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Conservatives are often blamed for spreading misinformation, but it is unclear whether certain situations trigger them and, if so, why. The authors examine situations that are politically polarized, meaning the topic and/or its framing conveys conflict, discord, or disagreement between the two main political parties (conservatives and liberals). The authors study whether conservatives react to polarized situations by spreading ingroup-skewed political misinformation that is objectively inaccurate but not necessarily understood to be false and whether liberals are less reactive. Using a multimethod approach, the authors conduct six studies, including analyses of statements by public figures and speeches by U.S. presidents, as well as controlled experiments. The results indicate that in polarized situations, conservatives' need for ingroup dominance is elevated, so they convey more misinformation than liberals. In less polarized situations, conservatives' need for ingroup dominance is tempered, reducing their misinformation conveyance. These findings suggest that misinformation should not be blamed solely on the individual trait of conservativism, as polarized situations exaggerate conservative motives and behaviors. While news media, social media, political figures, and others may be incentivized to emphasize political polarization to gain audiences and bolster engagement, the resulting misinformation harms truth, trust, and democracy. Possible remedies include improved fact-checking and media literacy education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contemporary culture, digital content like social media videos and TV series shape social perceptions, sometimes with negative impacts, particularly in countries like Brazil. The series The Good Doctor exemplifies this, with an episode exploring sexuality and diversity through the lens of an autistic doctor. The character’s rigid belief in binary sexes (XX and XY) and his ignorance of conditions like Klinefelter’s and Morris syndromes reflect a narrow perspective. A confrontational dialog highlights his lack of empathy, which contrasts with his efforts to challenge autism stigmas. Conservative groups exploited this episode to align with radical narratives perpetuating LGBTQIA+ stigmas, despite the character’s ignorance being unintentional. The discovery of testicular cancer in a transgender patient challenges the simplistic view of transgender identities and underscores their complexity. In Brazil, a country with high LGBTQIA+ violence, the use of this video by conservative and religious groups is alarming and contradicts principles of compassion central to Christianity. Addressing such issues requires a deeper understanding of the autistic spectrum and fostering empathy for sexual diversity, promoting social justice and harmony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Incremental energy minimization is revisited as a method of determining an incremental solution for rate-independent dissipative solids undergoing isothermal quasi-static deformation. The incremental minimization is applied to the total internal energy of the compound thermodynamic system that consists of a deforming body with internal variables, a conservative loading device, and an ambient heat reservoir. It is shown that the difference between the virtual and actual dissipation rates plays a fundamental role in this minimization, which is related to thermodynamic extremal principles of local and global type. The analysis is carried out within the gradient plasticity framework with the energetic forces derived as the variational derivative of the Helmholtz free energy depending on the spatial gradient of arbitrary internal variables. Specifications are given for existing models of gradient plasticity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We investigate the uniqueness of global-in-time conservative weak solutions for the generalized two-component higher-order shallow water system on $ \mathbb R $. The proof strategy relies on characteristics. Given a conservative weak solution, we introduce the characteristic equation to uniquely determine a characteristic curve through each initial point, transforming the Eulerian coordinate into a Lagrangian coordinate. We demonstrate that the Cauchy problem of the generalized two-component higher-order Camassa-Holm system, equipped with initial data $ z_0 = (u_0, \rho_0)\in (H^2(\mathbb R)\cap W^{2, p}(\mathbb R))\times(L^2(\mathbb R)\cap L^\infty(\mathbb R)) $, has a unique global conservative weak solution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the 2019 European Parliament (EP) elections, the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) party grouping experienced a major change in its representation and leadership, with the wholescale departure of its core British Conservative MEPs as a consequence of Brexit. Not for the first time, the ECR was written off by some commentators as merely another transient ‘Eurosceptic’ faction, with even its new, post-2019 party president, Georgia Meloni, representing the historically fascist Brothers of Italy (FdI). So which ECR featured in the 2019–2024 parliamentary session – the natural heirs of the mainstream British Conservatives or a ‘radical right’ group with a now emphatically populist, nationalist tone? In this article, it is argued that the ninth session saw the ECR truly establish itself as an