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Postwar Canada-us relations have been punctuated by conflicts of political and economic interest. Declassified us Central Intelligence Agency (cia) documents reveal that Pierre Elliott Trudeau's nearly sixteen years in power (1968–84) were an especially turbulent chapter in this history. Against the backdrop of the demise of the Bretton Woods system, oil shocks, and stagflation, the cia paid close attention to Canadian policy and regulatory changes that threatened us economic and energy interests. The American intelligence community attributed the Foreign Investment Review Agency, Petro-Canada, oil export controls, and the National Energy Program to the rise of a menacing "Canada First" brand of economic nationalism. From the American vantage point, these bilateral irritants became urgent foreign policy issues in the midst of the neoliberal revolution. Thecia concluded that Trudeau was an obstacle to positive Canada-us relations and briefed policy-makers right up to the president accordingly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1960, as part of the early People's Republic of China's (PRC) cultural diplomacy, a troupe of almost one hundred Chinese performers and officials visited Canada, where they were widely identified as the "Pei

During the 1961 Commonwealth Prime Ministers' meeting, Canada's prime minister, John Diefenbaker, joined with his non-white partners to form an "Afro-Asian-Canadian bloc" that, for all intents and purposes, expelled South Africa from the association. Drawing on American, Australian, British, Canadian, and South African documents, this article argues that Diefenbaker did so in a bid to preserve the Commonwealth to bridge global racial divides and avert a potential "race war" in the making. The Commonwealth could thus retain its integrity as an institution responsive to global South concerns and chaperone them during a transitional phase to statehood. In so doing, newly independent peoples would be rendered culturally familiar and predictable, embedding them within the liberal international order. Consequently, this study offers insight into Canadian attitudes towards African decolonization and what the Commonwealth meant to Canada beyond its strategic imperative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

(This essay first appeared in the Chicago Record-Herald on October 7, 1905. The author was an American journalist and author.) There has been more less talk for many years about [...]

This article examines Canadian foreign policy toward Venezuela, as a litmus test of Ottawa's promise to project a consistently strong voice for the protection of human rights and the advancement of democratic values in the world. The case is made that Canada is more likely to gear up to an assertive approach if there is a perception that there is an opportunity for democratization in the country, and for policymakers in Ottawa, if there is an opportunity to prioritize human rights and democracy, as opposed to more traditional national interest objectives. The article offers an explanation about when and how Canada typically promotes its liberal values abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South African apartheid served as a battleground between East and West, and North and South, but it was also an issue that gave coherence to an often disparate Third World political project. And, though it has rarely been appreciated by historians, apartheid exposed and deepened fault lines between allies. This article addresses this oversight by exploring why, during the mid 1980s, Canada became so engaged on a file that was seemingly peripheral to its national interests. Drawing on recently declassified Canadian, British, and South African documents, and on interviews with former policymakers, officials, and activists, it shows how Canada became a diplomatic battleground in the fight for legitimacy between Pretoria and the opponents of apartheid. These entanglements shaped public discourses and, in turn, informed Canadian policy towards apartheid. For Canada, the issue was not solely about the East–West conflict but a deeper struggle to maintain the credibility of the liberal world order. This paper thus offers an 'outside-in' vantage point to the international history of the Commonwealth and a window to understand global dynamics, priorities, and norms beyond the Cold War paradigm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relations with the People's Republic of China (PRC) will be the single biggest Canadian foreign policy challenge for the foreseeable future. The trajectory of bilateral relations will be shaped, above all, by US–PRC strategic competition. Canadian views on the PRC are defined by a litany of problems in the current relationship, with relatively little reflection on the broader and longer-term problématique. This article, adapted from a November 2020 speech to the Canada–China Friendship Society of Ottawa, proposes a reconceptualization of the PRC as Canada's "global neighbour." On virtually all the issues that matter to Canada, the PRC is in our neighbourhood, and we are in the PRC's, whether we like it or not. The article offers five principles for the conduct of relations with Beijing—emphasizing the importance of independence in Canadian foreign policy in the context of a Sino–US great power conflict that is likely to persist for decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes up the concept of mental maps as lens through which to survey Canada–Asia relations. Before Canadians could embrace Asia politically and economically, they had to stop imagining Asia as culturally distant. Their mental maps—the way they imagined the world—formed the invisible background to policy-making. Through an engagement with Greg Donaghy's work on Canadian relations with Asia, this article makes the case for using mental maps to understand trans-Pacific relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how China and Russia play into the opportunities and constraints that shape Canadian foreign policy. While both countries contribute significantly to the challenges of twenty-first-century world politics, neither is a juggernaut: both face serious internal difficulties and fear the West in ways that should temper our preoccupation with relative decline. The paper concludes that, by seeing these authoritarian powers as more fragile than frightening, Canada can worry less about how engagement might be seen to reward bad behaviour and more about beneficial outcomes in areas that serve Canadian interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarly analysis of John Diefenbaker's government between 1957 and 1963 has focused heavily on Diefenbaker's influence in the conduct of Canadian foreign policy. From the "renegade in power" to the "rogue Tory", Diefenbaker frequently receives the primary credit or blame for determining Canada's place in the wider world. This traditional evaluation, however, ignores the broad latitude often given to senior Canadian diplomats. Diefenbaker's high commissioner to Britain, George Drew, played a particularly important role in shaping Anglo-Canadian relations. Building on his senior status within Progressive Conservative ranks, Drew proved resolute and unorthodox in advancing Canadian interests. A detailed case study of Drew's efforts to secure a comprehensive international agreement on the law of the sea demonstrates his impact on Canadian foreign policy. Drew headed the Canadian delegation to two United Nations law of the sea conferences in 1958 and 1960 and vigorously pursued an international agreement delineating the width of the territorial sea eventually brokered after the Diefenbaker government left office in 1963. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article analyzes the resistance strategies adopted by French-Canadian traditionalist intellectuals towards the Canadian welfare state project from the late 1940s to the late 1950s. The article traces the political, legal, and media strategies put forward by François-Albert Angers (1909–2003) in his fight against the Canadian federal government. An economist by training, an academic, and an influential leader of Quebec's nationalist networks, Angers notably fought a legal battle with Canada's Department of National Revenue for nearly a decade (1947–57). Through this saga based on the constitutionality of family allowances, the analysis focuses on central themes of traditionalist discourse, not only in relation to issues of federalism and respect for civil rights, but also in relation to the place of Catholicism within Canadian society. This study thus aims to shed light on the ways in which conservative thinkers in Quebec reacted to the advent of a modern, interventionist Canadian state in the aftermath of the Second World War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deals with the nuclear cooperation of Canada with the U.S. Reasons for Canada's inclusion in the atomic project; Aim of several countries for pursuing nuclear weapons; Extent of nuclear weapons in Canada.

