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The National Institutes of Healths (NIH) Pathways to Prevention panel on postpartum health provides a consensus statement on the evidence, research gaps, and future priorities to prevent maternal morbidity and mortality. The panel reviewed an NIH-commissioned evidence review and workshop that included epidemiologic studies, demonstration interventions, and other maternal morbidity and mortality research to create these national recommendations. The panel concludes that a maternal morbidity and mortality crisis reflects a systemic failure of current U.S. health care, research efforts, and social policies. The panel recommends improving maternal health through a maternal morbidity and mortality prevention moonshot that adopts a comprehensive, multilevel life course conceptual framework; strengthens the research methods used within the science of maternal health; establishes and conducts national prevention, treatment, and policy interventions; and reimburses evidence-informed clinical approaches to improve maternal health across the life course. Without a national focus on fundamentally transformative interventions and other initiatives aimed at redressing structural racism and inequities in health care, current interventions and clinical advances in maternal morbidity and mortality prevention will remain tragically insufficient.

BACKGROUND: We examined over a million California birth records for 2010 through 2021 to investigate whether disparities in preterm birth (PTB) by nativity and race support the widely held but hitherto unsubstantiated belief that genetic differences explain the persistent Black-White disparity in PTB. METHODS: We examined PTB rates and risk ratios among African-, Caribbean-, and U.S.-born Black women compared to U.S.-born White women. Multivariate analyses adjusted for maternal age, education, number of live births, delivery payer, trimester of prenatal care initiation, pre-pregnancy BMI, smoking, and prevalence of poverty in a womans residence census tract; and for paternal education. RESULTS: In adjusted analyses, African-born Black womens PTB rates were no different from those of U.S.-born White women. DISCUSSION: The results add to prior evidence making a genetic etiology for the racial disparity in PTB unlikely. If genetic differences tied to race explained the Black-White disparity in PTB among U.S.-born women, the African immigrants in this study would have had higher rates of PTB, not the lower rates observed. Multiple explanations for the observed patterns and their implications are discussed. Failure to distinguish causes of PTB from causes of the racial disparity in PTB have likely contributed to erroneous attribution of the racial disparity to genetic differences. Based on the literature, unmeasured experiences of racism, including racism-related stress and adverse environmental exposures, are plausible explanations for the PTB disparity between Black and White U.S.-born women. The favorable birth outcomes of African-born Black immigrants may reflect less exposure to racism during sensitive life periods, e.g., childhood, when they were in African countries, where Black people are in the racial majority.

BackgroundAssess the associations between ten severe maternal hardships and food insecurity experienced during pregnancy.MethodsData on 14,274 low-income/lower-income women (below 400% of the income to federal poverty guideline ratio) from the statewide-representative 2010-2012 California Maternal and Infant Health Assessment were used to estimate food security status prevalence. Prevalence of severe maternal hardships by food security status was estimated. Multinomial logistic regression was used to assess the associations between severe maternal hardship and food security status, adjusting for sociodemographic characteristics.ResultsFood insecurity was common among low- and lower-income pregnant women in California; 23.4% food insecure and an additional 11.5% marginally secure. In adjusted analysis, nine of ten hardships were associated with food security status. Only the respondent or someone close to the respondent having a problem with alcohol or drugs was not associated with food security status after adjusting for socioeconomic factors. Husband/partner losing a job, depressive symptoms, not having practical support and intimate partner violence were consistently associated with marginal, low and very low food security status. Each additional severe maternal hardship a woman experienced during pregnancy was associated with a 36% greater risk of reporting marginal food security (Relative Risk Ratio 1.36, 95% CI: 1.27, 1.47), 54% for low food security (Relative Risk Ratio 1.54, 95% CI: 1.44, 1.64), and 99% for very low food security (Relative Risk Ratio 1.99, 95% CI: 1.83, 2.15).ConclusionsFood security status was strongly linked with several maternal hardships that could jeopardize maternal and/or infant health. Services-including prenatal care and nutritional assistance-for a large proportion of pregnant women should address a wide range of serious unmet social needs including food insecurity.

