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This article studies the Chilean social uprising of 2019 using the power cages theory. By mobilizing enormous amounts of disruptive power in the streets through varied protest tactics, ordinary Chileans challenged the economic and political power cages that regulated their daily lives. The uprising also reshaped affective power, broadening horizontal identities and solidarity feelings among popular sectors, women, and protestors, and eroding affective ties between elites and non-elites. The interactions between disruptive and affective power forced political elites to enter in a constitutional process now underway that may reorder power cages in the decades to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

This article explores the role of art interventions in mobilisations unleashed in Chile in October 2019, situating them in the urban fabric of one of the most segregated cities in the world: Santiago. Understood as an uprising against the precarity of life imposed by the neoliberal state, this social explosion devised creative and expressive strategies to disrupt the daily flow of ingrained normative structures, and questioned its longstanding legitimacy in shaping the city's neoliberal layout. In this text, we first focus on the ways this spring of protest overflowed the genealogies that cross art, politics and public space on the local scene, opening up vanishing points between a certain tradition of politicisation of public art with solid roots in Latin American territory, on the one hand, and a more recent history of aestheticisation of urban protest that finds a crucial milestone in the playful resources of the student protests of 2011, on the other. From an interdisciplinary approach, we examine diverse art interventions that vindicated the urban space as a territory of public expression and political imagination to conceive a new constituent process. In this work, we sustain that these exercises reclaiming citizenship operated as 'strategies of estrangement', shedding light on how the neoliberal infrastructure of the city has naturalised inequality, social insecurity and segregation. By way of conclusion, we cross-examine the possibilities that aesthetic experience can offer for social and political resistance against neoliberal normalcy, and a common ground to explore alternative visions of futurity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Besides large-scale rallies on the streets, the Chilean estallido social that commenced in October 2019, was noteworthy by the sudden emergence throughout the country of local-based and largely improvised instances of direct citizen participation, known as cabildos. Adopting multiple formats, cabildos invited people to meet and discuss a wide variety of public issues. Emerging at a moment in which national authorities agreed to hold a referendum to replace the country's constitution, cabildos were considered a blueprint for the mechanism needed to integrate vast sectors of the population to deliberate on constitutional matters. This article explores such hypotheses, using analytic tools from science and technology studies, and based on a sample of cabildos held between October and November 2019. By focusing on issues such as materials involved in cabildos, the experience they formatted and the publics that emerged through them, we aim to show that cabildos could not be seen merely as a novel instrument for citizen deliberation. On the contrary, we sustain they represented a particular kind of citizen-led democratic experience; one on which the multiple paradoxes characterising post-authoritarian Chilean society are fairly evident. To properly become a basis for further democratisation, it is concluded, cabildos should be reflexively intervened, looking to strengthen its deliberative potential while controlling its antipolitical bias. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

This article seeks to contribute to the study of the 1970s dictatorships in Argentina, Chile and Uruguay by looking at one specific aspect of those regimes: exile. It considers exile in the UK, a host country on which research is limited, and claims that the fundamental political ideas that had inspired these exiles did not vanish but were variously reshaped, depending on changing political circumstances, how the exiles interacted with local forms of solidarity, and how they lived through the personal challenges that they experienced during exile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

In October 2019, Santiago de Chile became the epicenter of a violent and massive protest against social inequality. Known as the Estallido Social (the Social Unrest), Chileans took to the streets seeking to dismantle the pervasive social and economic system inherited from Augusto Pinochet's regime established half a century ago. Drawing from participant observations and interviews conducted during the protest, this essay examines the multiple efforts developed by scholars to document the vast repertoire of material generated during Santiago's demonstrations (e.g. graffiti, signs, flags, testimonies, and merchandise). In doing so, I aim to situate the Estallido Social within the recent efforts deployed by museums, archives, and libraries to capture the changing nature and manifestations of global protests in the past few years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