important and coherent parliamentary group in Strasbourg and Brussels, complete with staff and resources, ostensibly acting as a strong voice for conservatism in Europe. With large numbers of MEPs from Poland’s Law and Justice (PiS) party leading the grouping, there was also much continuity with ECR policies that were opposed to political ‘ever closer union’, in favour of the single market, and enthusiastic about the wider role of the United States (US) and North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) in international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phenomenon of mindset provides a lens to understand more clearly the reasons for, the timing of and the resulting transformation of the Anglican Communion (AC) of its schism. It has been transformed by the interaction between those of a strong conservative mindset and those of a strong progressive mindset. The former are now in schism with those who remain in the AC. The schism is usually explained in terms of opposing doctrinal beliefs and values, which is valid as far as it goes. More fundamental is mindset because it explains why people hold these beliefs and values, which determine how they interact in society. The schism of the AC is chosen as a context or case study to which the scientific research behind mindset is applied. However, it is something that is general and fundamental, which operates in society for both the religious and secular domains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on Russia's conservative turn focuses on the state program to embed conservative values in a top-down process of narrative construction that links shared history, lived experiences, and events. Relying on the unique LegitRuss survey evidence collected in 2021, we complement this research by exploring how values-based cleavages structure Russian society, bind distinct social groups, and reflect congruence between the Kremlin's conservative messaging and popular political attitudes. The results show that values do define groups in society and that conservatives constitute a majority in Russian society. Yet, state conservatives are internally divided around a spectrum of conservative beliefs, and only one-third adhere to the Kremlin's ideal conservative type. While this core is an important tool for Kremlin efforts to control society, project support, and manufacture electoral majorities, it reflects the limits authoritarians face when they try to impose a unitary set of national values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A great deal of ink has been spilled trying to define political conservatism. Yet, far too many of these definitions have failed to isolate a unified and distinctive set of normative commitments that conservatives can be said to share. This has led some critics to allege that the view has no definition. In this paper, I show that there are in fact two perfectly comprehensible conceptions of the theory that meet these criteria. However, I argue that, given some fairly uncontroversial facts about human institutions, neither version represents a believable political philosophy. I conclude that there are legitimate and distinctive conservative political reasons, but that any attempt to describe these as our sole or primary political reasons is doomed to fail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is the second in the series celebrating the mathematical works of Professor Themba Dube. In this sequel, we give prominence to Dube’s pivotal contributions on point free convergence at the unstructured frame level, in the category of locales, and on his noteworthy conceptions on extensions and frame quotients. We distill and draw attention to particular studies of Dube on filters and his novel characterizations of certain conservative pointfree properties by filter and ultrafilter convergence, notably normality, almost realcompactness, and pseudocompactness. We also feature Dube’s joint work on convergence and clustering of filters in Loc and coconvergence and coclustering of ideals in the category Frm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines how media acquisitions by corporate conglomerates influence the political slant of Australian newspapers. Using a comprehensive measure based on the language of over 30 million news articles from more than 200 newspapers, we analyze the impact of three major acquisitions between 2016 and 2019. Employing a synthetic difference-in-differences approach, we find that acquisitions can significantly shift newspapers' political slant, with effects varying by acquiring entity. News Corp's 2016 acquisition led to a marked conservative shift in newspapers it already owned, while subsequent acquisitions by Nine Entertainment and the acquisition of Australian Community Media by Antony Catalano and Alex Waislitz resulted in shifts away from conservative slant in acquired newspapers. Our results provide evidence for the importance of supply-side factors in determining media slant, particularly in an era of increasing media ownership concentration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We consider the Sprott cubic conservative jerk differential equation x... − a (1 − x 2) x + x 2 ẋ = 0 , with a ∈ ℝ. It is known that this differential equation exhibits chaotic motion for some values of the parameter a. Here, we study when this differential equation has no chaotic motion, i.e. when it has first integrals, and then we describe its dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the outcome of the 2024 British general election signalled a resounding repudiation of the incumbent government—returning a 231‐seat swing from the Conservatives to Labour—it did not radically overturn the geography of electoral outcomes in England and Wales. Indeed, demographic predictors of party vote for parliamentary constituencies at the aggregate level mostly represented a continuation of recent trends. With the Conservative Party's vote collapsing most in areas where it started highest—and where the Leave vote had been highest in 2016—Labour secured shock victories in relatively affluent parts of southern England as well as retaking all the ‘red wall’ constituencies in northern England that it lost in 2019, despite its national vote share only increasing slightly. This represented the other end of the ‘realignment’ observed in 2019: as the electoral tide went out on the Conservatives, the relative weakening of their support in areas with graduates, middle class professionals and mortgage holders came home to roost. The election exposed a fragmented and marginal map, bequeathing a fragile electoral future, despite the Starmer government's large parliamentary majority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT This paper investigates the stability and stabilization problems of fractional‐order systems with distributed delays (FOSDDs). Firstly, with the frequency sweeping technique and generalized Kalman‐Yakubovicˇ$$ \overset{\check{} }{\mathrm{c}} $$‐Popov (KYP) lemma, a novel stability condition for FOSDDs is proposed. Secondly, based on the proposed stability condition, a robust stability condition for the uncertain FOSDDs with norm‐bounded uncertainties is derived. Thirdly, based on the proposed robust stability condition, a novel stabilization condition for the uncertain FOSDDs with norm‐bounded uncertainties is obtained. Finally, several numerical examples are provided to show the effectiveness of the proposed results. Moreover, in the numerical examples, the comparison of the proposed results with the existing results for FOSDDs is shown to demonstrate that the obtained results are less conservative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The morphology and number of elements in the Early Triassic conodont apparatus of the genus Hindeodus, particularly Hindeodus parvus (Kozur and Pjatakova, 1976), still remain controversial. In order to shed light on the apparatus composition of this iconic genus, here we report two well-preserved conodont natural assemblages of Hindeodus from the base of Member I of the Feixianguan Formation (Induan, lower Griesbachian, in age) at Shangsi section, Sichuan Province, Southwest China. These two natural assemblages preserve direct evidence of the number, morphology, and arrangement of elements in the apparatus of Hindeodus, and in particular H. parvus. The apparatus of H. parvus consists of six morphotype elements with S, M, and P positions, showing the typical ozarkodinid 15-element arrangement. The S1-S4 array comprises a set of nine ramiform elements: a crown-shaped alate element without a 'posterior' process situated at the S0 position, two inner pairs of digyrate elements positioned at the S1–2 positions, and two outer pairs of bipennate elements located at the S3 and S4 locations. A pair of dolabrate elements occupy the M position outside the S array. The paired P1 and P2 positions are occupied by carminiscaphate and angulate elements, respectively. The 15-element apparatus architecture for the genus, resembles the well-known template of ozarkodinid model, further indicating the conservative architecture of the apparatus in Order Ozarkodinida spanning more than 250 million years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we are concerned with a class of conservative systems including asymmetric exclusion processes and zero-range processes as examples, where some particles are initially placed on N positions. A particle jumps from a position to another at a rate depending on the coordinates of these two positions and the number of particles on these two positions. We show that the hydrodynamic limit of our model is driven by a nonlinear function-valued ordinary differential equation which is consistent with a mean field analysis. Furthermore, in the case where the number of particles on all positions are bounded by K < + ∞ , we show that the fluctuation of our model is driven by a generalized Ornstein–Uhlenbeck process. A crucial step in the proofs of our main results is to show that the number of particles on different positions are approximately independent by utilizing a graphical method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "North-West Drift: Foreign Policy of the right-wing Argentine President Milei" in the magazine WeltTrends describes the right-wing conservative and ultra-liberal policies of President Javier Milei, which have led to a strong alignment of Argentina with the USA and Israel. Milei is pursuing a ruthless austerity policy and has implemented drastic measures such as the privatization of state-owned companies. His foreign policy is in contrast to the center-left governments before him and has led to a profound change in Argentina's international relations. [Extracted from the article]

