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The article discusses the rich cosmopolitan history of Dakar, Senegal, highlighting its role in the Black Atlantic and ongoing cultural exchanges through mediums like media, music, and sports. It also discusses the visual portrayal of Sufi saints, especially Amadu Bamba, the significance of Pape Diop's graffiti in Dakar's urban landscape, and the role of baraka in shaping the city's social and spiritual life.

This article analyzes whether there is an inherent incompatibility between cosmopolitan democracy and radical and plural democracy or whether, on the contrary, it is possible that both proposals can find spaces for theoretical exchanges that allow articulating more democratic and inclusive responses to the challenges posed by globalization. On many occasions, processes linked to globalization has generated a certain «democratic emptying», by producing a loss of control of many political decisions, as well as questioning elements associated with representativeness, accountability or the legitimacy on which these decisions rest. All of this also reduces the degrees of autonomy and sovereignty of the political communities delimited by the States, thereby generating different tensions. One of the theoretical approaches that have attempted to address this problem has come from the cosmopolitan democracy. However, this vision has maintained a distant and critical relationship with other theoretical proposals that also seek to strengthen democracy. This is the case of radical and plural democracy, which has pointed out the limited capacity of cosmopolitan proposals to broadening and deepening democracy, as it is based on a rational-liberal and Western approaches. Through a conceptual theoretical analysis, the article concludes that there is no inherent incompatibility between cosmopolitan democracy and radical and plural democracy and that it is possible to build theoretical proposals that, incorporating elements of both currents, encourage the strengthening of democracies in the context of globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the article is to consider possible democratic forms of solving global problems: unilateral actions of democratic states, making interstate alliances and treaties, development of global civil society, establishing supranational (global) democratic public power. Fundamental weaknesses inherent in each of these forms are analyzed. In particular, it is argued that since globalization poses a threat to national democracies, a democratic solution to global problems involves going beyond the national level. At the same time, interstate cooperation also has a fundamentally undemocratic character, since neither the content of treaties, nor the inequality of negotiating opportunities at their conclusion, are under the control of any supranational authority. Similarly, the fundamentally undemocratic nature of global civil society is demonstrated, which many authors rely on when developing concepts of transnational democracy. The fundamental possibility of building a global democracy in the form of a supranational public authority is defended. As an example, the model of the world republic by Otfried Höffe is considered. Attention is focused on the need to develop cosmopolitan (global) virtues and identity, without which any attempt to have a democratic solution to global problems is doomed to failure. It is argued that on the theoretical level, cosmopolitan identity as such and the virtues associated with it are not opposed to national and local identities. It is concluded that in terms of the democratic ideal, the fundamental difficulties that each of the considered models of solving global problems may face show the need to develop an integrative model of global democracy.

This article addresses the ways in which UNESCO's ideological engagements are negotiated in the difference/diversity discourse as they are transferred from the international standard-setting level to the national and local contexts. It proposes the discursive construction of cosmopolitan internationalism as a framework for analysing the intersections of difference, located in the practicalities of internationalism, and diversity, tied to the ideals of cosmopolitanism, as they are manifested at the level of both the implementation of UNESCO's Diversity Convention and urban policy making in the city of Sydney. The analysis suggests that ruptures challenging the homogenising diversity discourse rise from the national and local policy-making level, with such discourse simultaneously becoming an instrument for international differentiation. UNESCO's normative cosmopolitan international tradition thus manifests itself as an obstacle against the emergence of transnational political spaces beyond the confines of the state, while it also carries with it a promise of facilitating such developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the concept of cosmopolitanism, political aesthetics, and creative activism of public art. Topics discussed include the political ontology and public art criterion proposed to determine qualities of political ethics and aesthetics, the ethics observed in monuments built during the reign of Nazi Germany, the aesthetic response evoked by photographic images of the cosmos, the distinction between cosmopolitan mind and cosmopolitan democracy with regard to political ethics, and the sense of otherness brought by the interaction between man and nonhuman beings.