In 1964, to head off the victory of Dr. Salvador Allende's leftist coalition, the U.S. State Department secretly contributed millions to the presidential campaign of Chile's Christian Democratic candidate, Eduardo Frei Montalva. Simultaneously, under the assumption that economic development could prevent Marxist revolution, Chile became Latin America's highest per capita recipient of Alliance for Progress funds. But U.S. support came at a cost. President Frei's subsequent debt of loyalty to Washington undermined his reformist policies to such a degree that Chileans who had elected him with the only landslide majority in Chile's history began to distrust him. During that same period, university students founded Chile's Movement of the Revolutionary Left, remembered by its acronym, MIR. This paper uses primary sources to argue that MIR's call to armed rebellion owed much of its passion and intensity to the failures of Christian Democratic reform and to the perception that Frei's government amounted to little more than a proxy for U.S. imperialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Taylor & Francis Ltd) is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.) more...

The article focuses on underground media, the old underground media, and the dominant media's coverage on political contexts. It informs about the Renato Dennis' Cordones Audiovisuale, and Teleanalisis, and the rise in the development of alternative media in Chile. It also reveals about the role of the mainstream media, and its coverage on political happenings. more...

This article explores the way in which Missing (una investigación) plays with the limits between fiction and non-fiction in dealing with two of the most prominent issues of the politico-historical Chilean context of the twentieth century: exile and disappearance. It does so through a close reading of the novel's narrative form and its relationship to the context that the novel addresses. It attempts to demonstrate that, despite its setting outside Chile and an author who is apparently not interested in ideological debates, the novel is charged with local Chilean socio-political issues inherited from the second half of the twentieth century and presents us with an alternative approach to those issues, as well a problematic reading of them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

This article takes existing histories of Chilean transnational anti-communist activity in the 1970s beyond Operation Condor (the Latin American military states' covert transnational anti-communist intelligence and operations system) by asking how the Pinochet dictatorship responded to two key changes in the international system towards the end of that decade: the Carter presidency and introduction of the human rights policy, and the shift of the epicentre of the Cold War in Latin America to Central America. It shows how both Salvadoreans and Chileans understood the Pinochet dictatorship as a distinct model of anti-communist governance, applicable far beyond Chile's own borders. This study of Chilean foreign policy in El Salvador contributes to new histories of the Latin American Extreme Right and to new understandings of the inter-American system and the international history of the conflicts in Central America in the late 1970s and the 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

By the end of the nineteenth century, railway expansion had led to the formation of a technocratic bureaucracy in Chile and other countries in Latin America. Central to this formation were the engineers who oversaw and regulated both public and private railways. Recently, historians have begun to re-examine engineers' roles in this period. By employing methods and theoretical framings from the history of technology, this article argues that engineering was an important framework through which state–capital relations evolved, making engineers pivotal actors in the evolution of political economy at the time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

How do citizens decide who to vote for in an election? Traditional answers focus on the role of political knowledge, party identification, and evaluations of the past performance of governments as explanatory variables. In this study we evaluate an alternative argument: the role of emotions. Using data from a survey carried out following the Chilean general elections of December 2017, this article investigates the association of emotions with the vote for Sebastián Piñera, and how emotions interact with other relevant factors that correlate with the vote. We conclude that in Chile, together with party identification and the evaluation of past governments, the emotions aroused by candidates are strongly associated with the voting decision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Economic crises during Chile's civic–military dictatorship (1973–90) forced a growing number of people onto the streets, including women who commuted from peripheral neighbourhoods to beg in downtown Santiago. Under military rule, impoverished women in public spaces became a police problem. Despite their constant presence on the streets throughout the twentieth century, Chile's begging laws were rarely applied to women, except for a brief period under Pinochet, when begging emerged as a female crime in Santiago. This paper examines female begging and the policing of female begging, revealing both to be framed as a defence of the family. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Chile is living a constitutional moment, and the achievement of parity democracy might be part of it. The constitutional roadmap includes a plebiscite where citizens will decide whether they want a new constitution. The plebiscite was to be held in April 2020 but, due to the COVID-19 emergency, it had to be rescheduled to take place in October this year. If the option for a new constitution wins, a constituent body must be elected. To ensure parity in that election, a group of feminist political scientists and a cross-party alliance of women deputies drafted a parity bill that was approved by the Chamber of Deputies in December 2019, and is now being discussed in the Senate. If the bill is passed in its current terms, the new Chilean Constitution will be the first constitution ever written by an equal number of men and women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