The Arctic ice is melting. Some may debate the cause of the melt, but no one can debate that there is simply less ice up North than there was 50 [...]

This article surveys the development of Canadian Studies in Czechoslovakia/the Czech Republic from 1985 (the year the first such course was offered at a Czech university) down to the present. It also deals with the wider context of the development of Canadian Studies in Central Europe under the aegis of the Central European Association for Canadian Studies, established in 2003 with its Secretariat located at Masaryk University, Brno. In both the Czech Republic and the wider region, the late 1990s saw a steady growth in Canadian Studies, fostered by financial support from the Canadian government and outreach activities by Western European Canadian Studies associations. The first decade of the twenty-first century saw an explosion of activities - many new courses and degree programmes, conferences and specialized seminars, international projects, publications, the launching of the Central European Journal for Canadian Studies. The century's second decade, however, has witnessed retrenchment, the result of systemic changes in higher education systems and the Canadian government's cancellation of all support for Canadian Studies activities in 2012. Nevertheless, in both the Czech Republic and Central Europe, Canadian Studies continues to enjoy a significant and respected presence in the higher education sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canadian Studies was launched in Hungary in 1979, when the first course in Canadian literature was offered at the English Department of Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest. This article is intended to explore the history of this discipline in the past 40+ years, focusing on the growing awareness of Canada and its culture in Hungarian academic and intellectual life. As early as the mid-1980s, universities in Hungary offered various courses in Canadian Studies, which were followed by a large number of publications, conferences, and the institutionalization of the field. The article gives a survey of Canadian Studies in Hungary in the international context, showing the ways in which interaction with colleagues in Europe and beyond, and with institutions, such as the Central European Association for Canadian Studies, has promoted the work of Hungarian researchers. The article also discusses the fields of interest and individual achievements of Hungarian scholars, as well as the challenges Canadian Studies has faced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article outlines the history of the study of Canada in Slovakia. It explores early writings on Canada and attempts to identify pioneers of Canadian Studies as well as milestones in its development and institutionalization, while also claiming that Canadian Studies remains a marginal academic discipline in Slovakia; indeed, its very existence is dependent on the enthusiasm of a small community of scholars. The final part of the article presents the community, their research interests, activities, and motivations, and attempts to pinpoint the impact of the Canadian federal government's decision to withdraw its support from funding Canadian Studies abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of Canadian Studies in Romania, particularly in the academia, as well as their recent (relative) decline, is presented with emphasis on the last twenty-five years. Individual interest and enthusiasm as well as the foundation of CEACS contributed to the Canadian Studies "boom" in 2000-2012, when Canadian Studies Centers were founded in several important Romanian universities, the number of Canadian Studies classes at BA and MA levels increased, large research projects were completed, PhD theses were initiated and quite a few defended. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, Canada–China relations have drawn extensive public attention in Canada. To better understand this trend, this article examines the coverage of China in the "alternative public sphere" of British Columbia, Canada's westernmost province. Based on the qualitative critical discourse analysis of China-related online media generated by four alternative media and advocacy sources (the Tyee, the Dogwood Initiative, the David Suzuki Foundation, and the Pembina Institute), we argue that China's image within British Columbia's alternative public sphere is characterized by the tension between two conflicting images. On one hand, China has been framed as a powerful, foreign entity that unduly influences Canada's economic policies and decisions on energy infrastructure. On the other hand, China has been framed positively as a global leader in renewable energy and, increasingly, in global climate negotiations. Although both images of China were found in the data analysis, the negative image was significantly more prominent than the positive one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explains how search and rescue (SAR) equipment and personnel can strengthen Canada's Arctic security without contributing to a classic "security dilemma"—whereby a perceived military buildup by one state leads to a responsive buildup by another state, and so on into an arms race. This is because Arctic SAR involves dual-use assets that can fulfill most existing and reasonably foreseeable Arctic security roles as a secondary mission. Avoiding a security dilemma is key with regards to Canada–Russia relations. In the Arctic arena, Russia sees itself surrounded by North Atlantic Treaty Organization states during a period of considerable tension with those same states elsewhere in the world. Although most of the responsibility for that tension lies with Russia, it is still in Canada's interest to avoid feeding Russia's Arctic uncertainties and insecurities, since regional military buildups can cause instability and even conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Canadian practice in various international laws, including the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations (VCDR), international investment law, international trade law and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.