Background/objectivesLittle is known about the separate or combined effects of state and national nutrition policies regulating food and beverages in schools on child overweight/obesity (OV/OB) and related racial/ethnic disparities. We investigated the influence of school nutrition policies enacted in California, independently and in combination with the United States' national policy "Healthy Hunger Free Kids Act" (HHFKA) on childhood OV/OB and racial/ethnic disparities.Subjects/methodsAn interrupted time series design was used with data from 12,363,089 child-level records on 5th- and 7th-graders in California public schools to estimate sex- and racial/ethnic-specific time trends in OV/OB prevalence during three periods: before the California nutrition policies (2002-2004); when only California policies were in effect (2005-2012); and when they were in effect simultaneously with HHFKA (2013-2016).ResultsBefore the state's policies, OV/OB prevalence increased annually among children in most subgroups. Improvements in OV/OB trends were observed for almost all groups after the California policies were in effect, with further improvements after the addition of HFFKA. The total change in annual log-odds of OV/OB, comparing the periods with both state and federal policies versus no policies, ranged from -0.08 to -0.01 and varied by grade, sex, and race/ethnicity. Within each sex and grade, the greatest changes were among African-American (-0.08 to -0.02, all p

In 2017-2019, the March of Dimes convened a workgroup with biomedical, clinical, and epidemiologic expertise to review knowledge of the causes of the persistent Black-White disparity in preterm birth (PTB). Multiple databases were searched to identify hypothesized causes examined in peer-reviewed literature, 33 hypothesized causes were reviewed for whether they plausibly affect PTB and either occur more/less frequently and/or have a larger/smaller effect size among Black women vs. White women. While definitive proof is lacking for most potential causes, most are biologically plausible. No single downstream or midstream factor explains the disparity or its social patterning, however, many likely play limited roles, e.g., while genetic factors likely contribute to PTB, they explain at most a small fraction of the disparity. Research links most hypothesized midstream causes, including socioeconomic factors and stress, with the disparity through their influence on the hypothesized downstream factors. Socioeconomic factors alone cannot explain the disparitys social patterning. Chronic stress could affect PTB through neuroendocrine and immune mechanisms leading to inflammation and immune dysfunction, stress could alter a womans microbiota, immune response to infection, chronic disease risks, and behaviors, and trigger epigenetic changes influencing PTB risk. As an upstream factor, racism in multiple forms has repeatedly been linked with the plausible midstream/downstream factors, including socioeconomic disadvantage, stress, and toxic exposures. Racism is the only factor identified that directly or indirectly could explain the racial disparities in the plausible midstream/downstream causes and the observed social patterning. Historical and contemporary systemic racism can explain the racial disparities in socioeconomic opportunities that differentially expose African Americans to lifelong financial stress and associated health-harming conditions. Segregation places Black women in stressful surroundings and exposes them to environmental hazards. Race-based discriminatory treatment is a pervasive stressor for Black women of all socioeconomic levels, considering both incidents and the constant vigilance needed to prepare oneself for potential incidents. Racism is a highly plausible, major upstream contributor to the Black-White disparity in PTB through multiple pathways and biological mechanisms. While much is unknown, existing knowledge and core values (equity, justice) support addressing racism in efforts to eliminate the racial disparity in PTB.

Coal and oil power plant retirements reduce air pollution nearby, but few studies have leveraged these natural experiments for public health research. We used California Department of Public Health birth records and US Energy Information Administration data from 2001-2011 to evaluate the relationship between the retirements of 8 coal and oil power plants and nearby preterm (gestational age of