»Gesundheit, Bildung und Allgemeine Wehrpflicht: Chilenische Sozialpolitik und das Militär in der zweiten Hälfte des 19. und frühen 20. Jahrhunderts «. The following article argues that young physicians working as army doctors played an important role in the development of public health and social policy ideas in Chile, proposing a number of social policy measures. Their experience in the armed forces provided them with deep insights into the health conditions and education of the less privileged Chileans, some of which raised serious concerns. The War of the Pacific served to heighten the doctor's awareness that inertia on part of the Chilean state in all matters concerning health and education set the Chilean army, and by extension the country, at a great disadvantage. Here, the examples of Imperial Germany as well as other European countries were also important. Finally, the article revises some of the arguments used in Chile in favor of universal military service that were closely connected to social policy issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Although sociological research has examined the reproduction of Chile's elites, there is little empirical evidence of how different forms of capital operate among them. Using datasets for members of the Chilean political elite from 1990 to 2010, this country note examines and measures the effect of political, social, and cultural capital on the access of certain individuals to strategic positions in the political field, comparing the legislative and executive branches as represented by deputies and ministers. The empirical analysis includes logit models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Copyright of Historia 396 is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Valparaiso, Instituto de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.) more...

Conventional wisdom has proclaimed Chile's recent economic development a 'free market miracle'. In an examination of Chile's export diversification experience, this article departs from that view. By analysing the dynamics underlying the emergence of the salmon, fruit, forestry and wine sectors in Chile's export basket since the 1960s, the study sheds light on the crucial role of industrial policy in the process of capability accumulation that shapes new industries. The article undertakes a qualitative historical analysis of the scope and nature of policy interventions in each of the four sectors and conducts a quantitative policy evaluation using the difference‐in‐difference method. It finds that public institutions are essential in overcoming market failures inhibiting the emergence of new industries. Specifically, it shows that the government has a key role to play as a catalyst of human capital accumulation, as a venture capitalist, in trade promotion, and in ensuring 'national' sector reputation through a strong regulatory and quality control role. By elaborating on the dynamic process of structural transformation and capability accumulation, this article contributes to theoretical debates on the role of vertical policies in the emergence of new competitive sectors, and debates relating to static versus dynamic approaches to comparative advantage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Chile has been held up as a transitional justice success story. Emerging from a repressive dictatorship to democracy, it has made meaningful progress in grappling with brutal human rights violations through truth commissions and, more recently, criminal trials. Yet, the Chilean human rights prosecutions have a glaring hole. Courts have convicted scores of state agents for enforced disappearance, execution, and torture (or their equivalents in Chilean law at the time), but have failed to meaningfully address sexual violence crimes, even though almost all women detained by the regime were victims of some form of sexual violence, and many were raped. Recently, however, the issue seems to be gaining more judicial attention. This Article explores the question why it has taken so long for Chilean courts to reach the issue of dictatorship-era sexual violence. The reasons include the "pacted" Chilean transition, deficiencies in Chilean criminal law and procedures on sexual violence, lack of resources for sexual violence prosecutions, normalization of violence against women, and the reluctance of survivors to come forward when the likelihood of success was exceedingly low. The Article also examines the confluence of cultural and legal forces--perhaps most importantly, feminist mobilization and greater judicial openness to international norms--that have given rise to recent attempts to litigate sexual violence. Ultimately, it seeks to draw lessons from the Chilean transitional justice experience for future domestic prosecutions for sexual violence in the context of mass atrocities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