Effective methods for determining the boundary of the normal class are very useful for detecting anomalies in commercial or security applications—a problem known as anomaly detection. This contribution proposes a nonparametric frontier-based classification (NPFC) method for anomaly detection. By relaxing the commonly used convexity assumption in the literature, a nonconvex-NPFC method is constructed and the nonconvex nonparametric frontier turns out to provide a more conservative boundary enveloping the normal class. By reflecting on the monotonic relation between the characteristic variables and the membership, the proposed NPFC method is in a more general form since both input-like and output-like characteristic variables are incorporated. In addition, by allowing some of the training observations to be misclassified, the convex- and nonconvex-NPFC methods are extended from a hard nonparametric frontier to a soft one, which also provides a more conservative boundary enclosing the normal class. Both simulation studies and a real-life data set are used to evaluate and compare the proposed NPFC methods to some well-established methods in the literature. The results show that the proposed NPFC methods have competitive classification performance and have consistent advantages in detecting abnormal samples, especially the nonconvex-NPFC methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the titling process of John Dos Passos's U.S.A. trilogy (1938), focusing on the striking title the author discarded at the last moment: "Course of Empire." Through its allusions and associations, this previously unexamined working title constitutes an implicit critique of US imperialism, a thematic element that Dos Passos evidently saw as central to his novelistic project. Yet when the final decision drew close, he changed his mind, instead opting for a title that would cause the overall work to be regarded as a national epic. Examining the decision in its 1937 context, which saw Dos Passos cast into ideological crisis, I attribute the rejection of "Course of Empire" in favor of U.S.A. to the author's well-known political shift. In the end, the choice of title was successful insofar as it allowed Dos Passos to continue championing the trilogy even as he turned conservative, rather than having to disavow it as a product of his younger, radical self. But while its title made the work easier to canonize, it also softened its sharp edge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, the mass conservative characteristic finite difference scheme for 2-d advection diffusion equations is analyzed. Firstly, along x -direction, we obtain the solutions { U ˜ i , j n } by applying the piecewise parabolic method (PPM) on the Lagrangian grid where x ¯ is solved using the first-order Runge Kutta scheme. Secondly, the mass M ¯ i , j n over Ω ¯ i , j (t n) are solved by the PPM scheme along y -direction. Finally, the local conservative characteristic finite difference scheme is constructed. By some auxiliary lemmas, we prove our scheme is stable and obtain the optimal error estimate. Our scheme is proved to be of second order convergence in space and of first order in time. Numerical experiments are used to verify the theoretical analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While right-wing populists are typically antagonizing the ethnic Other, there are situations where select ethnic minority groups are depicted in a more favourable light or even incorporated among the People the right-wing populists claim to represent. This article aims to uncover, how right-wing populists utilize storytelling to create a favourable association between the conservative values of an ethnic minority and the anti-gender and xenophobic discourse of the far right. Focused on the Estonian right-wing populist party EKRE, we introduce the concept of assiminationalism to explain, how the party negotiates its nativist and xenophobic stances towards the Russian minority with the mutual conservative values and aversion toward gendered and racialized minorities. Even the seemingly more inclusionary stories are told primarily from the vantage point of prioritizing the majority rights, by creating in-group and inter-group hierarchies, appealing to a sense of shame and yearning to belong among the Russian minority, and by depoliticizing cultural rights issues. This suggests that while the rhetoric of right-wing populists regarding specific ethnic minorities may become more moderate, it does not entail a clean break with their nativist and xenophobic past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studii de Ştiintă şi Cultură is the property of Studii de Stiinta si Cultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There was no federal election in 2023 but change seemed to be in the air, as the official opposition Conservatives, under their new leader, made major gains in the polls and took a significant lead over the Liberals. Controversy over foreign interference in Canadian politics generated controversy, and foreign policy issues had an uncharacteristic impact on Canadian politics. The Liberal government responded with a major Cabinet shuffle, while by‐elections left the party positions in the House of Commons essentially unchanged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, we propose a conservative and compact finite difference scheme designed to preserve both the mass change rate and energy for solving the sixth-order Boussinesq equation with surface tension. Theoretical analysis confirms that the proposed scheme achieves second-order accuracy in temporal discretization