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Trade and colonization caused an unprecedented increase in Mediterranean human mobility in the first millennium BCE. Often seen as a dividing force, warfare is in fact another catalyst of culture contact. We provide insight into the demographic dynamics of ancient warfare by reporting genome-wide data from fifth-century soldiers who fought for the army of the Greek Sicilian colony of Himera, along with representatives of the civilian population, nearby indigenous settlements, and 96 present-day individuals from Italy and Greece. Unlike the rest of the sample, many soldiers had ancestral origins in northern Europe, the Steppe, and the Caucasus. Integrating genetic, archaeological, isotopic, and historical data, these results illustrate the significant role mercenaries played in ancient Greek armies and highlight how participation in war contributed to continental-scale human mobility in the Classical world.

The resolution of bioarchaeological analyses has improved dramatically in recent years, and bioarchaeology is increasingly employed in areas of the world where preservation issues and disciplinary traditions had previously hindered its application. One such area is the Mediterranean region. Bioarchaeological analyses arguably are the most direct indicator of human behavior in the past, and as a result the full integration of bioarchaeology and archaeology into Mediterranean research shows much promise. However, several methodological, theoretical and practical challenges have emerged: (1) discrepancies between cultural and biological variability; (2) discrepancies in the dating of skeletal samples and of migration events in the two subdisciplines; (3) diverging interpretations of (collective) identities; and (4) the fostering of effective cross-disciplinary communication and collaboration. While the first two points are especially salient for Mediterranean research, the third and fourth are relevant for the archaeological discipline more generally. In this paper, we discuss each challenge in turn, focusing on the first millennium bc Greek diaspora in the Mediterranean. We believe that both disciplines would benefit from open discussion of these issues, which we hope might spur more collaborative efforts towards their resolution.

Objective We test the hypothesis that physiological stress increased in response to increasing social turmoil following waves of colonization and social transition. The ways local conditions, including variation in geography, environment, and levels of urbanization impact physiological stress are also explored. Materials In Albania, the historic period is a sequence of different waves of colonization. Skeletal data come from three Albanian archaeological sites: Apollonia (n = 231), Durres (n = 246), and Lofkend (n = 129). Methods Prevalence of cribra orbitalia, porotic hyperostosis, linear enamel hypoplasia, and periosteal new bone formation are analyzed using chi-square and logistic regression tests. Results We observe increased skeletal manifestations of physiological stress between prehistoric and historic groups, but physiological stress is generally consistent through time. Conclusions General increase in skeletal pathology between prehistoric and historic periods corresponds to broad increases in political unrest associated with colonization spanning the entire historic period. However, little difference in physiological stress across colonization episodes (Greek, Roman, Byzantine, Bulgarian, Ottoman) suggests skeletal health is affected similarly by colonization, regardless of particularities in method and type of colonial control. Significance Examining human response to social change across broad time scales is useful in identifying broad patterns in the human experience. Limitations Exploring variation across broad time scales and multiple sites is potentially problematic because confounding factors could impact results and interpretations. Suggestions for further research Environmental, social, and geographic differences, likely impacted the lives and lifestyles of individuals living in the past and should be explored further to understand the nuances in local response to colonization.

During the 8-7th centuries BCE, Greeks began establishing colonies throughout the Mediterranean region. Founded in 648 BCE, the Greek colony Himera was the meeting place for Greeks of multiple cultural backgrounds, indigenous Sicilians, and Phoenicians, and was closely connected to the broader Mediterranean world through trade. We explore evidence for diversity and cultural hybridity at Himera from the perspective of its food traditions using stable carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis of 90 humans, and fauna associated with the burials. Results indicate diets based on C3 plants, supporting historical evidence that cereals provided most daily calories, with other plants eaten as supplemental “relishes.” Terrestrial animal protein was consumed in variable, but mostly low amounts, and there is no clear isotopic evidence for fish consumption. There are no differences in diet based on burial style, body position, burial “richness,” or age group, but some evidence for differences in diets of males and females, particularly during young adulthood. The fact that diets vary independently of several potentially prominent markers of status or ethnicity supports models of cultural hybridity in Greek colonization, wherein elements of different cultures mingled and recombined in new ways specific to the colony, rather than simple admixture or assimilation.