Today's multidimensional global crisis is fundamentally a crisis of humanity characterized by the failure of human's relationship with nature, with themselves and with others. In this way, our main challenges today can be synthesized in the solution of environmental crisis, the responsible freedom to build meaningful personal lives and democratic societies, as well as the deep reform of the world system to build conditions of justice and fraternity. The answer to these challenges requires the formation of future generations in a planetary citizenship, critical and co-responsible for the future of humanity, which is today an ethical imperative. This work seeks to provide theoretical elements to conceptualize this education. The starting point is the notion of Cosmopolis, raised by Lonergan not as utopia or ideal system, but as a dynamism of direct, critical, and ethical intelligence to build communities committed to transforming the world. Based on the perspectives of Morin and Nussbaum, the complex lessons and strategic capabilities needed to make this construction operational are proposed. Finally, the two fundamental vectors of a humanizing story according to Lonergan are presented as guiding axes: The creative and the curative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For Emmanuel Levinas, to study human nature is to 'liberate human beings from the categories adapted uniquely for things'. This, paradoxically, is to occupy a standpoint where the human 'no longer offers itself to our powers': to go beyond the category‐thinking of cultural construction and to put what one consciously supposes – Self, Society, Culture, Nature – into question. The 'liberation' of human nature is an unconscious process that does not have the structure of intentionality but rather the character of inspiration. Examining the possible accommodation of a Levinasian philosophy within anthropology, this article pays particular attention to the human 'density of being' that, for Levinas, accompanies any individual life. It is impossible for Ego to know the Other, Levinas insists – subjectivity is 'secret', identity is 'invisible' – but otherness can nevertheless 'inspire' recognition and respect through its physical proximity. The article argues that a 'cosmopolitan' anthropology devoted to discerning the nature of a universal humanity might practise an artistry sufficient to identify the outline of that invisibility: the silhouette even if not the substance. Here are the traces of otherness that are evident, willy‐nilly, when the densities of being of individual human lives impact upon one another in social milieux. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the historical perspective and the Structural Approach, an empirical proof of the globalization of Communication through the concentration and diversification of capital is provided. It starts from the case of the Televisa group (Mexico) to understand wider areas of the Western world. There are no barriers to the free circulation of large capital, Communication is no exception, it is a part of a business macrostructure together with other productive sectors. The union between the «old» mercantile system and the new one, derived from technology and other fields, is obvious. It is the world power structure that stands as prevalent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ahdaf Soueif, who belongs to the generation known as Jil el-thawra (the generation of the revolution) of 1952, also lived to witness the January revolution of 2011. In Mezzaterra: Fragments from the Common Ground (2004) and Cairo: My City, Our Revolution (2012) Soueif narrates her quest for a cosmopolitan common ground. Even though cosmopolitanism is one of the main subject matters in both texts, they exhibit different types of cosmopolitanism, as the event of the revolution is in fact the utopian cosmopolitanism that she always hoped for. If in Mezzaterra this takes the form of a yearning for a utopian cosmopolitanism, it is in Cairo's Tahrir that she finds this through its collective outlook. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We analyze recent developments in Bolivia's politics through the lens of political cleavage theory, in particular cleavage displacement. Bolivia's current party system is characterized by a stable and dominant MAS at one end of the spectrum, and at the other a fractious, unstable collection of parties, movements, and other vehicles that have failed to articulate a coherent set of political ideas. It emerged when the previous party system collapsed in 2003-05, shifting politics from a conventional left-right axis of competition unsuited to Bolivian society, to an ethnic/rural vs. cosmopolitan/urban axis closely aligned with its major social cleavage. But society did not freeze in 2005. We analyze the deep roots of Bolivia's current politics, and explore emerging or changing generational, ethnic, urban-rural, regional, class, and religious divides. Understanding how cleavages interact to determine political outcomes allows us to make sense of the deep tensions and sources of instability that both Bolivia, and the MAS internally, currently face, and to shine a light on major coming challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The portrait albums of nineteenth-century bourgeois Jews, which reified their social world, provided a space in which women exerted their agency and forged new identities, in national and cosmopolitan environments, beyond the family. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kant’s legal and political philosophy is essential for understanding and advancing international order. The article aims to posit arguments that confront the claims that Kant was just war theorist. Since that is the most opposed part of Kant’s political philosophy, mostly due to the misleading interpretation of his argumentation, the author presents Kant’s standpoint on the matters of just war and international order and discusses potential ambiguities between Kant’s and his critics’ theories. Furthermore, the consequences of opponents’ arguments considering states of states, world republic and cosmopolitan democracy in contemporary political philosophy are debated. Finally, the possibility of consent between the three model solutions which are arising from the contemporary international order theory and Kant’s position are compared and analysed.

