynamic campaign in which participants could not access all campaign information and had a limited time to inform themselves before voting. The results show that participants with lower political knowledge had a higher probability of voting for a populist party. Furthermore, higher populist attitudes (as a disposition) increase the probability of casting a populist vote, but this effect is only present when participants are under high cognitive load. In other words, for populist voting to appear, populist attitudes need to be activated as a dispositional tendency in a specific situation of constrained reasoning.

During the war in former Yugoslavia, city of Dubrovnik was shelled in 1991. Even though these experiences were traumatic for all those involved, the goal of this paper was to explore if these events resulted in a cultural trauma, i.e. a breakage of cultural patterns and of collective identity. We expected that the process of trauma-claiming, which is central to cultural trauma, was amplified because of the role, both physical and symbolic, that the Old Town played for the collective identity of Dubrovnik. In the paper, we give an outline of the war in Dubrovnik. To assess the way that the war in Dubrovnik affected the collective identity, as well as to find out the relation between personal and collective historical narratives, we conducted interviews with 13 informants. We observed that all the phases of trauma-claiming were successful, or in other words, that there indeed was a cultural trauma in Dubrovnik as a consequence of the shelling. Additionally, we were able not only to observe expressions of cultural trauma experienced by our informants, but also to trace further changes and developments spanning to the present day.

According to rational choice theory, a voting decision is based on information about candidates and the political positions they hold. However, a large body of research showed that voters do not know enough about politics and that they rely on cues that signal quality of potential candidates. For example, they are more prone to vote for a candidate who shows signals of dominance, social influence, and masculinity. These characteristics were important in our evolutionary history and are related to testosterone levels. Vocal characteristics are also related to testosterone levels ; those individuals with higher testosterone levels have a deeper voice. Experimental laboratory studies showed that voice pitch has an impact on voting decisions. In order to verify and expand these results we checked whether vocal characteristics of actual presidential candidates are related to election outcomes. Using recordings of presidential debates we show that those candidates who have a deeper voice, greater pitch variability, higher minimal and lower maximal frequency have a higher probability of winning the election. These results offer an external validity of previous laboratory studies and are interpreted within the framework of evolutionary political psychology.

