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Public discourse has become more polarized, especially when it comes to moral issues. Moral issues related to gender and sexuality—particularly concerning children—are politically fraught. To assess the extent to which ideologies about gender and parenting are polarized, we interviewed eighty-five gender activists from diverse political orientations. Surprisingly, we found some convergence in how activists on the political left and right discussed gender and parenting. Specifically, those on the right endorsed some traditionally progressive ideas, including that girls should be able to play with "boy toys" and to aspire to traditionally male pursuits. Meanwhile, in affirming children's right to express their gender identity, those on the left treated gender identity as innate, an idea traditionally associated with conservatives, while saying little about sexism. These similarities, notwithstanding, we also found important differences between how these two groups discussed gender socialization. We discuss the implications of these different approaches and how caregivers and other adults can reconcile a commitment to affirming children's gender identity while also addressing gender inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decades of evidence point to the vital role of parents in shaping their children's partisan leanings, particularly concerning mainstream parties. And yet the contours of intergenerational influence remain quite obscured. For instance, scholars disagree on when social learning in the household occurs (childhood vs adolescence) and about who is the dominant socializer (mother vs father). Data from a long-term German household panel survey allow for a fine-grained examination of intergenerational influence processes over time. We model the partisan preferences of 18-year-olds as a function of their mothers' and fathers' own contemporaneous and past partisan preferences. Our intergenerational inquiry reveals that mothers dominate socialization during childhood while influence in late adolescence is more evenly distributed between mothers and fathers. We also find that mothers have an advantage over fathers in communicating center-left party preferences. These findings have implications for our understanding of socialization, partisanship, and democratic stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thousands of children and youth across the country took to the streets for two weeks in spring 1947 to protest a three-cent increase in the price of chocolate bars. The protest initially generated enthusiastic press coverage and had widespread popular support, but when the National Federation of Labor Youth (nfly), the Communist Party's youth organization, announced its support, anti-communists in the press and the community red-baited the protesters. The campaign quickly lost momentum, which anti-communists attributed to the presence of Communists but was more likely due to their own red-baiting attacks in the press. Some of these protests were spontaneous reactions to a 40 per cent increase in the price of candy bars, while others were led or inspired by nfly. Either way, the countrywide mobilization of thousands of children and youth marks a turning point in the history of Canada's left. Erupting in tandem with a nationwide strike of industrial workers and protests of activist consumers demanding greater economic security and a more responsive state, the children's chocolate bar protest provides a window on this critical moment in the class struggle. The attacks on this popular protest at the moment that the long run of community-based militancy was about to be demonized, delegitimated, and silenced by red-baiting marks a significant milestone in Canada's Cold War. In addition to adding the youngsters' challenge to capital and the state to the history of the popular left, the event contributes to the growing literature on children and youth engaged in political protest, while their creative protest strategies offer a youthful dimension to the study of performance activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The beliefs and behaviors of U.S. adults are increasingly sorted and polarized along partisan lines. We draw on studies of partisanship and social identity formation to argue that children develop partisanship as a social identity during the political socialization process. For a group of children, their partisan social identity produces an affective (and largely negative) evaluation of the political world. Analyzing survey data collected from 1500+ children ages 6–12 in 2017 and 2018, we show that some children develop a partisan identity as they learn about politics that operates similarly to other social identities like gender and race. Children's partisanship is associated with negative affective evaluations of politics, particularly leaders of the other political party. Using an innovative measurement tool, we show affective, negative reactions in children's open-ended responses, including when they are asked to draw a political leader. Other children simply learn about politics without developing partisan identities and thus hold more positive affective evaluations of the political system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article explores the political resonance of the child figure in J. M. Coetzee's writing by linking the two child characters in his fictional memoir Boyhood (1997) and his recent fiction The Childhood of Jesus (2013). Mirroring some recurring themes and motifs in Coetzee's early novels, the trope of childhood and the issue of education, as I observe, have become increasingly important, since the late and post-apartheid era, in the author's ongoing critique of colonialist and neocolonialist forms of power. This article will discuss the ideological dimension and the subversive potentiality embedded in this particular literary trope through the concept of political 'nonposition'. Developed by Coetzee himself in his critical essays and often associated with the trope of the child, the notion of 'nonposition' is significant to understand Coetzee's novelistic discourse as a form of non-sectarian political participation. Tracing Coetzee's Australian-phase writing back to post-apartheid South Africa, this article also illuminates part of a continuous trajectory in Coetzee's oeuvre that will shed light on the politics of his highly self-reflexive metafictional literary practice in general, which has been substantially informed by South African history and politics preceding his emigration to Australia and the development of his late style. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to debates on identification, home and belonging by focusing on EU children in Brexit times.1 The article combines attention to the emotional and affective side of integration with a focus on the effects of the discursive practices of the state on these processes. The article explores how Italian children and their parents navigate the increasingly neo‐assimilationist pressures in Britain. Specifically, it looks at children's ways of accommodating their parents' values of mobility, multilingualism and transnationalism with the revived nationalist logic now dominant. The article argues for renewed scrutiny into the role of public discourses on migrants' experiences, which illuminate the redrawing of the boundaries between inclusion and exclusion at moments of crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses various issues on peace and the politics of childhood in the late Cold War as referred to the case of Samantha Smith, a U.S. schoolgirl, peace activist and child actress, who became famous during the Cold War between the U.S. and the Soviet Union when she got a reply to a letter she wrote to Yuri Andropov, general secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Smith, who accepted Andropov's invitation to visit the Soviet Union, together with her family, visited the country on July 7, 1983. The letter exchange between Smith and Andropov received a mixture of sympathy and derision from U.S. citizens. She became the focus for high-profile partisan debates over the arms race. Narratives about her life changed after she died in 1985.

Democracy is again under attack. Only a small minority, i.e. 19 out of 167 countries can be regarded as full democracies. This themed section with its six contributions is addressing the challenges from different angles: it starts with 'Deliberative Democracy in the Real World. The contribution of the capability approach' by Jean- Michel Bonvin, and is followed by György Széll's 'The Future of Cooperatives and Trade Unions: The Relevance for the Question of Democratization of Society'. 'Public Participation and the Politics of Humiliation' by Dasarath Chetty is the next one. Gloria Ostos conducts a case study of the application of the first international standard ISO 18091:2014 on Quality Management Systems in Local Government. Finally, Jo Morris-Ellis and Heinz Sünker address the issue of children politics, definitely the main issue for the future of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the early Frankfurt School through to the work of Manuel Castells, there has been a rich body of work on the cleavage between technological and social developments of the twentieth century in respect of the consequences for the constitution of subjectivity. However, little attention is paid to the role of children during their childhoods in attempts to bridge this gap beyond discussions about the democratic actors children will become when they are adults. This paper argues that only the full integration of children, during their childhoods, into democratic development of societies will prevent the deepening of the rift between technological and social progress. The paper traces the correspondence between the new childhood studies and those concepts of politics and politicisation which can support social progress towards an emancipatory social perspective undergirded by particular and democratisation of all areas of everyday life. Drawing on Bourdieu and ideas of participation as action, the paper critically examines the various mechanisms by which children are conventionally excluded from democratic participation and then explores how a deeper consideration of agency in childhood and social actorship opens up alternative mechanisms of inclusion and the concomitant expansion of the concept of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim is to study children’s politics by exploring how children relate to and rework positions and identities offered to them and others in a residential narrative of ‘Swedes’ and ‘immigrants’. Children’s politics is defined as children practising politics when negotiating and challenging positions and defending identities. The results are based on a reanalysis of two studies. The results show that participating children use the narrative, and to it connected stories about neighbourhoods, to position themselves and to negotiate exclusion, inclusion, identity and belonging. In relation to this they deal with political issues connected to national and global discourses that blame the category of ‘immigrants’ for being the cause of local and national problems. They also reflect on the positions and identities offered in the narrative and use tactics to manage the positions and their consequences. From this point of view, the children practise politics in their everyday lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his inspirational article titled ‘Bringing politics into the nursery’, Peter Moss argues for early