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Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The persistence of corruption in Malawi is well documented as are its heinous effects. Malawi's response to combating corruption has involved the adoption of legislation and the establishment of a dedicated agency for dealing with the vice. These efforts notwithstanding, the fight against corruption continues to be a lopsided undertaking with the country registering negligible commendable progress while reports of serious corrupt practices are a regular occurrence. Corruption in Malawi, arguably, has become systemic. Corruption seems particularly rife in the realm of public procurement. This paper posits that while the law may commonly be invoked in aid when tackling corruption, it is important to critically reflect on its contribution in fostering and/or enabling corruption. By specifically focusing on the law on public procurement, the paper demonstrates that this regime of law, by containing ambiguous terms, giving public officials broad discretion, conferring public officials with overboard freedom to create subsidiary legislation or regulations, creating burdensome processes, having lacunas in regulatory or administrative procedures, and giving certain groups preferential treatment during procurement processes motivates, enables and creates opportunities for corruption. As a possible solution, the paper proposes that Malawi should adopt corruption proofing of legislative enactments as an ex ante mechanism for dealing with corruption to supplement investigations and prosecutions, which are ex post facto procedures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article based on the analysis of scientific sources, outlines the features of the use of secret cooperation during the implementation of secret investigative (research) actions in criminal proceedings regarding corruption crimes. It has been established that this tool significantly increases the effectiveness of undercover investigative (search) actions, and the evidence obtained during the implementation of undercover investigative (search) actions in criminal proceedings of the specified category is often of key importance. It was determined that covert cooperation is usually used during the implementation of covert investigative (search) actions typical for the investigated category, in particular, a special investigative experiment (which is often carried out in combination with audio, video monitoring of a person or audio, video monitoring of a place); examination of publicly inaccessible places, housing or other property of a person; observation of a person, thing or place. It is emphasized that another form of confidential cooperation provided for in Art. 275 of the Criminal Procedure Code of Ukraine, namely, obtaining (and using) information from such persons, is appropriate for use not only during the conduct of all secret investigative (search) actions, without exception, but also during the conduct of other procedural actions within the framework of a pre-trial investigation. Attention is focused on certain problematic aspects of the use of secret cooperation during pre-trial investigation of corruption crimes, in particular, such as the need for clear legislative regulation of the involvement of so-called «other persons» in the conduct of secret investigative (research) actions; inadmissibility of disclosure of information about persons who carry out confidential cooperation; lack of a unified approach to using of the terms «unspoken cooperation» and «confidential cooperation», which is caused in particular by defects in the legislative regulation of this type of activity of law enforcement agencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The excessive utilization of cesarean section (CS) has become a global concern, given the potential short-term and long-term detrimental effects for mothers and infants. Worldwide, the rate of CS continues to rise, but efforts to curtail unnecessary CS procedures have yielded limited success. By combining data from three resources, this study aims to estimate the effects of anti-corruption campaigns under the Xi administration on CS rates. We focus on Shanxi Province, a major coal-producing province in north-central China, with notoriety for the collusion between local politicians and business elites. Using the data from the China Corruption Investigation Dataset and data from publicly listed firms between 2013 and 2016, we found that anti-corruption campaigns significantly changed the social environment as firms' business entertainment spending experienced substantial reductions. Using discharge records from 137 public hospitals, we adopted an instrumental variable (IV) approach and found that the anti-corruption campaigns led to significant reductions in unnecessary CS rates. The reductions are bigger among patients with second or later deliveries. We also find that the anti-corruption campaigns changed behaviors of attending and resident physicians. Our results provide insights into strategies to reduce corrupt practices within the healthcare sector and implementing interventions to minimize the occurrence of CS among healthy women and newborns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Are corruption trials that involve the highest ranks in the public sphere and large private companies biased against some groups? Existing research predominantly focuses on corruption prosecutions of politicians, leaving unresolved the extent to which judges apply differential treatment when convicting and sentencing the political class compared to other defendants, including those in the private sector. To address this gap, we investigate judicial bias within Brazil's famous “Operação Lava Jato,” the largest corruption investigation carried out in history. Leveraging an original database that traces the trajectory of the universe of the 3154 cases of Lava Jato, we show that judges' sentencing decisions were not governed by a partisan logic. Instead, judges were more inclined to impose longer prison times and higher fines to elected politicians when compared to all other defendants, particularly those from the private sector. We interpret these findings as evidence of antipolitical class bias. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fluorescent nanosensors are one of the most efficient techniques used for detection of toxic metal ions, based on ligand embedded into mesoporous materials. In this study, four different novel nanosensors NS1, NS2, NS3, and NS4 have been synthesized by incorporating fluorescent probes containing dihydropyridine and dihydropyrimidinone fragments into amino‐functionalized controllable (Ba0.8Sr0.2)CO3@Mesoporous silicate core/shell nanocomposite. The designed nanosensors were characterized by FT‐IR (Fourier‐transform infrared spectroscopy), X‐ray diffraction, transmission electron microscopy (TEM), and nitrogen adsorption–desorption isotherms. Visual naked‐eye observations and emission technique were employed to investigate the recognition and sensing capability of the investigated nanosensors toward various metal ions (Al3+, Cr3+, Mn2+, Fe3+, Co2+, Ni2+, and Cu2+). A great quenching in the fluorescence intensity was clearly observed with the majority of studied metal ions for all the nanosensors. The binding constants and limit of detection (LOD) have been calculated. Cu2+ is the strongest binded one with both NS1 and NS2, while Al3+ and Fe3+ are the strongest binded metal ions with NS3 and NS4, respectively. The obtained results confirmed the high ability of the nanosensors to detect heavy metals ions at environmentally relevant concentrations using simple and low‐cost experimental studies with good reversibility and reusability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the effectiveness of the anti-corruption policy, investigation and prosecution in Albania. Topics discussed include planning, coordination and monitoring of anti-corruption policies and risk management, anti-corruption public awareness and legal framework regarding corruption prevention bodies, conflicts of interest and whistleblower protection, framework for business integrity and regulatory mechanisms, and corporate liability in corruption cases.

The purpose of the article is to study the use of electronic search systems during the investigation of corruption crimes in the context of the balance of interests of criminal justice and ensuring guarantees of human rights and freedoms. Methodology. In the process of scientific research, the following methods were used: dialectical, logical, dogmatic, monographic, systemic and structural, comparative and legal, sociological, legal modelling. Research results. It was established that in accordance with the developed and tested methods investigators use various information systems when investigating on corruption crimes; the content and features of these schemes were studied. International documents establishing the limits of the possible use of artificial intelligence in criminal proceedings were considered. The decisions of the ECtHR on the need for a balanced approach to interference with privacy and delimitation of such interference, were studied. Practical implementation. The ways to achieve a balance of the interests of the parties in the criminal procedural legislation of European countries were investigated in order to implement their positive experience in Ukraine. Value/originality. The principles, on which the process of regulating the use of electronic search systems, databases, algorithms and artificial intelligence in the criminal procedural legislation of Ukraine should be based, are proposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Public Administration is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Corruption scandals and their investigation have been shown to undermine support not only for the allegedly involved public officials but also for political actors and institutions more generally. However, we know little about what happens when those investigations end up failing to result in punishments. Is citizens' trust in the legal authorities in charge of prosecuting and punishing corruption also undermined? Do those effects spill over to political actors, institutions, and even the political regime? We address these questions by taking advantage of an April 2021 judicial decision to drop corruption charges against former Portuguese Prime Minister José Sócrates during the fieldwork of a public opinion survey. We show that the decision had a substantial negative impact on public trust in the courts. Furthermore, although political trust was not immediately affected, its overall levels also became lower in comparison to periods before the judicial decision, suggesting a spillover effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This study aims to examine the connection between the integrity of records and the effectiveness of anti-corruption investigations. The objective is to determine how the quality of records affects the efficiency of anti-corruption investigations. Design/methodology/approach: This study uses a qualitative, exploratory case study approach, with data collected through interviews with 15 