Ova doktorska disertacija bavi se glasovanjem, najočitijim oblikom političke participacije građana u modernom demokratskom poretku. Većina istraživanja biračkog ponašanja usmjerena je na proučavanje uzroka glasovanja te na procese oblikovanja stranačkih preferencija (Šiber, 1998b). Međutim, glasovanju možemo pristupiti kao političkoj odluci, a u tom slučaju se javlja pitanje kako tu odluku evaluirati. Potencijalni kriterij za evaluaciju možemo naći u konceptu točnog glasovanja (Lau i Redlawsk, 1997). Ukoliko građanin glasuje za onu stranku kojoj bi dao glas i kada bi bio suočen sa svim relevantnim političkim informacijama, možemo reći da je on točno glasovao. Koristeći kriterij točnog glasovanja možemo evaluirati građansko odlučivanje, ali i kvalitetu demokracije. Ovaj rad ima dva cilja. Kao prvo, zbog niza konceptualnih i operacionalnih nedostataka, on nudi rekonstrukciju koncepta točnog glasovanja. Kroz detaljno povezivanje spoznaja o biračkom ponašanju i pretpostavki modela predstavničke demokracije, uvodi se nova definicija točnog glasovanja, kao onog koji je dan stranci koja je u najvećoj mjeri bliska glasačevim preferencijama. Uz to, problematizira se korisnost ovog koncepta te njegov utjecaj na empirijska istraživanja građanskih kompetencija i na evaluaciju demokratskog poretka. Drugi cilj ovog rada je empirijski – provjeriti koje individualne i situacijske karakteristike doprinose točnom glasovanju. Očekivalo se kako će točnije glasovati sudionici s boljom političkom ekspertizom (visoka politička sofisticiranost i informiranost, visoka motivacija za politiku, više obrazovanje i niža dob), ali i oni koji donose odluke u jednostavnijem okruženju (niže kognitivno opterećenje i lakša politička pitanja). U tu svrhu provedeno je eksperimentalno istraživanje na 210 sudionika koji su sudjelovali u izmišljenoj političkoj kampanji. Tijekom kampanje su prikupljali podatke o strankama i na kraju su glasovali za jednu od njih. Rezultati su pokazali kako točnije glasuju sudionici s višom razinom političke informiranosti, zatim sudionici koji su koristili kompleksnije strategije odlučivanja i sudionici koji su suočeni s nižom razinom kognitivnog opterećenja. Neočekivano, dobiven je i efekt spola – žene točnije glasuju od muškaraca. U radu su ponuđena objašnjenja za nepotvrđene hipoteze i neočekivane rezultate, kao i potencijalna primjena dobivenih rezultata u javnom životu. Elections are the main characteristic of modern democracies; as of September 2016., 82 national elections took place this year and almost 650 million people voted. Adult citizens experience elections and participate in voting roughly once every four years. Ever since the empirical research in political science focused on voting behaviour the main focus of inquiry was the understanding of antecedents of vote choice as well as the long-term shaping of political preferences (Šiber, 1998). The vote itself can be conceptualized in many ways, such as a statement of group membership (e.g. Berelson, Lazarsfeld & McPhee, 1954), identification with the party (Campbell et al., 1964), as a choice between parties etc. If we approach the vote from a decision-making perspective, a question comes to mind – can we say what is the quality of that choice? In other words, can we evaluate the process and the outcome of the voting decision? This are rather hard questions which is not adequately addressed by researchers, both theoretically and empirically. In order to answer them, Lau and Redlawsk (1997) put forward the concept of correct voting – a vote that is the same as the one that would be given if a voter had all the relevant information. This doctoral thesis is concerned with that concept. It had two broad goals. First, a critique of the concept was put forward, as well as a conceptual reconstruction of correct voting. The new approach to the concept is more clear and better connected to both citizens’ competences and democratic theory. The second goal was to study empirically the antecedents of correct voting. For this goal a laboratory experiment was conducted in which participants (N=210) participated in a mock electoral campaign at the end of which they had to vote. Participants differed in various socio-demographic and political characteristics and within the experiment cognitive load and type of political questions in the campaign were manipulated. Results showed that those participants that had better political knowledge, were exposed to lower cognitive load and used complex strategies of decision. Also, an unexpected result was found – women voted more correctly than men. In order to think about the criteria for evaluating the process of voting, one must first understand the relationship between voters and election within democracy. This requires that one chooses a model of democracy. There is an array of these models, and each one focuses on different aspects of the political regime. For the concept of correct voting the most adequate model is that of representative democracy. In this model, democracy is though about as a political system in which the citizens are sovereign, and a smaller group of representatives execute citizens’ will. Representatives are chosen via regular competitive elections, and citizens should choose hose representatives that represent their interest in the best way. Other than choosing a model of democracy, we must choose a theoretical approach for political behaviour. We can identify five approaches (those based on personality, sociological model, socio-psychological model, economic-rational model and cognitive model), and within this research a cognitive approach is taken for studying political behaviour and decision-making. This model focuses on cognitive processes, such as evaluation of political candidates, mental strategies, biases, memory etc. The main idea of the cognitive approach is that all thinking is constrained by both biological aspects of the brain as well as the situational pressures (such as the amount of information). As a consequence, citizens will be prone to using mental shortcuts to simplify the political environment. Lau and Redlawsk’s (1997) concept of correct voting could be used as a norm of political decision-making. It focuses on cognitive processes and offers an ideal outcome of political thinking which at the same time has implications for the functioning of representative democracy. If citizens choose their representatives correctly than democracy should function better than if that is not the case. However, there are several issues with this concept - there are two distinct conceptualizations and operationalisations of correct voting; authors focus more on the level of information than on the cognitive processes; their norm has within itself several descriptive aspects etc. This thesis puts forward a definition of correct voting – a correct vote is the one which is given to a representative whose political preferences are in the highest concordance with the voter’s. Keeping the cognitive approach in mind, several individual and situational characteristics are identified as having a probable impact on the probability for voting correctly. It is expected that citizens who are more politically sophisticated, informed and motivated, as well as those who are better educated and younger should vote more correctly. Considering situational characteristics, higher cognitive load should lower the probability of voting correctly. Also the content, or type of political information, should have an impact on that probability. Political issues can be divided into easy/symbolic/moral and hard/instrumental/public policy. As the percentage of easy issues within a campaign increases so should the probability of casting a correct vote. In order to test these hypotheses an experiment was conducted in which participants participated in a mock election. They collected information about four parties and in the end voted for one of these. Last part of the thesis offers a discussion about the results, their political implications as well as guidelines for future research.