childhood institutions to become places of ‘democratic political practice’. In this article, the authors add to Moss’s call and argue that these institutions are sites of ‘mundane political practice’, containing various attitudinal orientations and ideologies, and including many kinds of purposive activities. Recognizing different dimensions of political life in institutional spaces where children lead their lives requires a differentiation between two types of politics: first, official politics and policies that aim to institute certain ideals in early childhood education and care and, second, everyday politics unfolding in communities that involve people as political subjects from birth until death. When the latter is discussed in early childhood research, if at all, it is rarely identified in political terms, which the authors consider problematic. The lacking recognition of mundane politics denies important aspects of children’s agency, which is prejudicial in itself. Moreover, such ignorance may lead to unintended consequences in democratization processes, like the one suggested by Moss. Imposing political ideals without recognizing children’s existing political agencies carries a risk of interfering with their political lives so that some children may feel misrecognized or find their capacities to act hindered or their activities misunderstood. In order to avoid such outcomes, this article is an argument for research and pedagogies that acknowledge and scaffold children’s political agencies at large. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article analyses the possibilities of producing the common in school by the children. Schools have favoured the development of individualities centred on aims of self-realization and individual competitive performance. Beyond these identifications that secure personal interests and survival, the conviviality with the others in school poses demands that allow for children's mobilization in the construction of collective senses, actions, territories and social spaces. In the present work, the issue of the break-time constitutes the dispositif whereby children institute, however ephemerally and punctually, singular points of view on their particular gerational position in school. We discuss the results of an empirical research carried out in a municipal school in Rio de Janeiro and argue for the "public voice of children" in their process of collectively engaging to recreate the school context. We conclude considering the relevance of bridging the distance between the fields of politics and childhood as it seems necessary to give an answer to the question about what childhood has to do with democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article interrogates childhood politics through a case study of voluntary sector responses to benefit sanctions in the UK. This article explores the absent 'voices' of children in this resistance and considers, in contrast, the possibilities of engaging with children's perspectives in political endeavours. We argue for the importance of moving away from both simple platitudes about listening to 'the voice of the child' and the political retreatism that results from a sole focus on the impossibilities of representation. Whilst aware of inevitable power relations between children and adults, we suggest 'solidarity' as an animating concept, emphasising attention to the processes whereby people are differently impoverished. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relations between those positioned as women and as children, and the political and intellectual consequences of how we conceptualise these connections, has received only scant attention. In this article we describe a symposium and on-going project which aim to bring together community-based and academic scholars to debate the intersections and perceived antagonisms between various forms of feminism and the politics of childhood. We trace how these intersections have been debated in the literature and outline the potential benefits and pitfalls of encouraging further connections between these fields. Drawing on our symposium experience, we also outline the challenges involved in bringing together academic and community-based scholars and activists, and consider the implications for similar future endeavours. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study investigates the intensity and nature of children’s political interest based on an ontogenetic theory of interest development. It examines concepts of politics, the degree of general and issue interest, as well as the reasons why children develop political interest. The sample consists of 594 primary and secondary pupils aged 8 to 12 years. A combination of questionnaires and drawing tasks were used to evaluate the children’s interest in politics. The findings demonstrate a high and consistent degree of political interest. Some topics (e.g., war) stand out to be of particular interest to the children. Topic interest is stimulated either by a topic’s perceived relevance or by its attention-drawing potential. Differences among the children suggest that influences on the development of political interest take effect already in childhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study looks at the question of which domain-specific concepts regarding politics children already understand and to what extent a naïve theory of politics can be postulated. It shows that even children in first grade have political knowledge that becomes increasingly differentiated throughout their time in elementary school. Fourth graders’ knowledge is more elaborate than that of first graders. The migrant background of children has a negative influence on political knowledge. No gender-specific differences in knowledge are found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The