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This paper investigates the geographical and structural diffusion of “Viennese Monophthongization” (VM). By means of a new numerical measure to assess and compare formant movement in 18 lexical items, we provide evidence that VM is an ongoing, regular sound change transforming [aɛ̯] and [aɔ̯] gradually into [æː] and [ɒː]. Data are based on direct dialect recordings of 76 speakers in two age groups in 19 eastern and central Austrian rural locations. Results indicate that VM is diffusing from Vienna in a wave-like fashion. Even though VM is reported to have been established in other bigger cities for more than 30 years, the data show no evidence of diffusion from these cities. There are also other factors affecting the degree of formant movement: The phonetic-phonological environment (stress and the following consonant) explains most of the variance in the data, whereas no frequency effects could be found. Social identity, cultural space, and gender-related network structures are discussed as additional social factors.

Here we investigate present tense verbal -s/zero variability in a dialect of Eastern England in which -s marking can only appear in third-person singular contexts. Our objective is to explore constraints on -s/zero marking, and to consider the grammatical function of -s in such a variety. In order to investigate this, we reanalyzed verbal -s/zero marking in 63 sociolinguistic interviews found in Peter Trudgill's (1974) corpus from Norwich. The results show not only a significant role for subject animacy (animate subjects mark -s less than inanimates) and lexical (punctual verbs mark -s less than duratives) and structural aspect (punctual and habitual events mark less -s than durative ones), but also an interaction between animacy and aspect. To account for the findings, we draw upon the notion of differential subject marking (e.g., Aissen, 2003), which considers the role of the canonicity of arguments in accounting for morphological marking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows (a) how the concept of the linguistic market can be operationalized as an index to enable its inclusion as a factor in variationist analysis and (b) how this index helps to explain sociolinguistic variation in a diglossic situation. To do this, sociolinguistic interviews were conducted in Swiss Standard German among 16 L1-dialect-speakers aged between 19 and 40 from Biel/Bienne in western Switzerland. Drawing from participants' self-assessments of the importance of Standard German in their professional life, a linguistic market index (LMI) was created and cross-validated with external assessments. Our variationist analysis considered four phonetic-phonological variables—/k/, /ç/, /aː/, /ɛ-ɛː/—for which typical Swiss variants (i.e., sociolinguistic stereotypes) exist. Findings show that the LMI is crucial for explaining variation in all the variables tested. Other social (i.e., gender and formality of the language production task) and linguistic factors (e.g., phonetic environment) show partial effects as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the supposed "Gender Paradox" proposed by Labov (1990, 2001), which suggests women are both sometimes conversative and sometimes innovative in terms of linguistic variation and change. Explores the paradox from two perspectives: its applicability to multilingual as opposed to multidialectal communities and whether it is methodological or real. (Author/VWL)

Reports an apparent time survey of the Fenland dialect of Eastern England that provides an example of a range of dialect contact processes reconfiguring variable patterns of past tense "be." (Author/VWL)

Sociolinguistic research on linguistic change, i.e., the use of high rising terminal contours (HRTs) in declarative clauses, is reported based on interviews from 75 inhabitants of Porirua. Results show that linguistic change is in progress, with HRTs favored by young Maori and young Pakeha women. Results are explained in terms of HRTs as positive politeness markers. (76 references) (Author/LB)