Ova doktorska disertacija bavi se glasovanjem, najočitijim oblikom političke participacije građana u modernom demokratskom poretku. Većina istraživanja biračkog ponašanja usmjerena je na proučavanje uzroka glasovanja te na procese oblikovanja stranačkih preferencija (Šiber, 1998b). Međutim, glasovanju možemo pristupiti kao političkoj odluci, a u tom slučaju se javlja pitanje kako tu odluku evaluirati. Potencijalni kriterij za evaluaciju možemo naći u konceptu točnog glasovanja (Lau i Redlawsk, 1997). Ukoliko građanin glasuje za onu stranku kojoj bi dao glas i kada bi bio suočen sa svim relevantnim političkim informacijama, možemo reći da je on točno glasovao. Koristeći kriterij točnog glasovanja možemo evaluirati građansko odlučivanje, ali i kvalitetu demokracije. Ovaj rad ima dva cilja. Kao prvo, zbog niza konceptualnih i operacionalnih nedostataka, on nudi rekonstrukciju koncepta točnog glasovanja. Kroz detaljno povezivanje spoznaja o biračkom ponašanju i pretpostavki modela predstavničke demokracije, uvodi se nova definicija točnog glasovanja, kao onog koji je dan stranci koja je u najvećoj mjeri bliska glasačevim preferencijama. Uz to, problematizira se korisnost ovog koncepta te njegov utjecaj na empirijska istraživanja građanskih kompetencija i na evaluaciju demokratskog poretka. Drugi cilj ovog rada je empirijski – provjeriti koje individualne i situacijske karakteristike doprinose točnom glasovanju. Očekivalo se kako će točnije glasovati sudionici s boljom političkom ekspertizom (visoka politička sofisticiranost i informiranost, visoka motivacija za politiku, više obrazovanje i niža dob), ali i oni koji donose odluke u jednostavnijem okruženju (niže kognitivno opterećenje i lakša politička pitanja). U tu svrhu provedeno je eksperimentalno istraživanje na 210 sudionika koji su sudjelovali u izmišljenoj političkoj kampanji. Tijekom kampanje su prikupljali podatke o strankama i na kraju su glasovali za jednu od njih. Rezultati su pokazali kako točnije glasuju sudionici s višom razinom političke informiranosti, zatim sudionici koji su koristili kompleksnije strategije odlučivanja i sudionici koji su suočeni s nižom razinom kognitivnog opterećenja. Neočekivano, dobiven je i efekt spola – žene točnije glasuju od muškaraca. U radu su ponuđena objašnjenja za nepotvrđene hipoteze i neočekivane rezultate, kao i potencijalna primjena dobivenih rezultata u javnom životu., Elections are the main characteristic of modern democracies; as of September 2016., 82 national elections took place this year and almost 650 million people voted. Adult citizens experience elections and participate in voting roughly once every four years. Ever since the empirical research in political science focused on voting behaviour the main focus of inquiry was the understanding of antecedents of vote choice as well as the long-term shaping of political preferences (Šiber, 1998). The vote itself can be conceptualized in many ways, such as a statement of group membership (e.g. Berelson, Lazarsfeld & McPhee, 1954), identification with the party (Campbell et al., 1964), as a choice between parties etc. If we approach the vote from a decision-making perspective, a question comes to mind – can we say what is the quality of that choice? In other words, can we evaluate the process and the outcome of the voting decision? This are rather hard questions which is not adequately addressed by researchers, both theoretically and empirically. In order to answer them, Lau and Redlawsk (1997) put forward the concept of correct voting – a vote that is the same as the one that would be given if a voter had all the relevant information. This doctoral thesis is concerned with that concept. It had two broad goals. First, a critique of the concept was put forward, as well as a conceptual reconstruction of correct voting. The new approach to the concept is more clear and better connected to both citizens’ competences and democratic theory. The second goal was to study empirically the antecedents of correct voting. For this goal a laboratory experiment was conducted in which participants (N=210) participated in a mock electoral campaign at the end of which they had to vote. Participants differed in various socio-demographic and political characteristics and within the experiment cognitive load and type of political questions in the campaign were manipulated. Results showed that those participants that had better political knowledge, were exposed to lower cognitive load and used complex strategies of decision. Also, an unexpected result was found – women voted more correctly than men. In order to think about the criteria for evaluating the process of voting, one must first understand the relationship between voters and election within democracy. This requires that one chooses a model of democracy. There is an array of these models, and each one focuses on different aspects of the political regime. For the concept of correct voting the most adequate model is that of representative democracy. In this model, democracy is though about as a political system in which the citizens are sovereign, and a smaller group of representatives execute citizens’ will. Representatives are chosen via regular competitive elections, and citizens should choose hose representatives that represent their interest in the best way. Other than choosing a model of democracy, we must choose a theoretical approach for political behaviour. We can identify five approaches (those based on personality, sociological model, socio-psychological model, economic-rational model and cognitive model), and within this research a cognitive approach is taken for studying political behaviour and decision-making. This model focuses on cognitive processes, such as evaluation of political candidates, mental strategies, biases, memory etc. The main idea of the cognitive approach is that all thinking is constrained by both biological aspects of the brain as well as the situational pressures (such as the amount of information). As a consequence, citizens will be prone to using mental shortcuts to simplify the political environment. Lau and Redlawsk’s (1997) concept of correct voting could be used as a norm of political decision-making. It focuses on cognitive processes and offers an ideal outcome of political thinking which at the same time has implications for the functioning of representative democracy. If citizens choose their representatives correctly than democracy should function better than if that is not the case. However, there are several issues with this concept - there are two distinct conceptualizations and operationalisations of correct voting; authors focus more on the level of information than on the cognitive processes; their norm has within itself several descriptive aspects etc. This thesis puts forward a definition of correct voting – a correct vote is the one which is given to a representative whose political preferences are in the highest concordance with the voter’s. Keeping the cognitive approach in mind, several individual and situational characteristics are identified as having a probable impact on the probability for voting correctly. It is expected that citizens who are more politically sophisticated, informed and motivated, as well as those who are better educated and younger should vote more correctly. Considering situational characteristics, higher cognitive load should lower the probability of voting correctly. Also the content, or type of political information, should have an impact on that probability. Political issues can be divided into easy/symbolic/moral and hard/instrumental/public policy. As the percentage of easy issues within a campaign increases so should the probability of casting a correct vote. In order to test these hypotheses an experiment was conducted in which participants participated in a mock election. They collected information about four parties and in the end voted for one of these. Last part of the thesis offers a discussion about the results, their political implications as well as guidelines for future research.