gender gap is one of the main puzzles explored in research on political knowledge. Studies on children have shown that this phenomenon takes root in childhood. Girls score lower than boys on knowledge tests, despite cultural developments promoting greater gender equality. How can the gender gap in children’s political knowledge be explained? This article examines the leading explanations for the gender gap found in the literature in light of the results of an original empirical study conducted with French children in primary school. It suggests that the gender gap in children’s political knowledge does not mainly result from either specific social inequalities or methodological bias, although the study does find that question-answering behavior differs between boys and girls. Rather, the gender gap appears to primarily result from socialization. Children progressively develop different perceptions of politics according to their gender, as well as different approaches to knowledge tests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how and why political knowledge varies among young children. The data of the empirical analyses are adapted from the German study “Learning to Live Democracy” and consists of a three-wave panel of 431 young children who were interviewed at the beginning and at the end of their first school year, as well as at the end of their fourth school year. The empirical results show that political knowledge among young children is not equally distributed. Girls, children from Turkish families and/or those from areas with a low socioeconomic status show a tendency to be less politically knowledgeable than boys, children from native German families and/or those from areas with a higher socioeconomic status. These differences do not disappear during the first years in school. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the question of children’s relations to the political order. More precisely, it examines the empirical question of children’s appropriation of the left/right cleavage. To do so, we conducted a 2-year study (2010-2012), in two primary schools in Paris, with 336 children aged between 7 and 10 years. This article is based on the analysis of the questionnaire that was administered to all the children at the beginning of the second year, before the beginning of the presidential campaign of 2012. Starting with what could have been taken for survey bias—children preferring “the right” because they are right-handers—we argue that this misunderstanding is indeed meaningful and can be very useful, theoretically and methodologically. It helps us demonstrate that politicization is based on symbolic logics of transposition from one practical domain (the use of the body) to another (politics). On the basis of this misunderstanding, we construct an indicator of the degree of politicization, which allows us to demonstrate that these general symbolic logics are themselves dependent on social logics (of gender and class in particular) that make this transposition more or less difficult, and to occur more or less early. Regarding the qualitative analysis of the open-ended questions for the significations of “right” and “left”, we finally identify four main lexicons of explanation for this dichotomy (corporeal, nominal/descriptive, affective/moral, and argumentative). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue overcomes the still existing reservations to analyze children’s perspectives on politics and society. Dealing with different topics, research questions, and new data, the articles provide new insights and open the discussion for questions of children’s involvement in civil society. The findings of these articles should be relevant for all researchers of childhood sociology, for civic educationalists and students of political learning and behavior. Questions investigated are, among others, how do children think about politics, democracy, and society? How do they express their political attitudes? What do children’s political orientations and behavior look like? How politically knowledgeable are they and what are the reasons for between-group differences? What are important democratic learning contexts and factors that shape these orientations? And, last but not least, what methods can we use to analyze children’s political involvement in an adequate manner? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study investigates the intensity and nature of children’s political interest based on an ontogenetic theory of interest development. It examines concepts of politics, the degree of general and issue interest, as well as the reasons why children develop political interest. The sample consists of 594 primary and secondary pupils aged 8 to 12 years. A combination of questionnaires and drawing tasks were used to evaluate the children’s interest in politics. The findings demonstrate a high and consistent degree of political interest. Some topics (e.g., war) stand out to be of particular interest to the children. Topic interest is stimulated either by a topic’s perceived relevance or by its attention-drawing potential. Differences among the children suggest that influences on the development of political interest take effect already in childhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although John Locke's educational curriculum has traditionally been seen to aim at creating free citizens capable of independent thought, the centrality of habituation to his pedagogy has recently raised concerns that the Education is no more than “indoctrination” for compliant subjects. I argue here that by re-examining habituation in light of Locke's epistemology, we find that Locke's education does aim at freedom, but that this freedom requires a strong will and a cultivated skepticism. The habits which