ObjectivesThe causes of the large and persistent Black-White disparity in preterm birth (PTB) are unknown. It is biologically plausible that chronic stress across a woman's life course could be a contributor. Prior research suggests that chronic worry about experiencing racial discrimination could affect PTB through neuroendocrine, vascular, or immune mechanisms involved in both responses to stress and the initiation of labor. This study aimed to examine the role of chronic worry about racial discrimination in Black-White disparities in PTB.MethodsThe data source was cross-sectional California statewide-representative surveys of 2,201 Black and 8,122 White, non-Latino, U.S.-born postpartum women with singleton live births during 2011-2014. Chronic worry about racial discrimination (chronic worry) was defined as responses of "very often" or "somewhat often" (vs. "not very often" or "never") to the question: "Overall during your life until now, how often have you worried that you might be treated or viewed unfairly because of your race or ethnic group?" Prevalence ratios (PRs) with 95% Confidence Intervals (CI) were calculated from sequential logistic regression models, before and after adjustment for multiple social/demographic, behavioral, and medical factors, to estimate the magnitude of: (a) PTB risks associated with chronic worry among Black women and among White women; and (b) Black-White disparities in PTB, before and after adjustment for chronic worry.ResultsAmong Black and White women respectively, 36.9 (95% CI 32.9-40.9) % and 5.5 (95% CI 4.5-6.5) % reported chronic worry about racial discrimination; rates were highest among Black women of higher income and education levels. Chronic worry was significantly associated with PTB among Black women before (PR 1.73, 95% CI 1.12-2.67) and after (PR 2.00, 95% CI 1.33-3.01) adjustment for covariates. The unadjusted Black-White disparity in PTB (PR 1.59, 95%CI 1.21-2.09) appeared attenuated and became non-significant after adjustment for chronic worry (PR 1.30, 95% CI 0.93-1.81); it appeared further attenuated after adding the covariates (PR 1.17, 95% CI 0.85-1.63).ConclusionsChronic worry about racial discrimination may play an important role in Black-White disparities in PTB and may help explain the puzzling and repeatedly observed greater PTB disparities among more socioeconomically-advantaged women. Although the single measure of experiences of racial discrimination used in this study precluded examination of the role of other experiences of racial discrimination, such as overt incidents, it is likely that our findings reflect an association between one or more experiences of racial discrimination and PTB. Further research should examine a range of experiences of racial discrimination, including not only chronic worry but other psychological and emotional states and both subtle and overt incidents as well. These dramatic results from a large statewide-representative study add to a growing-but not widely known-literature linking racism-related stress with physical health in general, and shed light on the links between racism-related stress and PTB specifically. Without being causally definitive, this study's findings should stimulate further research and heighten awareness of the potential role of unmeasured social variables, such as diverse experiences of racial discrimination, in racial disparities in health.

Objectives To investigate Latina-White differences in birth outcomes in California from 2003 to 2010, looking for evidence of the often-cited "Latina paradox" and assessing the possible role of socioeconomic factors in observed differences. MethodsUsing statewide-representative data from the California Maternal and Infant Health Assessment, an annual population-based postpartum survey, we compared rates of preterm birth (PTB) and low birth weight (LBW) in five groups: U.S.-born non-Latina Whites ("Whites"), U.S.-born Mexican-Americans, U.S.-born non-Mexican Latinas, Mexican immigrants, and non-Mexican Latina immigrants. Logistic regression models examined the relative likelihood of PTB and LBW for women in each Latina subgroup compared with Whites, before and after adjustment for socioeconomic and other covariates. Results In unadjusted analyses, women in each Latina subgroup appeared more likely than White women to have PTB and LBW, although the increased likelihood of LBW among Mexican immigrants was statistically non-significant. After adjustment for less favorable socioeconomic characteristics among Latinas compared with Whites, observed differences in the estimated likelihoods of PTB or LBW for Latina subgroups relative to Whites were attenuated and (with the exception of PTB among U.S.-born Mexican Americans) no longer statistically significant. Conclusions We found no evidence of a "Latina paradox" in birth outcomes, which some have cited as evidence that social disadvantage is not always health-damaging. As observed in several previous studies, our findings were non-paradoxical: consistent with their socioeconomic disadvantage, Latinas had worse birth outcomes than non-Latina White women. Policy-makers should not rely on a "Latina paradox" to ensure good birth outcomes among socioeconomically disadvantaged Latina women.