anti-corruption investigators in 2020 in Nigeria. The data were analysed using thematic analysis. Findings: The results indicate that the efficiency of anti-corruption investigations depends on the quality of the evidence. Proper recordkeeping, which maintains the integrity of records, is crucial for efficient anti-corruption investigations. Inadequate recordkeeping practices that do not adhere to the lifecycle concept are often driven by corruption and can significantly hinder the efficiency of anti-corruption investigations by causing delays in obtaining crucial evidence. Originality/value: From a records management perspective, this study highlights the impact of unreliable evidence on every corruption investigation effort and the motives behind rendering the process unproductive. Accountability forums must enforce adherence to proper recordkeeping procedures to ensure the desired investigative outcomes with minimal resources, time and effort to combat corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to determine the model of inter-institutional coordination in handling criminal acts of corruption (TIPIKOR), identify efforts to strengthen coordination between law enforcement institutions in handling corruption crimes, and identify inhibiting factors in the investigation of corruption cases. The study adopts a qualitative research approach using analytical descriptive analysis. The results of the study show that the coordination model between institutions is carried out in two directions: between the Government Internal Supervisory Apparatus (APIP) of the Ministry of Home Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia and the Law Enforcement Officials (APH), including the Police, Prosecutors Office, Courts, and Correctional Institutions. These entities are interrelated in the settlement of Corruption Crimes in Teluk Bintuni Regency, West Papua. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

THE PRESENT PAPER AIMS AT DEMONSTRATING THAT COVID-19 PANDEMIC, WHICH IMPACTED THE WORLDWIDE IN ALL ITS ASPECTS, WAS, IN FACT "AN UMBRELLA", WHICH THE CORRUPTION FOUND "FERTILE SOIL" TO FLOURISH. THIS WAS THE CASE, MAINLY OF THE CORRUPTION IN THE HEALTH SYSTEM, WHICH THROUGH THE ACQUISITIONS OF SO-CALLED COVID-19 MEDICAL PRODUCTS FOR PRICES WAY BEYOND USUAL LED TO ENRICHING SOME AND IMPOVERISHING OTHERS. THUS, THE AUTHORS BRING TO THE READERS' ATTENTION, THROUGH SOME OFFICIAL PUBLICATIONS, A REPORT OF TRANSPARENCY INTERNATIONAL, AN AGENCY INTENDED TO FIGHT CORRUPTION. AFTER DOING RESEARCH ON THE OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS, ON BOTH GOOD PRACTICES, ASSESSING THE RISKS OF CORRUPTION AND THE INVESTIGATION JOURNALISM, WE REACHED THE CONCLUSION THAT THE EMERGENCY DECLARED IN MARCH 2020 FACILITATED THE CORRUPTION, BOTH THE CORRUPTION AT POLITICAL LEVEL AS WELL AS THE PETTY CORRUPTION. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine the correlation between gender and bureaucratic corruption using two distinct datasets, from Italy and from China. In each case, we find that women are far less likely to be investigated for corruption than men. In our Italian data, female procurement officials are 22% less likely than men to be investigated for corruption by enforcement authorities; in China, female prefectural leaders are 81% less likely to be arrested for corruption than men. While these represent correlations (rather than definitive causal effects), both are very robust relationships, which survive the inclusion of fine-grained individual and geographic controls, and based on Oster's (2019. "Unobservable Selection and Coefficient Stability: Theory and Evidence," 37 Journal of Business & Economic Statistics 187–204.) test unlikely to be driven by unobservables. Using data from a survey of Italian procurement officials, we present tentative evidence on mechanism: the gender gap is partly due to women acting more "defensively" in administering their duties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public investigations can be important fact-finding mechanisms empowered to scrutinize instances of government corruption. But in the small states of the Anglophone Caribbean, the opposite is true, and these institutions can become political tools used to avoid accountability. By concentrating unchecked discretion in the prime minister, the Westminster system empowers governments in small states to establish controlled investigations lacking essential investigative powers. Meanwhile, the public's understanding of the resultant investigation can be influenced by a highly partisan media, largely controlled by the government. In such circumstances, public investigations can be used to insulate governments from accountability and allow corruption to go unpunished while giving the superficial appearance of transparency and accountability. These strategies were successfully used during the 1987 Nedd Investigation into alleged corruption surrounding the redevelopment of Antigua's airport in 1986. Manipulation of public investigations is another damaging consequence of the Westminster system being used in small, polarized states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the relationship between CEO overconfidence and bank recognition of loan-loss provisions (LLPs) and the effect of country corruption level on this relationship by analyzing cross-country data. We use a sample of 3,047 financial institutions in 53 different countries over 2013–2018. The results reveal that overconfident CEOs are more likely to recognize lower LLPs, suggesting that they overestimate (underestimate) favorable (unfavorable) outcomes of loan