Locke asks parents to instill are aimed not at programming specific behavior and opinions, but rather at training children to “cross their desires” to strengthen their wills against the impositions of nature, custom, and fashion, which Locke argues pose an far more serious threat to independent thought than parental discipline. Locke's education aims to cultivate a skeptical mental disposition that permits individuals to resist these other sources of habit and to continually question and revise their own convictions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Between 1959 and 1962, children played a highly visible role in the dramatic realignment of revolutionary Cuba’s diplomatic relations. This article demonstrates that Fidel Castro’s government consistently deployed discourses and images of childhood as well as actual children within a broader campaign to liberate themselves from U.S. domination even as it sought to strengthen ties between Cuba, the U.S.S.R. and the socialist world. At the same time, the Castro regime also made use child-centered images, texts and speeches in order to negotiate the contradictions between the Revolution’s claims to have fulfilled the islands’ long-frustrated aspirations towards national sovereignty even as it sought to justify its reinvention as “la niña adorada del mundo socialista,” dependent for its survival on the protection and largesse of the Soviet Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2008, Zimbabwe had its 7th General election in its 32 year old independence which was marked by political polarisation. Some areas were characterised by allday political campaigns while others were defined by serious mistrust and suspicion. This discussion looks at the victimisation of children during this era of political polarisation with spe-cific focus on the province of Mashonaland Central. This is coming against a background where traditionally in the Shona culture; it is taboo to involve children in social and political conflicts. Mashonaland Central province has traditionally been one of the strong-holds of Party X, which has however been infiltrated by the opposition Party Y during the mid-2000s period. The nature of the political polarisation had been structured in a way whereby the youth members of Party X would identify and dissuade all members and sympathisers of the opposition parties as a way of keeping them away from their polling stations. The gravity of polarisation had reached alarming levels that even children had either joined in or watched their family members being politicised despite the presence of taboos that were expected to restrain people's behaviour. This paper is an extract from a PhD research1 conducted in Mazowe and Shamva districts on post-independence conflict resolution using taboos as a model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An abstract of the study "Politics and paediatrics. Breaking connections, creating boundaries" by A. McDonald et al. is presented.

How can the desired culture of a dictatorial system be transmitted from one generation to another? The focus of dictators on children could be an answer. Factually in such a system, children are located in a value system which teaches them what to do or what not to do in purpose of being good for the political system since the very beginning of their lives. In Iran, the traditional educational system teaches children to act as adults; people who are able to discern which action is bad and which is good. The exceptions are usually the ones who deconstruct the cultural/political structure and begin to resist based on their agencies. In the present paper, we argue the process of education (formal and informal) in Iran based on two sets of material cultural remains. The first is the Qajar (nineteenth- and early twentieth-century photos of children) and the second is the school compositions of 19 students found in the bag of a teacher who died in the devastating earthquake of Bam in 2003, in South Eastern Iran. The bag was found during a contemporary archaeological project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The childrens/youth magazines published in the wake of the Greek Civil War (1946-1949) pose questions with regard to the notion of homeland as part of identity and subjectivity. The paper analyzes material from two such magazines: ... (Eaglets), published outside Greece (1949-1953) after the expatriation of communists at the end of the Civil War and intended for the little emigrant Greeks," and ... (Childtown) (later to be renamed To ..., The Child's Home,) (1950-1969), published in Greece but addressing the residents of Childtowns, special institutions set up by the Queen of Greece, so as to preserve the "Right" Greekness. The analysis points out that in Eaglets, the cultivation of a new collective consciousness, internalization of communist tenets, and admiration of the Soviet Union and communist leaders were formative features of the notion of homeland. By contrast, in Childtown, homeland was constructed as an agricultural nation-state, where future citizens would ideally work towards reconstruction and pay tribute to religion, family, and the king. Yet together the two magazines enacted a change in the conception of the place of rural children, who were formerly working hands within the context of the family and became social capital in the service of an overarching institution of the party and the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article gives an overview of the work of the Education and Culture Committee of the Scottish Parliament from September 2013 to January 2014. Topics discussed include the Children and Young People Bill in Scotland, the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), and committee members including Liz Smith, George Adam, and Clare Adamson.