Pakistan and India are at war since their inception and independence: literally and verbally. It is the latter that most often leads to the former according to Pearce and Cronen's communication theory Coordinated Management of Meaning (CMM). This paper studies the repetitive and destructive patterns of communication between Pakistan and India, especially on important occasions such as their independence days' celebrations. The warring tones and armed conversation across the borders have aggravated the political tension between the two nuclear neighbours. The paper concludes that by applying CMM's principles of dialogic and cosmopolitan communication, the two hostile states can avert the imminent danger of a nuclear war, and can achieve a peaceful and friendly coexistence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The boundary problem holds that, whatever the theory of democratic legitimacy, the initial act of constituting the demos can never be considered met by it. Many contemporary attempts to solve the boundary problem can be understood as falling into two categories: functional demos views and global demos views. This article argues against both views. Functional demos views exacerbate the legitimacy puzzle posed by the boundary problem, while a global democracy cannot be held democratically accountable by its citizens. In the place of global demos and functional demos views, we ought to examine the democratic legitimacy of polities in light of the standards of pluralist democracy. Pluralist democracy is a non-ideal conception of democracy that recognizes democratic procedures to be historically grounded, non-ideal, and problem-oriented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union has opened the way towards a new form of citizenship founded on two promises: one "federal," the other "cosmopolitan." However, the condition of asylum‐seekers and the attacks on the rule of law have, over the past ten years, undermined this dual ambition of the European Union at the risk of ruining both its cosmopolitan and federal dimensions. In this particular context, political theory has a role to play in elucidating the concepts at stake, such as that of "illiberal democracy," which is now being mobilized in Europe to mask a gradual liquidation of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the analysis of the relation between two concepts, namely cosmopolitan democracy and agonistic multipolar order, whose author is Chantal Mouffe, in the context of the dispute about the preferred shape of global democracy. Both approaches are presented in the literature as opposing. The main thesis of the present article is the possibility of connecting them, but according to dialectical principles. The point is not about a smooth consensus but about the fact that the contradictions between those views can be treated as a condition of their interweaving. To this aim, I use two theoretical concepts: of antagonistic cosmopolitanism by Tamara Caraus and of antagonistic global constitutionalism by Christof Royer. On this basis I claim that Mouffe's rejection of cosmopolitanism is not thoroughly coherent with her own assumptions. I acknowledge her argumentation that cosmopolitan democracy might lead to pluralism without antagonism but at the same time I suggest that Mouffe's postulate of the multipolar order can lead to pluralist antagonism without agonism. It is only the establishment of cosmopolitan institutions and rules that will allow for really agonistic and radically pluralized global politics, thanks to which it will be possible to solve the contemporary world problems effectively. For these reasons agonistic cosmopolitanism can be regarded as the most optimal variant of global democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The thought that the nation-state is in the process of dissolution holds an important place in the cosmopolitanism debates. One of the most important theorists of cosmopolitanism who defends this view is David Held. According to him, the idea of a selfgovern ing community that constitutes the core of a democratic regime and determines its own future has become extremely problematic with globalization (Held, 1995b: 17). The globalization of the world economy and the risks make the internal/external distinctions meaningless in the traditional policy understanding. It is stated that global organizations, civil society and multinational corporations, which determine and limit the decision-making processes of nation-states, are increasing their existence and effectiveness; the emergence of international law, which transcends states and addresses individuals directly and incorporates the kernels of a "rights" based (human rights) order instead of "national interest" is some changings that Held frequently repeats. Now "old" national belonging and ties are breaking down and becoming meaningless. Therefore, with the globalization process, the democratic form of government which has both benefited from the national field and gained the opportunity to become globalized should be reconsidered together with the globalization with all its principles and rules. New institutions and rules that could regulate human relations should be established and rebuilt as freed from national borders. So the purpose of this study is to try to explain and criticize Held's approach to the subject and his model of "cosmopolitan democracy" that he created within the framework of the aforementioned necessity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anales de la Cátedra Francisco Suárez is the property of Anales de la Catedra Francisco Suarez and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Electrónica de Estudios Penales y de la Seguridad is the property of Revista Electronica de Estudios Penales y de la Seguridad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article re-examines two key questions from the sociology of nationalism – why nationalism resonates emotionally and to what extent nations are socially salient – and the implications of these for a sense of peoplehood and collective political agency. The particular focus is on the state. Instead of conflating statehood with nationhood, or seeking to expose it as illusory, sociologists should consider how the state – imagined and experienced as a permanent, trans-historical fixture structuring public power and authority – has crucial conditioning effects on society and