Birači se prilikom glasovanja za predsjednika države oslanjaju na različite znakove kvalitete potencijalnih kandidata. Dosadašnja istraživanja pokazuju da birači daju prednost kandidatima koji odaju znakove dominacije, društvenog utjecaja i muževnosti. Ove karakteristike pozitivno su povezane s razinama testosterona u organizmu. Testosteron može također utjecati na glas kandidata putem receptora za steroidne hormone koji se nalaze na glasnicama. Zbog toga osobe s višim razinama testosterona imaju dublji glas, odnosno glas niže frekvencije. Iz navedenog slijedi da bi frekvencija glasa predsjedničkih kandidata mogla biti povezana s ishodom izbora. Ova pretpostavka je potvrđena u nizu eksperimentalnih istraživanja, koja pokazuju da su ljudi skloniji glasati za kandidate s dubljim glasom. Međutim, nedostaju istraživanja odnosa značajki glasa stvarnih kandidata i ishoda proteklih izbora. Stoga su u ovom istraživanju prikupljene snimke debata predsjedničkih kandidata na proteklim izborima iz 24 različite države. Akustička analiza glasa predsjedničkih kandidata pokazuje da su veću vjerojatnost pobjede na izborima imali kandidati s dubljim glasom, odnosno nižom frekvencijom glasa, većim varijabilitetom te frekvencije, te višom minimalnom i nižom maksimalnom frekvencijom. Ovi rezultati upućuju na ekološku valjanost eksperimentalnih nalaza o povezanosti glasa i vjerojatnosti pobjede na političkim izborima, te su interpretirani u okviru evolucijske političke psihologije.

In the last thirty years uneasiness among scholars and political actors has been growing larger as more citizens demonstrate cynical attitudes. These citizens feel that politicians are immoral and incompetent, have less faith in democracy, and show lower levels of political participation. However, Peter Sloterdijk points out that the dominant view of cynicism is simplified. He divides cynical reason into two separate ways of thinking: cynicism and kynicism. The main difference between them is in individual’s reaction to the cleavage between public ideological mask and individual’s idea of social reality. Cynics persist in keeping the ideological mask on and have an “enlightened false consciousness”, while kynics highlight this cleavage, oppose the dominant ideology and point out misuses of political power. This research was conducted with the goal of creating cynicism and kynicism scales. Their validity was tested for two samples – a smaller sample of students and later on the representative sample of Croatian citizens (N=1002). Also, connection of cynical and kynical thought with an array of relevant political attitudes and political behaviour was tested. Results indicate that cynicism and kynicism are relatively separated and coherent types of political thought. Kynicism is primarily related to low trust in political institutions, but also to lower support of democracy. Specific combinations of these two types of thought have a highly negative potential for abandoning the democratic way of thinking. This work offers an empirical confirmation for Sloterdijk’s model, and confirms usefulness of it in understanding political thought and behaviour of Croatian citizens.

Promišljanja o političkim sustavima nužno počivaju na nekakvom modelu političkog čovjeka – pojedinca koji misli, odlučuje, raspravlja i sudjeluje u politici. Ovaj rad nudi pregled modernih ideja o političkom čovjeku strukturiranih u pet modela. Model ličnosti ističe važnost ranih iskustava za političko ponašanje i mišljenje u odrasloj dobi ; sociološki model važnost primarnih i interesnih grupa ; sociopsihološki model ističe važnost stranačke identifikacije ; ekonomsko-racionalni model efikasnost mišljenja i vlastitih interesa ; a kognitivni model mentalne sposobnosti građana. U radu su predstavljene glavne pretpostavke, metodologija i nalazi za svaki od navedenih modela. Osim toga, istaknute su posljedice svakog modela za funkcioniranje demokracije. Na kraju rada navedene su kritike aktualnog stanja u istraživanjima političkog čovjeka te je naveden niz preporuka za daljnja istraživanja.

Knjiga „Uvod u bihevioralnu ekonomiju“ urednika Darka Polšeka i Koste Bovana sadrži 26 poglavlja koje je napisalo 27-ero autora s domaćom ili inozemnom afilijacijom. Radi se o prvoj zbirci tekstova iz bihevioralne ekonomike na hrvatskom jeziku od kojih su neki znanstvenog, a neki stručnog karaktera. Interdisciplinarni rad psihologa, sociologa, ekonomista i filozofa objašnjava ponašanje donositelja odluka, kupaca ili potrošača služeći se pri tome različitim terminologijama i metodologijama. Interdisciplinarni pristup u uređenju ove knjige je poželjan, pohvalan i suvremen, a ujedno i neizostavan kada je riječ o ovoj relativnoj novoj znanstvenoj disciplini staroj tek par desetljeća. Bihevioralna ekonomika istražuje utjecaj socijalnih, kognitivnih i emocionalnih faktora u donošenju ekonomskih odluka pojedinaca te objašnjava predvidljive odmake od racionalnosti kako je ona definirana u neoklasičnoj ekonomskoj teoriji.