Traditionally, research on political preference has primarily focused on adults within their local political context. This research attempts to show that the perceived political preference of children is part of their national identity, and encompasses not only local politics but also the global and regional discourse. The present study surveyed 1187 Palestinian adolescents attending school, grades 5–7, in the West Bank to examine whether children's future political party preference is grounded in local/global discourse. The findings revealed a discrepancy between participants' perceptions of the local dominant political party and their projected political party preferences. This research argues that political party preference is facilitated through the transcendence of national identity embedded in children's geopolitical agency. The significance of the findings emphasizes that territorial boundaries are artificial; therefore, children's geopolitical agency is impacted by extraterritorial discourse and is able to transcend the local and regional context into a global politics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The topic of this article is how preschool teachers understand democracy and the significance of this for children's democratic participation in kindergarten. The data set consists of 15 interviews with 32 preschool teachers. The preschool teachers refer to three different ways of understanding democracy when they talk about how they work to facilitate children's contribution in developing a democratic practice. In the article, I argue that the reference to deliberative democracy represents a higher potential than the two others because it make it possible for children to get valuable experiences taking part in the kindergarten community. The aim of this study is to contribute to the discussions about what kind of conditions have to be present in order to strengthen the kindergarten as a democratic forum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines recent debates about extending the right to vote to children and youth under the age of 18. It uses postmodern political theory to argue that concerns about children's insufficient capabilities and potential to harm themselves and others are unfounded, and that, except in the earliest years, the right to vote for minors would promote the full and just functioning of democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1989 when the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) came into existence children officially became right holders. This article reviews States Parties' reporting on Article 38 of the CRC to test how far the reporting guidelines have been fully met by the States Parties' reports to the Committee on the Rights of the Child. The first section analyses the adequacy and the depth of the reports submitted by the States Parties' up to the 44th session of the Committee (January 2007). The second examines and evaluates the Committee's use of List of Issues and its Concluding Observations. The third examines the relationship between the reporting performance and the geographical region, income level and regime type of the States Parties to the CRC. The fourth focuses on States Parties that have experienced war/conflict over the past years and have a well established record of use of child soldiers either in government or nongovernmental militia groups. The fifth concludes that States Parties have provided the Committee with poor, inadequate or no reporting on article 38, despite its significance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This review essay covers a decade of scholarship developed by geographers who engage with children, young people and politics. It first outlines the boundaries within which the review was conducted. It then sets the scene of the starting points in 2003 of the when and where of the scholarship of children's and young people's political geographies. Section 3 provides focus on a wide range of contributions made in order to stake a claim within the wider discipline of Geography and explores the connections made with, and conceptions drawn from, feminist geography. Section 4 examines the ways in which the field has been expanded through conceptualisation and deconstruction of taken-for-granted approaches. Here, the intellectual value of reconsiderations or innovations of the concepts of scale, child and childhood, politics, agency, articulation, geopolitics and critical geopolitics are excavated and explicated. The paper ends with concluding thoughts and pointers towards the next decade of youthful political geographies and provides an extensive reference list covering a wide range of work on the subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on how politics is entangled in how public space is used and perceived by children. By using teenage girls' use of a park as an example, it is argued that children are political agents who construct, perform and embody their political subjectivities through the spaces of their everyday lives. They are active and participatory political agents, but they communicate their political selves differently from adults. There is a time-spatial aspect in how identity takes shape and politics is practised, as it is not only through intense social interactions that politics is performed but also through spaces of solitude and reflection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the ways in which Palestinian children variously perform and transform the discourse of trauma and the aesthetic of suffering that have come to dominate representations of Palestinian childhood and the Palestinian struggle in general. It is argued that everyday beauty in the lives of Palestinian refugee children, as found in mundane spaces and enacted through interpersonal relationships, constitutes an aesthetic disruption to the dominant representation of trauma as put forward by international humanitarian aid organisations and development agencies. Far from being restricted to the immediacy of everyday spaces and interactions, however, everyday beauty is located within wider national and religious geographical imaginaries, and likewise forms the basis of critiques of social and political injustice, and demands for a more just and equitable future. It is argued that children enact an everyday Islamic ethic of beauty as part of a wider political demand for life itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]