Author(s): Fleda Mask Jackson [sup.1] , Kweli Rashied-Henry [sup.2] , Paula Braveman [sup.3] , Tyan Parker Dominguez [sup.4] , Diana Ramos [sup.5] , Noble Maseru [sup.6] , William Darity [sup.7] [...], Introduction In 2016, March of Dimes (MOD) launched its Prematurity Collaborative to engage a broad cross section of national experts to address persistent and widening racial disparities in preterm birth by achieving equity and demonstrated improvements in preterm birth. African-American and Native American women continue to have disproportionate rates of preterm birth and maternal death. As part of the Collaborative, MOD created the Health Equity Workgroup whose task was the creation of a scientific consensus statement articulating core values and a call to action to achieve equity in preterm birth utilizing health equity and social determinants of health frameworks. Methods Health Equity Workgroup members engaged in-person and virtually to discuss key determinant contributors and resolutions for disparate maternal and birth outcomes. Workgroup members then drafted the Birth Equity Consensus Statement that contained value statements and a call to action. The birth equity consensus statement was presented at professional conferences to seek broader support. This article highlights the background and context towards arriving at the core values and call to action, which are the two major components of the consensus statement and presents the core values and call to action themselves. Results The result was the creation of a birth equity consensus statement that highlights risks and protections of social determinants based on the prevailing science, and identifies promising solutions for reducing preterm birth and eliminating racial disparities. Conclusion The birth equity consensus statement provides a mandate, guiding the work of March of Dimes and the broader MCH community, for equity-based research, practice, and policy advocacy at local, state, and federal levels. Significance This field report adds to the current knowledge base on racial and ethnic disparities in birth and maternal health outcomes. Research has documented the science behind eliminating health disparities. Scientists and practitioners should continue to explore in practice how the social determinants of birth and maternal health, which manifest historically and contemporarily, can be addressed.

Author(s): Kristen S. Marchi [sup.1] , Christine Rinki [sup.2] , Monisha Shah [sup.1] , Melanie Dove [sup.3] , Cheryl Terpak [sup.2] , Michael P. Curtis [sup.2] , Paula Braveman [sup.1] [...], Objectives Dental care during pregnancy is important. We examined whether promotion of oral health by medical providers during pregnancy and pregnant women&apos;s receipt of dental care improved between 2009 and 2012 in California. Methods We used population-based postpartum survey data collected during 2009 (n = 3105) and 2012 (n = 6810) to compare the prevalence of women&apos;s reports that, during pregnancy, (a) their medical providers discussed oral health and/or suggested they see a dentist, and (b) they received dental care. Results Between 2009 and 2012, the proportion of women reporting that their medical providers talked about oral health or referred them to a dentist increased significantly overall (from 36 to 42%, and 21-26%, respectively, p < 0.001). The proportion of women with a dental visit during pregnancy also increased, from 38% in 2009 to 42% in 2012 (p < 0.005). The improvements were largely among women of lower income and education levels, those covered by Medi-Cal, and Latinas. Women whose medical providers promoted oral health care were approximately two times more likely to report having had a dental visit during pregnancy, even after adjusting for several potential confounders. Conclusions for Practice Characteristics of women reporting that their medical providers promoted, and that they received, dental care during pregnancy in 2012 suggests that the increases in promotion and use of oral health care were largely concentrated among Medi-Cal recipients. Further improvement is needed for all populations of pregnant women. Both public and private providers need to incorporate promotion of and referral for dental care into routine prenatal care protocols.

BackgroundThough wide disparities in wealth have been documented across racial/ethnic groups, it is largely unknown whether differences in wealth are associated with health disparities within racial/ethnic groups.MethodsData from the Survey of Consumer Finances (2004, ages 25-64) and the Health and Retirement Survey (2004, ages 50+), containing a wide range of assets and debts variables, were used to calculate net worth (a standard measure of wealth). Among non-Hispanic black, Hispanic and non-Hispanic white populations, we tested whether wealth was associated with self-reported poor/fair health status after accounting for income and education.ResultsExcept among the younger Hispanic population, net worth was significantly associated with poor/fair health status within each racial/ethnic group in both data sets. Adding net worth attenuated the association between education and poor/fair health (in all racial/ethnic groups) and between income and poor/fair health (except among older Hispanics).ConclusionsThe results add to the literature indicating the importance of including measures of wealth in health research for what they may reveal about disparities not only between but also within different racial/ethnic groups.