Osnovna svrha istraživanja je prikazati sponu između definicije maskuliniteta i političke propagande. Toj sponi u radu dajemo naziv „pigmalionski muškarac“. Detaljnim proučavanjem ranog kolonijalizma u Indiji, nacističke Njemačke i Sjedinjenih Američkih Država 1940-ih i 1950-ih godina ukazujemo na problemski odnos kontinuiranog redefiniranja pojma maskuliniteta koji često nastaje, argumentirano, zbog utjecaja političke propagande. Tvrdimo da propaganda koristi pojam maskuliniteta kako bi promijenila određena ponašanja muške populacije svoje publike i putem njih ostvarila određene političke ciljeve. Ovo je problemski tekst kojim želimo čitateljevu pozornost skrenuti na opasnost fenomena kontinuiranog redefiniranja maskuliniteta., The main purpose of this research is to demonstrate the connection between the definition of masculinity and political propaganda. In this study, we refer to this connection as the 'Pygmalion Man.' By closely examining early colonialism in India, Nazi Germany, and the United States in the 1940s and 1950s, we highlight the problematic relationship of continuously redefining the concept of masculinity, which often arises, presumably, due to the influence of political propaganda. We argue that propaganda utilizes the concept of masculinity to change specific behaviors of the male population and achieve certain political goals through them. It is a problematic text intended to draw the reader's attention to the danger of the phenomenon of the continuous redefinition of masculinity.

Kulturna politika javna je politika putem koje državni aparat ciljevima i instrumentima regulira i štiti kulturni i umjetnički sektor. Kultura utječe na sve aspekte društva te ima veliki socio - ekonomski značaj, a ujedno je povezana s ostalim gospodarskim sektorima društva. U krizi izazvanoj globalnim širenjem virusa Covid-19 upravo kulturni sektor je bio jedan od najviše pogođenih te je kao takav zahtijevao hitnu reakciju države. Vlade širom svijeta donosile su pakete mjera financiranja za pomoć pogođenim sektorima. S ciljem istraživanja i analiziranja prethodno navedenoga moje istraživačko pitanje glasi: kako je pandemija COVID-19 utjecala na hrvatsku kulturnu politiku? Ovim istraživanju želim prikazati hrvatsku kulturnu politiku prije pandemije te analizirati kako se ona razvija i mijenja pod utjecajem koronavirus pandemije., Cultural policy is public policy through which the state, with different goals and instruments, regulates and protects cultural and creative sector. Culture affects all aspects of society and has a great socio – economic significance, and it is connected with other economic sectors. In the Covid-19 crisis, it was the cultural sector that was one of the most affected and, as such, required an urgent response from the government. Governments around the world have introduced financial measures to help the affected sectors. With the aim of researching and analyzing previously mentioned problem, my research question is: how did the Covid-19 pandemic affect Croatian cultural policy? In this research, I want to show Croatian cultural policy before the pandemic and analyze how it changes and develops under the influence of the coronavirus pandemic.

Ovaj rad ispitivao je stavove studenata Fakulteta političkih znanosti, Filozofskog fakulteta i Ekonomskog fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu prema kulturnim različitostima i prema specifičnim grupama useljenika. U istraživanju je korištena metoda intervjua. Istraživanje se može podijeliti u dva dijela. U prvom dijelu cilj je bio istražiti stavove studenata prema kulturnim različitostima, dok je u drugom dijelu istraživanja cilj bio istražiti specifične stavove prema četiri skupinama useljenika: iz Bosne i Hercegovine, Srbije, Bliskog istoka i afričkih zemalja. Pritom, prve dvije skupine dolaze iz bližeg susjedstva, kulturološki i jezično su bliske domicilnom stanovništvu, dok druge dvije skupine dolaze iz udaljenijih zemalja, te su drugačijih su kultura i jezika. Studija je pokazala da ispitanici dominantno pozitivno vrednuju društvene raznolikosti i heterogeno društvo, odnosno dominantno zagovaraju politike uvažavanja različitosti. Ipak, dok su društvene različitosti generalno pozitivno vrednovane na normativnoj razini, na razini specifičnih stavova prema pojedinim skupinama, pozitivni stavovi rezervirani su za one useljenike koji se percipiraju kulturološki bliskije. Stoga, useljenici za koje se vjeruje da su kulturološki (vrlo) različiti, predmet su snažnih stereotipija i nerijetko negativnih stavova (muslimani s Bliskog istoka). Useljenici iz afričkih zemalja, usprkos činjenici da je riječ o kulturološkoj različitoj skupini, najčešće nisu poimani kao suviše različiti., This study researched attitudes of students of the Faculty of Political Science, the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, and the Faculty of Economics of the University of Zagreb towards cultural differences and towards specific groups of immigrants. The research used interview method. The research can be divided into two parts. In the first part, the aim was to investigate students' attitudes towards cultural differences, while in the second part the aim was to investigate specific attitudes towards four groups of immigrants: from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, the Middle East and African countries. At the same time, the first two groups come from the immediate neighborhood, are culturally and linguistically close to the domicile population, while the other two groups come from more distant countries, and have different cultures and languages. The study showed that respondents predominantly positively value social and cultural diversity and a heterogeneous society, that is, they predominantly advocate policies respecting diversity. Nevertheless, while cultural and social differences are generally positively valued at the normative level, at the level of specific attitudes towards certain groups, positive attitudes are reserved for those immigrants who are perceived as culturally closer. Therefore, immigrants who are believed to be culturally (very) different, are the subject of strong stereotypes and often negative attitudes (Muslims from the Middle East). Immigrants from African countries, despite the fact that they are a culturally diverse group, are usually not perceived as too different.