and fourth-order accuracy in spatial discretization. The solvability, convergence, and stability of the difference scheme are rigorously established through the application of the discrete energy method. Additionally, a series of numerical experiments are conducted to illustrate the effectiveness and reliability of the conservative scheme for long-time simulations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Question (1669-6581) is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Following its defeat at the 2024 general election, the Conservative Party will likely look for lessons either in its past—specifically its successful response to Labour's landslide victory in 1945—or from sister parties overseas, notably the Australian Liberal Party. The article argues that Britain and the Conservative Party have changed so fundamentally since the end of the World War Two—and indeed since 1997—to make any comparison meaningless. Highlighting the growing ‘Australianisation’ of British and especially Tory politics in the last three decades, it suggests instead that the Conservative Party would be better looking ‘down under’ for a guide on how to respond, even though critical differences remain between the two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2024 general election represented a remarkable comeback for the Liberal Democrats. Less than a decade on from the coalition and the 2015 election debacle, Sir Ed Davey's party reclaimed third‐party status in the House of Commons with seventy‐two MPs—the largest total for the Liberal Democrats or their Liberal Party predecessors since the 1920s. This article explores how Davey's disciplined campaign strategy enabled the Liberal Democrats to make sweeping gains from the Conservatives across southern England on an even bigger scale than in 1997. A clear anti‐Conservative stance, combined with an upbeat national campaign focussed on social care and sewage, helped the Liberal Democrats to attract a broad swathe of floating and tactical voters in seats where the party was best placed to beat the Tories, though its performance outside these constituencies was much weaker. After a long period focussed on electoral survival, Davey now has a golden opportunity to re‐establish the Liberal Democrats as a parliamentary force and to articulate a broader liberal policy agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is concerned with sampled-data synchronization problem of heterogeneous delays inertial neural networks (INNs) with generally uncertain semi-Markovian (GUSM) jumping. Different from traditional Markovian inertial neural networks (MINNs), the INNs with GUSM are investigated in this paper by fully considering the sojourn time and the lacking transition rates, which is more general and applicable for practical system. The new extended two-sided looped-functional (ETSLF) approach is adopted in this paper, and some improved less conservative criteria are derived to achieve the synchronization of the drive and response INNs. The controller gain matrices are acquired based on synchronization criteria. Finally, the viability of the method is presented through three examples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women were identified as key targets in the 2024 British general election. There was much speculation as to whether ‘Whitby’ or ‘Waitrose’ women would swing the result for Labour. This interest in women voters stemmed, at least partially, from the fact that the 2017 and 2019 British general elections were the first where a modern gender gap—a greater proportion of women voting Labour than men and a greater proportion of men voting Conservative than women—was evident in the UK. This article assesses whether the parties’ attempts to target women voters were successful and whether a modern gender gap was a feature of the 2024 general election. Moving beyond analysis of the traditional two largest parties and their associated gender gaps, it is discussed how the gender gap in the UK might be changing as the party system fragments, with a smaller Labour‐Conservative gap, but a large left‐right gap persisting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Liberals and conservatives both express political animosity and favouritism. However, less is known about whether the same or different factors contribute to this phenomenon among liberals and conservatives. We test three different relationships that could emerge among cognitive ability, cognitive reflection and political group‐based attitudes. Analysing two nationally representative surveys of US Americans (N = 9035) containing a measure of cognitive ability, we find evidence that compared to people lower in cognitive ability, people higher in cognitive ability express more animosity towards ideologically discordant groups and more favouritism towards ideologically concordant groups. This pattern was particularly pronounced among liberals. In a registered report study, we then test whether the same is true of cognitive reflection in another large dataset (N = 3498). In contrast to cognitive ability, we find no relationship between cognitive reflection, political animosity and favouritism. Together, these studies provide a comprehensive test of how cognitive ability and cognitive reflection are related to political animosity and favouritism for liberals and conservatives in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We consider the Shortest Odd Path problem, where given