The article comparatively studies the installation of neoliberal projects in Chile and Mexico, as part of the process of change in capital reproduction patterns in the region, highlighting the dialogue between the global context and the particular political and economic dynamics. The comparison between the two cases allows understanding differences between the way in which these processes occur, such as the different rhythm and use of violence in the imposition of these projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

The purpose of this study is to inquire about elaboration and presentation of labor legislation projects by Federación Obrera de Chile (FOCh) to the National Congress, during year 1921. Presented projects: Labor Chambers, Conciliation Court and Industrial Socialization Contract. These sought to deliver a high decision-making power to workers in the regulation of labor relations and labor market. The projects combined corporatist and evolutionary socialist orientations, typical of the union and socialist thought of the Chilean labor movement of the time. The adoption of corporatist ideas constituted a pragmatic and defensive option on the part of the socialist FOCh, in view of the reactionary situation that weakened the workers' movement. However, the ambiguity of such ideas favored the visibility of sectors within the FOCh that proclaimed themselves defenders of an evolutionary socialism that on several occasions became indistinguishable from corporatism. The FOCh hoped that under a political climate favorable to social reform, Congress would approve the bills. On the contrary, these were rejected by the oligarchic parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

In the political history of Chile, the process leading to the coup d'état in 1973 is explained by the widespread assumption of the political polarization of society that required "recourse to the military as guarantors of democracy." In this work, based on the distinction between polarization and politicization, we seek to answer to what extent does the ideological polarization manifested at the elite level during 1970 illustrate the political-ideological positioning of the masses in Chile? that is, for the period prior to the coup d'état in Chile, were the citizens polarized ideologically as were the party elites? These questions are answered from the survey data periodically carried out by the sociologist Eduardo Hamuy during 1970 and 1973. The data are analyzed from the arrival to the presidency of Salvador Allende in 1970 until the months before his overthrow. Finally, it is concluded that although politicization was high, there was no polarization at the level of Chilean citizenship. At the same time, there is a predominant rejection of the relevance of a military government for Chile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

The Marxist theories of dependence (TMD) emerged in the second half of the 1960s in the framework of the debate on the possibilities of autonomous development in Latin America, with Ruy Mauro Marini as one of its main representatives. These theories were a center of irradiation for many debates, as well as an object of numerous critiques. In this article, we will review the critiques developed by Agustín Cueva, who questioned the lack of articulation of structural analysis with that of the class struggle in these theories. We will discuss this thesis through a case study, analyzing the articulation of structural and super-structural dimensions in the writings on Chile by Ruy Mauro Marini, in order to show the dialectical character of these analyzes. In turn, we will try to show how they complement their structural theoretical studies, applying their concepts in the examination of concrete historical situations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

In the 1950s and 1960s, the U.S. government paid the economics department at the University of Chicago, known for its advocacy of free markets and monetarism, to train Chilean graduate students. These students became known as the "Chicago Boys," who implemented the first and most famous neoliberal experiment in Chile after 1973. Peruvian, Mexican, and other Latin American economics students followed a similar path and advocated a turn to neoliberal policies in their own countries. The Chicago Boys narrative has become an origin story for global neoliberalism. However, the focus on this narrative has obscured other transnational networks whose ideas possess certain superficial, but misleading, similarities with neoliberalism. I examine Chilean and Peruvian engagements with Yugoslavia's unique form of socialism, its worker self-management socialism, which was part of a worldwide discussion of anti-authoritarian socialism. I first introduce the Yugoslav socialist model that inspired those in Chile and Peru. I then examine socialist discussions in Chile and Peru that called for decentralized, democratic socialism and looked to Yugoslavia for advice. I conclude by examining the 1990s postponement of socialism in the name of a very narrow democracy and realization of neoliberalism. The Chicago Boys story assumes the easy global victory of neoliberalism and erases what was at stake in the 1988–1994 period: radically democratic socialism on a global scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