Političko znanje građana ima važnu ulogu u procesu održavanja demokratske kulture. Ono doprinosi povećanju političke participacije, povjerenja u institucije, kritičkom razmišljanju o političkim zbivanjima i rastu tolerancije u društvu. Prijašnja istraživanja u Hrvatskoj pokazala su da mladi posjeduju nisku razinu političkog znanja što na dugoročne staze dovodi u pitanje opstanak demokratskih vrijednosti. Cilj ovog rada bio je proširiti literaturu koja se bavi mjerenjem političkog znanja u Hrvatskoj. Rezultati dobiveni anketnim pokazuju da studenti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu u prosjeku pokazuju površnu razinu političkog znanja. Ovakav zaključak može se protumačiti nizom utjecaja poput statusa obrazovnog sustava, utjecaja medija, ili kvalitetom rada institucija. S obzirom na ograničenja ovog rada poput vremenskog okvira i resursa, isti može poslužiti kao izvor korisnih podataka za potencijalna buduća istraživanja., Political knowledge has an important place in process of maintaining democratic culture. It fosters growth of political participation, trust in institutions, critical thinking of current events and as well, growth of tolerance in society. Previous researches in Croatia showed that young people possess low level of political knowledge, which brings into question maintenance of democratic values in the long run. Aim of this research was to expand literature which measures political knowledge in Croatia. Results show that University of Zagreb students possess superficial level of political knowledge. This conclusion can be explained through various factors like the status of the education system, media influence or level of institutional quality. Given the limitations of this work such as time frame and resources, it can serve as a source of useful data for potential future research.

Kulturna trauma je konstruirani odgovor na napad na kolektivni i individualni identitet s kojim se suočava skupina ljudi. Na formiranje kulturne traume utječu vremensko-politički kontekst, medijsko izvještavanje, kolektivno sjećanje, nositelji utjecaja i politička učinkovitost. Hrvatska se prošle godine suočila s pandemijom i nekoliko razornih potresa o čemu su mediji intenzivno izvještavali. Koja je uloga medija u oblikovanju kulturne traume i je li došlo do njenog formiranja u Hrvatskoj? Iako se kulturna trauma proučava s vremenskim odmakom, mnoge čimbenike kulturne traume moguće je iščitati iz medijskog izvještavanja koje pokreće ključne javne debate o pravima i odgovornosti građana i vlasti, ali što se tiče događaja u Hrvatskoj tek će budućnost pokazati koliko daleko sežu posljedice nepogoda i njihovih interpretacija., Cultural trauma appears as a constructed response among a group of people suffering from collective and individual identity attacks. Various factors affect the formation of cultural trauma: timing and political context, media coverage, collective memory, carrier groups and political effectiveness. Last year, Croatia faced both a pandemic and several devestating earthquakes that were covered in the media. What is the role of the media in the formation of cultural trauma, and was it formed in Croatia? Although cultural trauma is studied with a time delay, many factors of its presence can already be seen from media reports that stir public debates about the citizen's and govermnet's rights and responsibilities. However, only the future will show the consequences of disasters and their interpretation in Croatia.

Rad se fokusira na učenike završnih razreda srednjih škola u Republici Hrvatskoj i njihovu političku pismenost, odnosno politička znanja te političke stavove i vrijednosti. S obzirom da svako demokratsko društvo podrazumijeva aktivne i politički pismene građane, važnu ulogu igraju mladi kao nada za budućnost društva. Ključan je razvitak političkog znanja i političkih stavova i vrijednosti učenika u demokratskoj političkoj kulturi s obzirom da se određene političke odluke potencijalno odnose na njih. Stoga je pitanje mogu li oni doprinijeti i sudjelovati u donošenju tih odluka. Uz to bi se i političko obrazovanje, prema raznim autorima, trebalo više uključivati u srednjoškolski program. U ovom radu analizirana su istraživanja političke pismenosti hrvatskih srednjoškolaca iz 2010., 2015. i 2021. godine. Nastojalo se utvrditi kako se mijenjala politička pismenost kroz navedena tri ciklusa istraživanja, to jest dobiti uvid u sličnosti i razlike rezultata te posljedično napredak ili nazadovanje segmenta političke pismenosti., The paper focuses on high school students in the Republic of Croatia and their political literacy, i.e. political knowledge and political attitudes and values. Given that every democratic society implies active and politically literate citizens, young people play an important role as a hope for the future of society. The development of political knowledge and political attitudes and values of students in a democratic political culture is crucial given that certain political decisions potentially apply to them. The question is therefore whether they can contribute and participate in making these decisions. In addition, political education, according to various authors, should be more involved in the high school curriculum. This paper analyzes the research on political literacy of Croatian high school students from 2010, 2015 and 2021. The aim was to determine how political literacy is changing through these three cycles of the research, i.e. to gain insight into the similarities and differences of results and, consequently, the progress or decline of the segment of political literacy.