an undirected graph G , a weight function on its edges, and two vertices s and t in G , the aim is to find an (s , t) -path with odd length and, among all such paths, of minimum weight. For the case when the weight function is conservative, i.e., when every cycle has non-negative total weight, the complexity of the Shortest Odd Path problem had been open for 20 years, and was recently shown to be NP -hard. We give a polynomial-time algorithm for the special case when the weight function is conservative and the set E − of negative-weight edges forms a single tree. Our algorithm exploits the strong connection between Shortest Odd Path and the problem of finding two internally vertex-disjoint paths between two terminals in an undirected edge-weighted graph. It also relies on solving an intermediary problem variant called Shortest Parity-Constrained Odd Path where for certain edges we have parity constraints on their position along the path. Also, we exhibit two FPT algorithms for solving Shortest Odd Path. The first FPT algorithm is parameterized by | E − | , the number of negative edges, or more generally, by the maximum size of a matching in the subgraph of G spanned by E − , when the weight function is conservative. Our second FPT algorithm is parameterized by the treewidth of G , and the algorithm does not rely on conservativeness. • The problem with conservative weights and negative edges forming a tree is in P. • FPT algorithm with parameter the number of negative edges (conservativeness assumed). • FPT algorithm with parameter treewidth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, the prescribed‐time consensus problem of multi‐agent systems with finite control gain is investigated. A novel control Lyapunov function (CLF) framework for prescribed‐time stability is developed by using the time space deformation approach. For both leaderless and leader‐following prescribed‐time consensus, new switching time‐varying gain‐based protocols are proposed, in which, the infinite time‐varying control gain is turned off before the prescribed time and the global boundedness of control gain is thus guaranteed. It is mathematically proved that the agents equipped with the proposed protocols can achieve less conservative prescribed‐time consensus in both leaderless cases and leader‐following cases, on the basis of the developed CLF framework. The superiority of the proposed prescribed‐time protocols in terms of consensus accuracy, control energy consumption, and control peak value is demonstrated through comparison simulations using illustrative examples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes a critical narrative analysis of the way recent Conservative leaders have used storytelling to talk about themselves and reinforce their political ethos during the annual party conferences. We will use David Cameron's transformative tenure as a starting point, as he tried to usher in a new Conservative creed, more compassionate and voluntarily different from Thatcherism. We will then see how his successors have also resorted to narratives to establish a strong political ethos. The main objective of the article is to examine the evolution of the image of the Conservative leader and to assess the role storytelling has played in this important communicational process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Kolmogorov–Smirnov (KS) test is widely employed to assess the goodness-of-fit of a hypothesized continuous distribution to a sample. Despite its popularity, the test is frequently misused in the literature and practice. While originally intended for independent, continuous data with precisely specified hypothesized distributions, it is erroneously applied to scenarios with dependent, discrete, or rounded data, with hypothesized distributions requiring estimated parameters. For example, it has been "discovered" multiple times that the test is too conservative when the hypothesized distribution has parameters that need to be estimated. We demonstrate misuses of the one-sample KS test in three scenarios through simulation studies: (a) the hypothesized distribution has unspecified parameters; (b) the data are serially dependent; and (c) a combination of the first two scenarios. For each scenario, we provide remedies for practical applications using appropriate bootstrap approaches. The whole demonstration can be used as hands-on education materials on both goodness-of-fit tests and bootstrap. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For solving the time fractional conservation laws with discontinuous solutions such as shock waves, current feasible methods are the implicit finite-volume TVD schemes that employ the Lax-Friedrichs fluxes corrected by the limited slopes. However, the schemes are hard to implement when the fractional order α is close to zero since in their implementation there are still no efficient methods to solve the strongly nonlinear spacial discrete systems at discrete times. We, aiming at increasing the implementation efficiency of the schemes above, develop two multigrid methods to solve these nonlinear spacial discrete systems. Numerical tests show that both multigrid methods have good convergence for relatively larger α , and the second one has an advantage in that its convergence is affected slightly when the order α decreases to zero. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Received wisdom suggests that a conservative, even sentimental Royal Navy clung to the battleship long after it ceased to have any strategic rationale; that the battleship finally disappeared due to its vulnerability; and that its withdrawal was imposed on a reluctant admiralty by more enlightened politicians. This article challenges each of these assertions to argue that the admiralty in fact had a reasoned case for temporarily retaining battleships; they departed because other capabilities could better perform their role; and the admiralty actively developed these replacements, while rapidly shrinking and retiring its battleship fleet in the face of some political resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building on research on cultural threat‐induced polarization, we investigate the effect of the individual‐level salience of cultural threats on polarization between social liberals and conservatives. In a unique survey experiment conducted with 129,000 respondents nested in 208 regions in 27 European Union (EU) member states, we manipulate the presence of two cultural threats, women's rights, and refugee immigration, to test their polarizing effects on social liberals' and social conservatives' support for traditional values. We find that priming the threat of refugee immigration polarizes conservatives and liberals equally. Yet, introducing the salience of women's rights leads to lower preferences for traditional values, particularly among more liberal respondents. Our findings demonstrate: 1) the study of backlash should distinguish individuals by their predisposition to backlash, rather than studying the population as a whole; and 2) social conservatives' backlash should be studied conjointly with social liberals' counter‐reactions to backlash. Future research may investigate why different cultural threats provoke different reactions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we examine the relationships between racial resentment and use of partisan media in the U.S. Our paper first examines the correlation between these two variables then tries to assess whether there are over-time relationships between them. Our paper first establishes that racial resentment is indeed associated with higher levels of using conservative media and lower levels of using liberal media. We then examine whether people's level of racial resentment drives their use or avoidance of specific media content or if using these different outlets changes people's levels of racial resentment. We find some evidence that racial resentment tends to be associated with avoiding liberal media outlets. By contrast, racial resentment does not predict changes in conservative media use. Moreover, we do not find that media use affects racial resentment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing upon empirical evidence this article explains that, as the US-China Great Power Competition intensifies, New Zealand – a small state in the South Pacific – has shifted its view of Beijing from a potential security partner to a revisionist actor challenging the regional status quo and the international rules-based order that Wellington repeatedly declares is critical to its long-term security. China's rise and assertive behaviour is placing structural pressure on New Zealand to react and altered its threat assessment of Beijing. This article reveals this by detailing New Zealand's balancing strategy in the security domain vis-a-vis China from 2010. This includes an initial phase of pre-balancing through deepened ties with Washington, then transition to active balancing via acquisition of advanced aircraft, space co-operation, joint naval manoeuvres, and initiatives in the Pacific. A suite of new strategy documents released by the New Zealand government in August 2023 - and statements made by the new conservative National Party-led coalition government in 2024 - signals that balancing is set to continue and portends the rejuvenation of the NZ Defence Force (which has been neglected and under-resourced in recent times). New Zealand's potential membership of Pillar 2 of the AUKUS security pact is considered, and how Wellington is presently managing its relationships with the US and China within a broader asymmetric hedging strategy. The article concludes that if China's behaviour demonstrably changes, so too may Wellington's assessment of the China threat and, therefore, Wellington's response. It also outlines area where additional research could prove fruitful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper introduces two high-accuracy linearly implicit conservative schemes for solving the nonlocal Schrödinger equation, employing the extrapolation technique. These schemes are based on the generalized scalar auxiliary variable approach and the symplectic Runge–Kutta method. By integrating these advanced methods, the proposed schemes aim to significantly enhance computational accuracy and efficiency, while maintaining the essential conservative properties necessary for accurate physical modeling. This offers a structured approach to handle auxiliary variables, ensuring stability and conservation, while the symplectic Runge–Kutta method provides a robust framework with high accuracy. Together, these techniques offer a powerful and reliable approach for researchers dealing with complex quantum mechanical systems described by the nonlocal Schrödinger equation, ensuring both accuracy and stability in their numerical simulations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]