This article discusses the reactions of governments and political leaders around the world to the victory of Salvador Allende in the Chilean presidential election of 1970—reactions that were shaped by a combination of ideological considerations, the diplomatic interests of particular states in the context of the Cold War, and an image of Chilean democratic exceptionalism purveyed by Chilean diplomats and largely assumed by a surprising number of people abroad. Reactions to Allende's victory in 1970 reflected the ideological divisions in Chilean politics as well as the tensions and anxieties of an international order that was then beginning to experience a series of significant changes as a result of the East-West détente. Paradoxically, Allende's ideological foreign policy, one of the main reasons for which his election was both dreaded and welcomed in different parts of the world, foretold some of the changes that would take place in the international system in the 1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

This article examines the policies of Warsaw Pact countries toward Chile from 1964, when Eduardo Frei was elected Chilean president, until 1973, when Frei's successor, Salvador Allende, was removed in a military coup. The article traces the role of the Soviet Union and East European countries in the ensuing international campaign raised in support of Chile's left wing, most notably in support of the Chilean Communist Party leader Luis Corvalán. The account here adds to the existing historiography of this momentous ten-year period in Chile's history, one marked by two democratic presidential elections, the growing covert intervention of both Washington and Moscow in Chile's politics, mass strikes and popular unrest against Allende's government, a violent military coup, and intense political repression in the coup's aftermath. The article gives particular weight to the role of the East European countries in advancing the interests of the Soviet bloc in South America. By consulting a wide array of declassified documents in East European capitals and in Santiago, this article helps to explain why Soviet and East European leaders attached great importance to Chile and why they ultimately were unable to develop more comprehensive political, economic, and cultural relations with that South American country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

After Iosif Stalin's death in 1953, the Soviet Union emerged from its isolation and began to show an interest in traditionally marginalized foreign societies. As the example of the Chilean-Soviet rapprochement under Eduardo Frei's administration (1964–1970) shows, Soviet leaders viewed state-to-state relations with "progressive" Latin American regimes as an appropriate means of undermining U.S. influence in the region without risking an armed confrontation with "imperialism." The reformist project of the Chilean Christian Democratic government, which included a diplomatic opening to the Soviet bloc, provided a testing ground for the suitability of Moscow's new global approach. The surge of cultural and political exchanges indicate that the Soviet authorities were keenly interested in the Chilean experience. In addition, the considerable growth of travel and official missions beyond the Iron Curtain also demonstrates that Santiago wished to benefit by diversifying its international partners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

The article discusses the adoption of kabbalistic discourses by the far-right political figures Julio Meinvielle and Miguel Serrano Fernández in Argentina and Chile, respectively. Topics include esoteric ideas promoted by Serrano, neo-Nazi aspects of Serrano's thought in relation to his interpretation of Judaism, and the notion of heresy in Meinvielle's thought. more...

The last book by the Chilean writer Pedro Lemebel (1952-2015) is entitled Mi Amiga Gladys (2016), a production entirely dedicated to his friend Gladys Marín (1938-2005). To date, this work has attracted little attention from academia, perhaps due to its apparently less confrontational discourse, one of the common characteristics of Lemebel's previous works. However, this essay proposes that Lemebel's last book in fact reveals a political statement, yet disguised as an intimate/sensitive declaration. This element would reflect a literary strategy employed by the writer, possibly aiming at eliciting a sympathetic response from the reader, by appealing to his/her emotions. By drawing on Affect theory, this essay argues that Lemebel's personal/emotional stories with Gladys aim at recuperating her legacy, highlighting his friend's social commitment and spirit of resistance. His contribution is indeed relevant to Chilean culture, as Lemebel views Chile's recent past, so arguably conflicted and fragmented in its post-dictatorship period (from 1990 onwards). This study aims at being an innovative contribution to Lemebel's studies, as it approaches his political discourse from an affective perspective, possibly establishing an original model for future analyses of his work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