The decrease in adolescent birth rates in the United States has been slower among Latinas than among other ethnic/racial groups. Limited research has explored how socioeconomic opportunities influence childbearing among Latina adolescents. We conducted in-depth interviews with 65 pregnant foreign- and US-born Latina women (31 adolescents; 34 adults) in two California counties. We assessed perceived socioeconomic opportunities and examined how family, immigration and acculturation affected the relationships between socioeconomic opportunities and adolescent childbearing. Compared with women who delayed childbearing into adulthood, pregnant adolescents described having few resources for educational and career development and experiencing numerous socioeconomic and social barriers to achieving their goals. Socioeconomic instability and policies limiting access to education influenced childbearing for immigrant adolescents. In contrast, family disintegration tied to poverty figured prominently in US-born adolescents childbearing. Limited socioeconomic opportunities may play a large role in persistently high pregnancy rates among Latina adolescents.

The national Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) provides nutrition education, growth monitoring, breastfeeding promotion and support, and food to low-income pregnant or postpartum women, infants, and children aged

ObjectivesU.S. Latinas have a persistently high rate of teenage childbearing, which is associated with adverse outcomes for both mother and child. This study was designed to investigate the roles of socioeconomic factors and acculturation in teenage childbearing in this population.MethodsLogistic regression was used to analyze the association of measures of acculturation (language spoken at home, nativity, and age at immigration) and respondents' parents' education with age at first birth in a stratified sample of post-partum women in California.ResultsThe unadjusted odds ratio for teenage birth for Latinas versus non-Latina Whites was 5.2 (95% CI 4.1-6.6). Nativity was not significantly associated with teen birth, but speaking Spanish at home was positively associated and immigrating at a later age was negatively associated with teen birth. Overall, these measures of acculturation accounted for 17% (95% CI 8-28%) of the difference in odds of teen birth between Latinas and non-Latina Whites. Higher levels of education among respondents' parents had differentially protective effects across the racial/ethnic groups. Controlling for disparities in respondents' parents' education without changing its differential effects across racial/ethnic groups reduced the odds ratio for Latinas compared to non-Latina Whites by 30% (95% CI 14-60%).ConclusionThese findings call into question common assumptions about the protective effect of acculturation on teen fertility and suggest that improving childhood socioeconomic factors among Latinas may decrease teen childbearing.

Obesity is a major risk factor for chronic disease and can decrease longevity, quality of life, and economic productivity. Compelling ethical, human rights, and practical reasons exist for addressing social disparities in obesity, which requires systematically applying a disparities perspective to obesity research and relevant policy. A disparities perspective guides us to consider multiple dimensions and levels of social advantage and disadvantage and how those advantages and disadvantages produce disparities in obesity and its consequences.

We explored how different socioeconomic and racial/ethnic groups in the United States might fare in an influenza pandemic on the basis of social factors that shape exposure, vulnerability to influenza virus, and timeliness and adequacy of treatment. We discuss policies that might differentially affect social groups' risk for illness or death. Our purpose is not to establish the precise magnitude of disparities likely to occur; rather, it is to call attention to avoidable disparities that can be expected in the absence of systematic attention to differential social risks in pandemic preparedness plans. Policy makers at the federal, state, and local levels should consider potential sources of socioeconomic and racial/ethnic disparities during a pandemic and formulate specific plans to minimize these disparities.

