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This paper uses lived experiences to critically examine the orientation of international graduate students at research-intensive Canadian universities. We, five co-authors, embody diverse ethnic, racial, sexual, religious, national, and gender identities, yet are all (or have been) international graduate students in Canada. Through collaborative autoethnography, we destabilize the notion of "orientation." We argue that international student orientation should be understood as a fluid, ongoing process rather than one with rigid boundaries and timelines. Furthermore, orientation programming should more deeply consider the intersecting identities and positionalities of international students as multifaced individuals, as well as the implicit expectations of one-way "integration" into settler-colonial Canadian society. We suggest a different approach to orientation and offer a conceptual framework to guide future practice, highlighting the role universities play in not only supporting students academically but also in (im)migrant settlement.

Two-step immigration is now a well-established policy strategy in countries such as Australia, Canada, and the U.S. to retain so-called 'highly skilled,' or higher-wage, immigrants. However, as this paper argues, the specific recruitment and retention of post-secondary international students in some contexts has become a distinct three-step form of immigration, shifting the role of higher education in society. The term "edugration"--an amalgamation of 'education' and 'immigration'--is proposed to describe this system. This paper also contends that "edugration" presents an ethically wicked problem (Rittel & Webber, 1973), requiring not only increased attention from higher education, international education, and (im)migration scholars, but also a shift in our analytic approach. [The publication year (2022) on the .pdf is incorrect. The correct year is 2021.]

As immigration polices increasingly entangle with those of higher education (HE), institutions are being positioned as migrant surveillance actors. HE's participation in state-managed international student compliance regimes (ISCRs), for example, raises political and ethical questions, including those concerning the core mission of HE. This paper traces the Canadian ISCR context over the past decade, focusing on the introduction of the Designated Learning Institution (DLI) student compliance reporting requirement in 2014. It argues that Canadian HE's role in surveilling temporary residents on behalf of the state is a problematic bordering practice. It also posits that this new form of surveillance is not necessarily a novel compromise of HE's values, but rather connected to historical patterns of HE's involvement in border imperialism. It questions the benevolence of both Canada's immigration policies towards international students and, ultimately, higher education itself.

As education-migration ("edugration") blurs the line between international student and immigrant recruitment in some jurisdictions, higher education admission is becoming linked to settler nation-building projects. Using critical discourse analysis, this article examines the Canadian higher education sector's response to COVID-19 through pre-budget submissions to the House of Commons of Canada Standing Committee on Finance for the 2021 federal budget. Findings demonstrate how institutions instrumentalized international students to position themselves as valuable actors in Canada's immigration regime and justify their requests for public financial support. In this way, nation-building through immigration -- both globally, as an imperial power, and domestically, as a colonial power -- is now a new societal role of higher education which is becoming hegemonic within institutions. This is significant because, as higher education's purposes align with those of economic immigration, the sector not only fails to interrupt, but itself reproduces, systemic patterns of border imperialism and settler-colonialism. The article urges higher education institutions to: (1) more deeply consider how a reliance on international student enrolment is impacting its societal roles; while also (2) avoid exceptionalizing the present by recognizing that higher education has long functioned in the service of the state as a colonial and imperialist power.

Artificial intelligence (AI) and automation are newly impacting the governance of international students, a temporary resident category significant for both direct economic contributions and the formation of a 'pool' of potential future immigrants in many immigrant-dependent countries. This paper focuses on tensions within Canada's education-migration ('edugration') system as new technologies intersect with migration regimes, which in turn relate to broader issues of security, administrative burdens, migration governance, and border imperialism. Using an Accidental Ethnography (AccE) approach drawing from practitioner-based legal research, we discuss three themes: (1) 'bots at the gate' and the guise of AI's objectivity; (2) a murky international edu-tech industry; and (3) the administrative burdens of digitalized application systems. We suggest that researchers, particularly in education, can benefit from the insights of immigration practitioners who often become aware of potential trends before those less embedded in the everyday negotiation of migration governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an effort to more efficiently utilize immigration to mitigate the negative economic impacts of falling population rates, some governments are shifting from human-capital to demand-driven immigrant selection approaches. While employers are typically seen as the resulting non-governmental selection actors, recent niche but growing immigration programs are repositioning higher educational institutions as additional yet inadvertent selection actors, typically unaware of their role. To illustrate the complexities inherent in this policy evolution, I historically trace the past 15 years of immigration selection design targeting international students in the Canadian province of British Columbia and highlight potential implications in light of increasing internationalization. I argue that educational policy researchers need to further understand and engage with the development of increasingly intertwined yet previously neglected policy areas -- in this instance, immigration -- as higher education assumes new roles in public life.

As higher education, migration, and mobility intertwine in increasingly complex ways, we need a new way to analyze international student mobility (ISM). Unpacking ISM's "messiness" brings to light two key interfacing continua: first, the discretion to move, and second, opportunity through movement. Recognizing this confluence not only better explains the reproduction, amplification, dissolvement, and restructuring of privilege in international education, but also highlights the need to visibilize students from displaced, refugee, and forced-migrant backgrounds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As education-migration (edugration) blurs the line between international student and immigrant recruitment in some jurisdictions, higher education admission is becoming linked to settler nation-building projects. Using critical discourse analysis, this article examines the Canadian higher education sector's response to COVID-19 through pre-budget submissions to the House of Commons of Canada Standing Committee on Finance for the 2021 federal budget. Findings demonstrate how institutions instrumentalized international students to position themselves as valuable actors in Canada's immigration regime and justify their requests for public financial support. In this way, nation-building through immigration – both globally, as an imperial power, and domestically, as a colonial power – is now a new societal role of higher education which is becoming hegemonic within institutions. This is significant because, as higher education's purposes align with those of economic immigration, the sector not only fails to interrupt, but itself reproduces, systemic patterns of border imperialism and settler-colonialism. The article urges higher education institutions to (1) more deeply consider how a reliance on international student enrolment is impacting its societal roles, while also (2) avoid exceptionalizing the present by recognizing that higher education has long functioned in the service of the state as a colonial and imperialist power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As immigration polices increasingly entangle with those of higher education (HE), institutions are being positioned as migrant surveillance actors. HE's participation in state-managed international student compliance regimes (ISCRs), for example, raises political and ethical questions, including those concerning the core mission of HE. This paper traces the Canadian ISCR context over the past decade, focusing on the introduction of the Designated Learning Institution (DLI) student compliance reporting requirement in 2014. It argues that Canadian HE's role in surveilling temporary residents on behalf of the state is a problematic bordering practice. It also posits that this new form of surveillance is not necessarily a novel compromise of HE's values, but rather connected to historical patterns of HE's involvement in border imperialism. It questions the benevolence of both Canada's immigration policies towards international students and, ultimately, higher education itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Telling young lives: portraits of global youth, edited by Craig Jeffrey and Jane Dyson, Philadelphia, Temple University Press, 2008, xiv + 220 pp. US$23.95 (paperback), ISBN 978-1-59213-931-6 By assembling the [...]

Two-step immigration is now a well-established policy strategy in countries such as Australia, Canada, and the U.S. to retain so-called 'highly skilled,' or higherwage, immigrants. However, as this paper argues, the specific recruitment and retention of post-secondary international students in some contexts has become a distinct three-step form of immigration, shifting the role of higher education in society. The term edugration -- an amalgamation of 'education' and 'immigration' -- is proposed to describe this system. This paper also contends that edugration presents an ethically wicked problem (Rittel & Webber, 1973), requiring not only increased attention from higher education, international education, and (im)migration scholars, but also a shift in our analytic approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]