collection. Furthermore, we find that lower country-level corruption attenuates this relationship. We further show that overconfident CEOs reduce only the recognition of discretionary components of LLPs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuestiones Políticas is the property of Revista Cuestiones Politicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Under Xi Jinping, the Chinese Communist Party has dramatically expanded its use of inspections (巡视). Existing scholarship largely portrays inspections as an anti-corruption mechanism. However, based on an examination of hundreds of post-inspection reports from party organs, provincial and municipal governments, central state-owned enterprises, and other institutions, this article argues that while inspections initially focused on curbing corruption, in recent years the Xi administration has used them to advance a wide range of governance objectives. Besides curbing corruption, inspections also promote organizational management reforms, improve policy implementation, support party-building measures, and monitor loyalty to the party leadership. The article's findings help resolve a puzzle about the Xi era: how does the Xi administration simultaneously pursue both power centralization and more effective governance? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We report here a deep investigation into the effect of the concentration of a polymeric coating's functional groups on probe density immobilization with the aim of establishing the optimal formulation to be implemented in specific microarray applications. It is widely known that the ideal performance of a microarray strictly depends on the way probes are tethered to the surface since it influences the way they interact with the complementary target. The N, N-dimethylacrylamide-based polymeric coating introduced by our research group in 2004 has already proven to offer great flexibility for the customization of surface properties; here, we demonstrate that it also represents the perfect scaffold for the modulation of probe grafting. With this aim in mind, polymers with increasing concentrations of N-acryloyloxysuccinimide (NAS) were synthesized and the coating procedure optimized accordingly. These were then tested not only in DNA microarray assays, but also using protein probes (with different MWs) to establish which formulation improves the assay performance in specific applications. The flexibility of this polymeric platform allowed us also to investigate a different immobilization chemistry—specifically, click chemistry reactions, thanks to the insertion of azide groups into the polymer chains—and to evaluate possible differences generated by this modification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Internacional de Pensamiento Político is the property of Revista Internacional de Pensamiento Politico - Universidad Pablo de Olavide and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Kriminologisches Journal is the property of Julius Beltz GmbH & Co. KG Beltz Juventa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study assesses the impact of corruption on Nigeria's domestic savings. To this end, an ARDL technique was employed to analyze quarterly data for the 1996–2019 period. We find evidence of a long-term relationship between domestic savings and corruption (along with income growth, income level, inflation rate, deposit interest rate, unemployment rate including oil price). The empirical results indicate that lowering corruption level raises domestic savings over the long-term. Other important factors that drive domestic savings over the long-run in Nigeria are income level, deposit interest rate, inflation rate, unemployment rate as well as oil price. Having established the major factors that affect domestic savings, some recommendations are offered to encourage saving mobilization in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the construction of news reportage relating to normative breach. It analyses news stories on major corruption incidents involving embezzlement and the misuse of public funds by government officials in Uganda. The study employs a discourse analysis to explore how corruption is constructed and construed in the print media. It invokes Appraisal Theory to analyse hard news reports recounting corruption occurrences, proceedings or findings of commissions of inquiry into corruption incidents and arrests of suspects, public hearings and court proceedings of suspected corrupt persons across two daily newspapers published in English. The study explicates the nature of linguistic evaluative resources that news writers invoke to map feelings, and to evaluate news actors, processes and phenomena. The analysis reveals that news reporters heavily rely on external texts and voices to recount corruption stories. These sources are couched in legal language (legalese), which in turn impinges on the linguistic resources employed to evaluate news actors. Whereas this rhetorical strategy enables the news report to achieve 'objectivity', it appears to protect the journalist against defamation or slander. Appraisal analysis reveals dominant instances of negative inscriptions of the social sanction of propriety, namely overt negative evaluations of non-compliance with the civic responsibilities and state laws. The news reportage exhibits positive attributes of corrupt persons in relation to their material wealth and social capital. Finally, the study also reveals the journalistic stance towards corruption, which is covertly shown via modes of meaning intensification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]