Author(s): Paula Braveman [sup.1] , Katherine Heck [sup.1] , Susan Egerter [sup.1] , Christine Rinki [sup.2] , Kristen Marchi [sup.1] , Mike Curtis [sup.2] Author Affiliations: (Aff1) 0000 0001 2297 [...], Objectives Adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) have been linked with ill-health in adulthood, but ACE literature has focused on family disruption or dysfunction (e.g., child abuse, parental separation), with less attention to economic adversity. We examined whether a mother&apos;s economic hardship in childhood (EHC) was associated with women&apos;s hardships and health-risk behaviors during/just before pregnancy. Methods We analyzed population-based survey data on 27,102 postpartum California women. EHC included respondents&apos; reports that during childhood they/their families experienced hunger because of inability to afford food or moved because of problems paying rent/mortgage and the frequency of difficulty paying for basic needs. We examined six maternal hardships/behaviors during/just before pregnancy, including four hardships (poverty, food insecurity, homelessness/no regular place to sleep, intimate partner violence) and two behaviors (smoking, binge drinking). Prevalence ratios (PRs) were calculated from sequential logistic regression models estimating associations between EHC (categorized by level of hardship) and each maternal hardship/behavior, first without adjustment, then adjusting for other childhood and current maternal factors, and finally adding family disruption/dysfunction. Results Before adjustment for family disruption/dysfunction, the highest and intermediate EHC levels were associated with each maternal hardship/behavior; after full adjustment, those associations persisted except with smoking. Higher EHC levels generally appeared associated with larger PRs, although confidence intervals overlapped. Conclusions for Policy/Practice These findings link childhood economic hardship with women&apos;s hardships, binge drinking, and possibly smoking around the time of pregnancy. Without establishing causality, they support previous research indicating that childhood economic adversity should be considered an ACE.

There has been limited research on the protective factors that help Latinas delay childbearing until adulthood. In-depth interviews were conducted with 65 pregnant Latina teenage and adult women in California who were about to have their first child. Lack of or inconsistent birth control use as teens was attributed to wanting or ambivalence toward childbearing, concern about contraceptive side effects and infertility, and/or inadequate contraceptive information. Parental influence was cited as the primary reason for avoiding teen childbearing, as well as the feeling that a baby would have interfered with life plans. Close parental supervision and positive relationships with parents appeared to protect some adults from teen childbearing. The findings from this study point to the need to improve Latinos' birth control knowledge and strengthen parents' ability to establish supportive relationships with their children. (Contains 1 table and 1 figure.)

Author(s): Claire Margerison-Zilko[sup.1] , Catherine Cubbin[sup.2] , Jina Jun[sup.3] , Kristen Marchi[sup.4] , Paula Braveman[sup.4] Author Affiliations: (1) Department of Epidemiology and Biostatistics, Michigan State University, 909 Fee Hall, Room [...], Objectives Researchers often examine neighborhood socioeconomic environment and health during the perinatal period using geocoded addresses recorded on birth certificates at the time of delivery. Our objective was to assess the potential for post-partum neighborhood misclassification by examining whether women move neighborhoods during the immediate post-partum period, whether they move to neighborhoods of different socioeconomic status (SES), and whether mobility differs by maternal characteristics. Methods We used data from the 2003-2007 California Maternal and Infant Health Assessment (MIHA), an annual, statewide-representative survey of post-partum women, to examine women&apos;s neighborhood mobility patterns between giving birth and completing a survey 2-7 months post-partum. We examined whether women changed neighborhoods, whether moves were to neighborhoods of higher, lower, or similar socioeconomic status (SES), and whether these patterns differed by maternal race/ethnicity, maternal SES, or other demographic characteristics. Results Overall, 93 % of women either did not move neighborhoods or moved to a neighborhood of similar SES post-partum. Only 4 % of women moved to a neighborhood of lower SES and 3 % to an area of higher SES. Mothers who were non-Hispanic black or US-born Hispanic, young, unmarried, primiparous, or lower SES were slightly more likely to move overall and more likely to move to neighborhoods with different SES, compared to other women. Conclusions These findings suggest that geocoded addresses from birth certificates can be used to estimate women&apos;s neighborhood SES during the early post-partum period with little misclassification, an especially relevant finding for researchers using post-partum surveys.