Pandemija koronavirusa smatra se najvećom trenutnom prijetnjom sigurnosti u svijetu. U svibnju 2021. godine 42% ispitanika širom svijeta karakterizira zaraznu bolest COVID-19 kao jedan od tri glavna goruća problema i izvora nesigurnosti po anketnom istraživanju What Worries the World. Posljedično, vlasti država zahvaćenih širenjem pandemije odlučuju uvesti restriktivne mjere borbe protiv daljnjeg širenja zaraze. Spomenute mjere mogu imati značajne poražavajuće posljedice za ljudska prava i građanske slobode. Radi se o građanima nametnutoj razmjeni dijela građanskih sloboda u službi povećanja sigurnosti, trade-off slobode za sigurnost. Mnogi teoretičari smatraju kako je istaknuta razmjena isključivo pitanje uspostavljanja nove ravnoteže u odnosu sigurnost-sloboda u službi većeg dobra, dok drugi smatraju kako je ono puno značajniji i osjetljiviji problem koji se mora temeljito normativno, etički i racionalno ispitati prije nego što prouzroči društveni gubitak u smislu trajnog erodiranja građanskih sloboda. Rad nadograđuje postojeću znanstvenu literaturu koja se bavi recentnom ugrozom terorizma i javnozdravstvenih kriza te iznosi empirijsko znanstveno istraživanje provedeno u suradnji s građanima Republike Hrvatske. Rad istaknutoj problematici dodaje socio-psihološku i politološku perspektivu fokusirajući se na korelate odricanja građanskih sloboda u uvjetima niske sigurnosti. U radu se utvrđuju motivi socijalne, psihološke i političke prirode zbog kojih su građani RH spremni odustati od određenih temeljnih građanskih sloboda kako bi se zaštitili od aktualne ugroze zaraze koronavirusa., The coronavirus pandemic is considered biggest current security threat in the world, in May 2021, 42% of respondents worldwide characterized COVID-19 as one of the three main burning problems and sources of insecurity according to the What Worries the World survey. Consequently, the state authorities affected by the spread of the pandemic decided to introduce restrictive measures to combat the further spread of contagion. These measures can have significant devastating consequences for human rights and civil liberties. This paper is about the forced exchange of a part of civil liberties in the service of increasing security: trade-off of freedom for security. Many theorists believe that prominent exchange is solely a matter of rebalancing security-freedom in the service of the greater good, while others see it as a much more significant and sensitive issue that must underpin normative, ethical and rational examinations before causing social loss in terms of eroding civil liberties. The paper builds on the existing scientific literature dealing with the recent threat of terrorism and presents empirical scientific research conducted in collaboration with citizens of the Republic of Croatia. The paper establishes motives of social, psychological and political nature due to which the citizens of the Republic of Croatia are ready to give up certain fundamental civil liberties in order to protect themselves from the current threat of coronavirus infection.

Pandemija koronavirusa smatra se najvećom trenutnom prijetnjom sigurnosti u svijetu. U svibnju 2021. godine 42% ispitanika širom svijeta karakterizira zaraznu bolest COVID-19 kao jedan od tri glavna goruća problema i izvora nesigurnosti po anketnom istraživanju What Worries the World. Posljedično, vlasti država zahvaćenih širenjem pandemije odlučuju uvesti restriktivne mjere borbe protiv daljnjeg širenja zaraze. Spomenute mjere mogu imati značajne poražavajuće posljedice za ljudska prava i građanske slobode. Radi se o građanima nametnutoj razmjeni dijela građanskih sloboda u službi povećanja sigurnosti, trade-off slobode za sigurnost. Mnogi teoretičari smatraju kako je istaknuta razmjena isključivo pitanje uspostavljanja nove ravnoteže u odnosu sigurnost-sloboda u službi većeg dobra, dok drugi smatraju kako je ono puno značajniji i osjetljiviji problem koji se mora temeljito normativno, etički i racionalno ispitati prije nego što prouzroči društveni gubitak u smislu trajnog erodiranja građanskih sloboda. Rad nadograđuje postojeću znanstvenu literaturu koja se bavi recentnom ugrozom terorizma i javnozdravstvenih kriza te iznosi empirijsko znanstveno istraživanje provedeno u suradnji s građanima Republike Hrvatske. Rad istaknutoj problematici dodaje socio-psihološku i politološku perspektivu fokusirajući se na korelate odricanja građanskih sloboda u uvjetima niske sigurnosti. U radu se utvrđuju motivi socijalne, psihološke i političke prirode zbog kojih su građani RH spremni odustati od određenih temeljnih građanskih sloboda kako bi se zaštitili od aktualne ugroze zaraze koronavirusa. The coronavirus pandemic is considered biggest current security threat in the world, in May 2021, 42% of respondents worldwide characterized COVID-19 as one of the three main burning problems and sources of insecurity according to the What Worries the World survey. Consequently, the state authorities affected by the spread of the pandemic decided to introduce restrictive measures to combat the further spread of contagion. These measures can have significant devastating consequences for human rights and civil liberties. This paper is about the forced exchange of a part of civil liberties in the service of increasing security: trade-off of freedom for security. Many theorists believe that prominent exchange is solely a matter of rebalancing security-freedom in the service of the greater good, while others see it as a much more significant and sensitive issue that must underpin normative, ethical and rational examinations before causing social loss in terms of eroding civil liberties. The paper builds on the existing scientific literature dealing with the recent threat of terrorism and presents empirical scientific research conducted in collaboration with citizens of the Republic of Croatia. The paper establishes motives of social, psychological and political nature due to which the citizens of the Republic of Croatia are ready to give up certain fundamental civil liberties in order to protect themselves from the current threat of coronavirus infection.