The research studies the moral foundations related to the support or rejection of the Chilean Student Movement MECh, during the manifestations of 2011 (N=170). According to the factorial analysis – exploratory and confirmatory-, the foundations of Justice/cheating, harm/care, authority/subversion, and sanctity/degradation behaved consistently with the theory; but loyalty/betrayal was divided in two values: patriotism and loyalty. justice/cheating and harm/care were associated with the political left and the support to the movement. Patriotism, authority/subversion, and sanctity/degradation were associated with the right and the rejection to the movement. A structural equation model reveals that harm/care was directly related to the support to movement; while justice/cheating and authority/subversion was mediated by political orientation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

This article analyses the early Chilean State experience in the management of its flag-carrying airline, Línea Aérea Nacional. Drawing on Línea Aérea Nacional documents as well as newspapers, laws, and parliamentary debates, the article reconstructs the development of the company between 1929 and 1945. The central argument of this article is that, although Línea Aérea Nacional was created as an instrumental State-owned enterprise to ensure national sovereignty, the airline lived through three stages, each one of them dependent on the economic policy priorities of the different governments. The first stage started with Línea Aérea Nacional's initial activities; the second stage covers the period 1932–40 and was characterised by a financial and operational crisis. During the third stage (1941 onwards) a scheme of long-lasting State financing was granted. It allowed Línea Aérea Nacional to renew its fleet, expand – nationally and internationally – its routes, and improve its financial and operational outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Many governments that have implemented performance budgeting systems have followed a centralized, top‐down approach that makes them foreign to the needs of line ministries. In this study, the author analyzes the case of Chile, which despite its top‐down approach, is often regarded as successful. Our findings suggest that while top‐down performance budgeting systems often fail to meet the needs of individual ministries and are prone to principal‐agent issues, under certain conditions—such as involving third‐party experts and having a professional civil service—the performance information from those systems might still be useful and/or might generate positive spillovers for line ministries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

The push to make governments more transparent extends worldwide, as transparency is expected to boost citizens' trust in government and participation in public affairs. Recent transparency laws and open-government initiatives have encouraged local governments to share more information with their constituents. A growing number of recent studies have investigated the drivers of local governments' transparency, but have not yet addressed the role of higher levels of government in making local governments more transparent. In light of implementation scholarship arguing the success of centrally designed programs is a function of higher-level involvement, this study contributes to the transparency literature by approaching local governments' transparency as an intergovernmental implementation process. We assess the explanatory power of two central government strategies: enforcement mechanisms and central government guidance on Chilean municipalities' transparency levels. Results show that both types of central government strategies can have a substantial impact on transparency over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Literature on informal political institutions has focused on the national level, disregarding sub-national contexts where one can expect increased informality. This article analyzes locally allocated Chilean public investment to understand how informal institutions affect regional development and local democracy. Based on 59 interviews with key stakeholders and national authorities, this research analyses the flow of the decision-making process on funds for regional investment. The results show that local bureaucrats introduce innovations to cope with the weaknesses of formal decision-making regulations, and that these may become informal institutions that complement or accommodate the process to obtain the outcomes expected under the formal rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

The study of collaborative networks in the public sector has been mostly approached from structural and managerial perspectives. Cultural dimensions, however, have not been sufficiently studied. Drawing in a cognitive approach of culture, this article studies how emerging cultural constructs shape the operation of a municipal association in Chile. The study relies on 48 semi-structured interviews and the review of archival data coming from network meetings. The data analysis reveals that cultural constructs shape network operations by predisposing members to interact in certain ways. These ways of operation demonstrate functional and non-functional effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Taylor & Francis Ltd) is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.) more...