The article lists the various treaty actions taken by the Canadian government in 2018, including the country's agreement with the Argentina on Mutual Assistance in Customs Matters, its agreement with Barbados on Air Transport, and with Grenada for the Exchange of Information on Tax Matters.

Increasingly, trade agendas are expanding to include non-commercial objectives such as the promotion of fundamental political and human rights. Although the European Parliament (EP) positions itself as an advocate of such objectives in the conclusion of European Union (EU) trade agreements, it rarely insists on them in negotiations. Yet, in the negotiations with Canada, the EP successfully took a tough stance on a human rights conditionality clause. Why did the EP invest political resources in insisting on conditionality in the agreement with Canada – a country which is among the top five regarding fundamental rights? We argue that, due to limited organizational capacity, composite actors, such as the EP, have to select 'strategic issues' among political events that make them appear as unique supporters of public interest. In this context, composite actors factor in saliency in their utility calculation of investing political resources in a policy issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada has taken part in six wars since 1945, all of which have been conducted under US leadership. Despite such military interventionism, there have been no systematic comparative analyses of Canada's decisions to take part in US-led wars. The objective of this article is to develop and test a theoretical framework about why Canada goes to war. More specifically, it seeks to account for variations in Canada's provision of combat forces to multinational interventions led by the United States. It assesses leading theoretical explanations by examining five post–Cold War cases: the wars in Kosovo, Afghanistan and Libya; the war against ISIS; and the refusal to take part in the invasion of Iraq. The article concludes that Canada's willingness to go to war is shaped primarily by a desire to maintain transatlantic alliance unity and enhance Canada's alliance credibility. Threats to national security, the legitimacy of the intervention, government ideology and public opinion are not found to consistently or meaningfully shape Canadian decisions to take part in US-led wars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conventional wisdom would suggest that middle powers, being hyper-attuned to great power politics, can be expected to bandwagon with their traditional allies. In a unipolar world, Canada and New Zealand could thus be expected to play follow-the-leader with the US. However, the rise of China has a confounding effect on the US-led unipolar order and thus on our traditional expectations of American middle power allies as well. In this article, we probe the apparent variation in what we term "strategic value" for China of New Zealand and Canada. While the two hold a great deal in common, we find that the Canadian case is made considerably more complicated by both the range of strategic considerations present, and the potential payoff for China of one in particular—closeness to the US, China's prime geostrategic rival. These higher stakes in the Canadian case not only make strategic inroads in New Zealand relatively easy for China, but also suggest that Chinese economic policy is selectively sculpted to suit the PRC's higher strategic purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to describe an international project aimed at building a knowledge base between Canada and China and beyond for cross-cultural educational understanding and harmonious relationships. The overall purpose of this work is to move beyond cross-cultural comparison and competition to collaborative reciprocity. Reciprocal learning is the guiding term for the Canada–China Partnership Project. The term is relatively commonplace and its deceptive simplicity veils important research and public discourse consequences. The Partnership Project, though not explicitly comparative in nature, draws heavily on the literature of comparative education, particularly with respect to methodology and understandings of Chinese and Canadian education. We describe four comparative education approaches which we think of as models of reciprocal learning across cultures. In the following remarks, we unpack these ideas of reciprocal learning as they apply to collaborative studies of Chinese and Canadian education. The models are assessed for their potential to generate collaborative teaching and learning situations with associated reciprocal learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Preservice Teacher Education Reciprocal Learning Programme has been developed on a vision of bridging the East and West dichotomy by harmonising Eastern learning with Western knowledge. This programme is one of the two foundations for Xu and Connelly's 7-year Canada-China Reciprocal Learning Partnership in teacher education and school education in 2013-2020. The Programme, 'provide[s] an exceptional cross-cultural experience with international engagement ... to broaden teacher candidates' horizons for a society of increasing diversity in today's globalized world'. This article's purposes are to discuss how reciprocal learning is both a concept and an approach for international and cross-cultural teacher education and school education and to present the learning outcomes