Objectives Bioarchaeologists interpret skeletal stress as evidence of resilience or frailty, where absence of lesions might result from lack of exposure to pathogens (i.e., good health) or extreme vulnerability (i.e., selection). We examine physiological stress in two skeletal series from Greek Himera: (1) nine mass graves from the battles of Himera (480 and 409 BCE) and (2) Himeran civilians (648-409 BCE). Civilians are assumed to have died from multiple causes, including ill health leading to their deaths. Individuals from the battles presumably died while in relatively good health, in battle. More skeletal stress among civilians than battle casualties would support the idea that skeletal stress is a sign of frailty at Himera. We compare variation in skeletal stress between and among civilians and battle casualties. Materials and methods Cribra orbitalia, porotic hyperostosis, linear enamel hypoplasia (LEH), and sub-periosteal new bone formation, were examined in 474 individuals (mass graves n = 64; civilians n = 410). Results Chi-square tests showed significantly higher prevalence of LEH (p = 0.04) and sub-periosteal new bone formation (p = 0.05) among young and mid-aged adult male civilians than mass grave casualties. Skeletal stress was also lower in the earlier battle, and varied among civilians with burial style. Discussion Our findings generally support the hypothesis that skeletal stress is evidence of frailty (i.e., leading to greater risk of mortality). However, the relationship between stress and frailty is complicated by social factors, when considering historical context. In particular, a possible "soldier-class" may have experienced less stress than the overall civilian population.

The concepts of "stress" and "health" are foundational in physical anthropology as guidelines for interpreting human behavior and biocultural adaptation in the past and present. Though related, stress and health are not coterminous, and while the term "health" encompasses some aspects of "stress," health refers to a more holistic condition beyond just physiological disruption, and is of considerable significance in contributing to anthropologists' understanding of humanity's lived experiences. Bioarchaeological interpretations of human health generally are made from datasets consisting of skeletal markers of stress, markers that result from (chronic) physiological disruption (e.g., porotic hyperostosis; linear enamel hypoplasia). Non-specific indicators of stress may measure episodes of stress and indicate that infection, disease, or nutritional deficiencies were present in a population, but in assessing these markers, bioarchaeologists are not measuring "health" in the same way as are human biologists, medical anthropologists, or primatologists. Rather than continue to diverge on separate (albeit parallel) trajectories, bioarchaeologists are advised to pursue interlinkages with other subfields within physical anthropology toward bridging "stress" and "health." The papers in this special symposium set include bioarchaeologists, human biologists, molecular anthropologists, and primatologists whose research develops this link between the concepts of "stress" and "health," encouraging new avenues for bioarchaeologists to consider and reconsider health in past human populations.

The concepts of "stress" and "health" are foundational in physical anthropology as guidelines for interpreting human behavior and biocultural adaptation in the past and present. Though related, stress and health are not coterminous, and while the term "health" encompasses some aspects of "stress," health refers to a more holistic condition beyond just physiological disruption, and is of considerable significance in contributing to anthropologists' understanding of humanity's lived experiences. Bioarchaeological interpretations of human health generally are made from datasets consisting of skeletal markers of stress, markers that result from (chronic) physiological disruption (e.g., porotic hyperostosis; linear enamel hypoplasia). Non-specific indicators of stress may measure episodes of stress and indicate that infection, disease, or nutritional deficiencies were present in a population, but in assessing these markers, bioarchaeologists are not measuring "health" in the same way as are human biologists, medical anthropologists, or primatologists. Rather than continue to diverge on separate (albeit parallel) trajectories, bioarchaeologists are advised to pursue interlinkages with other subfields within physical anthropology toward bridging "stress" and "health." The papers in this special symposium set include bioarchaeologists, human biologists, molecular anthropologists, and primatologists whose research develops this link between the concepts of "stress" and "health," encouraging new avenues for bioarchaeologists to consider and reconsider health in past human populations.

This article seeks to identify "Greeks" and "non-Greeks" in "mixed" mortuary contexts in a Greek colony. Specifically, we test the hypothesis that Illyrian and Greek individuals lived and were buried together at the Corinthian colony of Apollonia, Albania (established ca. 600 BC). The pattern of human biological interaction at Apollonia is tested by identifying variation in genetic relatedness using biodistance analysis of dental and cranial nonmetric traits for three sites: Apollonia (n = 116), its founder-city Corinth (n = 69), and Lofkënd (n = 108), an inland site near Apollonia pre-dating colonization. Logistic regression analysis estimates that individuals from colonial Apollonia are most closely related to prehistoric Illyrian populations (from Lofkënd and prehistoric Apollonia), rather than Greeks (from Corinth). The phenotypic similarity between colonial Apollonia and prehistoric Illyria suggests that there was a large Illyrian contribution to the gene pool at the colony of Apollonia. However, some trait combinations show low biological distances among all groups, suggesting homogeneity among Illyrian and Greek populations (assessed through pseudo-Mahalanobis' D(2) ). The degree of phenotypic similarity suggests shared ancestry and long-term migration throughout these regions. The impacts of missing data and small sample sizes are also considered.