Kako je tema ideologije europskih stranki populističke i radikalne desnice u literaturi vrlo opširna, u radu se pokušava kroz analizu diskursa i programa istražiti moguća povezanost fašizma i radikalne i ekstremne desnice; na koji način i ako uopće, desne organizacije i stranke rehabilitiraju fašističke ideje. Kratkom uvodu u kojemu se objašnjava cilj istraživanja, slijedi teorijsko-konceptualni okvir u kojem se najprije definiraju pojedini važni pojmovi – ideologija fašizma i današnje desnice pa onda i razlikovanje ekstremne i radikalne desnice. Drugi se dio okvira odnosi na prikazivanje veza različitih europskih ekstremnih i radikalnih stranaka i grupacija s fašizmom. Na primjeru nekoliko europskih stranaka utvrđeno je kako postoji razlika između ekstremnih i radikalnih organizacija iako nije uvijek moguće točno odrediti granicu budući da nerijetko takve stranke prilagođavaju ideologiju u skladu s vremenom kako bi osvojile vlast. Nakon glavnoga dijela prikazuje se kratki zaključak s istaknutim nedostatcima i prijedlozima za poboljšanjem., As the topic of the ideology of the European populist and radical right parties is extensive in academic research, the possible connection between fascism and the radical and extreme right through the analysis of discourses and programs will be explored; how and if at all, right-wing organizations and parties rehabilitate fascist ideas. A short introduction explaining the aim of the research is followed by a theoretical-conceptual framework in which certain important concepts are defined - the ideology of fascism and present-day right along with the distinction between the extreme and radical right. The second part of the framework shows the links between various European extreme and radical parties and groups with fascism. The example of several European parties has shown that there is a difference between extreme and radical organizations, although it is not always possible to determine the exact distinction, as often such parties adjust their ideology in accordance with the times in order to compete for power. After the main part, a short conclusion is presented with highlighted shortcomings and suggestions for improvement.

Tema rada je analiza konzumiranja političko satiričnih sadržaja s političkim ponašanjem studenata Sveučilišta u Zagrebu. Teorijski pregled rada obuhvaća pojam satire i političke satire, te oblike političko satiričnih tekstova. Osim toga, iznosi se i veza političke satire s političkom informiranošću i političkom participacijom. U drugom djelu rada provedeno je istraživanje na studentima Sveučilišta u Zagrebu (N=156) gdje se ispituje postoji li veza između konzumiranja političke satire s razinom političke informiranosti građana, političkom participacijom, s razinom podrške demokraciji te veza s ciničnim stavovima. U istraživanju je mjereno konzumiranje političko satiričnih sadržaja, zainteresiranost za politička zbivanja, informiranje o političkim događajima putem medija, politička participacija, podrška demokraciji te razina cinizma. Rezultati istraživanja pokazali su kako postoji statistički značajna pozitivna korelacija između konzumiranja sadržaja političke satire s razinom političke informiranosti građana kao i s političkom participacijom građana. U istraživanju je također pronađena statistički značajna negativna povezanost između konzumiranje sadržaja političke satire s razinom cinizma. Povezanost između konzumiranje sadržaja političke satire s razinom podrške demokraciji samo je djelomično potvrđena. The main topic of the paper is the analysis of the link between the consumption of politically satirical content and the political behavior of students at the University of Zagreb. The theoretical overview of the paper includes the concept of satire and political satire, as well as forms of political satirical texts. In addition, the connection between political satire and political information and political participation is presented. In the second part of the paper, a study was conducted on students at the University of Zagreb (N = 156) where it examined a link between consuming political satire with the level of political information, political participation, support for democracy and cynical attitudes. The research measured the consumption of politically satirical content, interest in political events, interest in political events through the media, political participation, support for democracy and the level of cynicism. The results showed that there is a statistically significant positive correlation of consumption of political satire with the level of political awareness of information of citizens and the political participation of citizens. The study also found a statistically significant negative correlation between political satire with and the level of cynicism. The link between political satire and the level of support for democracy has only been partially confirmed.