and educational significance of the East-West reciprocal learning programme in teacher education. The Programme has created opportunities for both pre-service and in-service teachers to understand and appreciate a culture and educational system different from their own, thereby reciprocally contributing to educational opportunities for those they teach. The research theory and method utilised in this work are found in a companion paper in this special series and are briefly discussed below in the project overview and later in a discussion of student outcomes. This work has implications for other school settings where increasing immigrant student population and cultural diversity have become the norm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies donor–government relations in Rwanda since the end of the 1994 genocide. The notion that Rwanda enjoyed or enjoys exceptional relations with donors because of guilt regarding their inaction during the genocide is widespread in the literature and in policy circles. To assess this myth, the article first looks at aid trends for Rwanda and comparable countries, and then takes an in-depth look at aid relations with two average-size donors: Canada and the Netherlands. It demonstrates that Rwanda is not as exceptional as claimed, but instead should be considered one amongst a group of exceptional cooperation partners. The article further highlights that donors operated informally immediately following the genocide, but soon renormalized aid relations, and that there has always been a complex set of rationales determining donor behaviour regarding Rwanda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently released documentation has for the first time made it possible to describe the organizational evolution of strategic intelligence assessment in Canada. During the 60-year period surveyed in this article, the analytical groups involved in strategic assessment and the interdepartmental intelligence committee structure underwent a number of changes. These were almost invariably incremental steps—shaped by bureaucratic factors and resource constraints—rather than initiatives guided by a broader vision of the role of intelligence assessment in support of Canadian foreign and defence policy. This organizational study provides the foundation for long-overdue research into the foreign intelligence function in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As Canada prepared to host the 2010 Vancouver Winter Olympic Games, a sporting spectacle whose central ideological purpose historically has been the promotion of peace and international goodwill, its government continued its controversial war in Afghanistan where Canadian Armed Forces had been engaged since 2001 and whose presence there was increasingly becoming mired under allegations of complicity in the torture of Afghan detainees. Drawing on Judith Butler's post-9/11 work on framing and the differential rendering of some (but not all) lives as both precarious and grievable, we critically examine what came to be the intersection of the 2010 Games and the government of Canada's attempts to neutralize the detainee-transfer crisis that was set to engulf the country's political and military leaders. Both the 2010 Winter Olympic Games and Canada's Olympic Torch resolution would be politically manoeuvred to address this crisis as part of the government's broader framing strategies associated with its enduring detainee crisis and war in Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As climate change continues to melt Arctic sea-ice, the Northwest Passage will likely see more international cargo shipments in the future. Since China is the world's largest trading and shipping state, a significant portion of that traffic can be expected to involve Chinese companies. For this reason, it is widely assumed that China will eventually side with the United States in its longstanding dispute with Canada about the legal status of the Northwest Passage and assert that the waterway constitutes an "international strait". This assumption may prove to be incorrect as China has practical and legally strategic reasons to side with Canada, especially because of similarities between the Northwest Passage and the Qiongzhou Strait. This article thus suggests it may be mutually beneficial for both Canada and China to recognize each other's "internal waters" positions in these two waterways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 2015 election campaign, the opposition Liberal party pledged that if elected, it would re-establish diplomatic relations with Iran, which had been suspended in 2012 by the Conservative government of Prime Minister Stephen Harper. The Liberals won a majority, and subsequently tried to act on that promise. In June 2018, however, they suspended these efforts. Four factors explain this outcome: the legacy of hard-line Conservative policies against Iran, especially the Justice for Victims of Terrorism Act; the complex politics of consular cases; growing opposition within the Liberal party; and the reality that the issue was not a priority for either Canada or Iran. This outcome is costly: not having an embassy in Tehran prevents Ottawa from achieving some interests in the Middle East. This article, based on more than 20 interviews with officials involved in Iran policy between 2006 and 2018, explains how this outcome came about, and with what consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]