politics. It will be posited that statehood is a more useful concept than nationhood for explaining the resonance and salience ascribed to nationalism and nations. Whether we favour reinvigorating or abolishing nationalism, the implications of this argument are profound, with contemporary cosmopolitan sociology in particular suffering analytically and prescriptively from a failure to recognise its tacit methodological statism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting from the premise that the homecomer is, like the stranger, a subject in a position of displacement and dislocation, this article examines the homecoming experience narrated in Teju Cole's novella Every Day Is for the Thief in order to delve into the figure of the othered"cosmopolitan stranger". It thus brings into dialogue the debate about the nature of "Afropolitanism" and the emerging postcolonial approach to this new category of "stranger". The protagonist's experience in various sites in Lagos shows him negotiating a conflicting sense of belonging and unfamiliarity that finds expression in the recurrent spatial oppositions throughout the text. Importantly, his responses to the urban fragments explore the idea that cosmopolitan strangers are endowed with a "subjective objectivity". However, rather than offering a privileged stance that allows him to see things more clearly, his status as an othered cosmopolitan stranger reveals to him his lasting condition of strangeness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article sketches a theoretical framework and research agenda for what is labeled as "Comparative Democratic Theory." It is introduced as an approach to democratic theory which is informed by conceptual and methodological debates from "Comparative Political Theory" (CPT) as well as from insights from a global history of democratic thought. The inclusion of CPT perspectives into democratic theory is motivated by what is diagnosed as a conceptual blindness in Western democratic theory. When following this approach, however, the two extremes of unjustified universalism and normatively problematic relativism both must be avoided. To do so, a mode of sound abstraction is proposed, using the term "constellation," and a discussion of aims and benefits of Comparative Democratic Theory is presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Multiculturalism burst in Asia with the winds of globalisation. Fuelled by immigration, cultural hybridity and normative regimes from multilateral and bilateral organisations, multiculturalism is a new challenge for Asian economies, their politics of culture and their higher education institutions. Moreover, although heavily implemented from the start of the last century in the United States and in Europe to some extent, multiculturalism and multicultural education signify a premise in constructing models of cosmopolitan democracies and what has been known as 'global citizenship education'. Drawing from the more mature experiences of the European Union (EU) and the United States in this field, this article traces the theoretical contours of and debates within multiculturalism. The article also focuses on the learning experience across borders, which is well represented in international comparative education studies. It probes the occurrence of any crisis in the field of multiculturalism in the United States and EU. Lessons learned from a comparison of the U.S. and EU experiences may be instructive to the Asian economies and cultures that are dealing with multiculturalism as a new force in the world system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper attempts to take a different look into the Law of Nations through the role of dragomans (official translators) in the making of modern International law. Addressing the power of language above its mere linguistic meaning, also considering the way it is taught, socially shaped, productive and lasting, this paper intends to illustrate the general epistemic framework governing dragomans as an original social and professional body in order to better understand their unforeseen impact on the Ottoman understanding of and integration into modern international law. The paper argues that legal transformations are also the result of legal translations, which intrinsically imply the cultural and social backgrounds of the translators. It discusses how the progressive formation of the cosmopolitan professional body of dragomans led to both develop a bolted technicality and contribute to the uniformization of legal thought and language by the nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on Habermas's notion of cosmopolitan democracy. Reconfiguring the basic ideas of democracy in postnational terms is inevitable if social and political integration is to succeed on a supranational level. In exploring Habermas's ideas, we draw on Rancière, whose thought stands in a complex relationship to Habermas. On the one hand, Rancière largely shares Habermas's diagnosis of the present. Both bemoan the erosion of the political caused by post‐democracy and censure the rise of right‐wing extremism in Western societies. On the other hand, and in contrast to Habermas, Rancière holds that these problems should be addressed not primarily by strengthening political institutions and reaching a consensus between conflicting parties, but by rethinking conflict and resistance. We show that Habermas's and Rancière's propositions can be productively brought in dialogue by focusing on the paradigmatic types of political subjectivity involved in their accounts: the citizen (Habermas) and the plebeian (Rancière). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Right, because it relies on coercion, always needs to be justified. The urgency of the problem of legitimizing law in modern society is due to the fact that in connection with the secularization and detraditionalization of modern society, the law can no longer be justified by reference to a tradition closely associated with religion. In the conditions of liberal democracy, the most widespread and most justified is legitimation through two principles: the principle of human rights and the principle of people’s sovereignty. The legal system is legitimate if it protects the rights and freedoms of the individual, and if the laws can be understood as the expression of public opinion and will, that is, if the democratic idea of self-government of citizens is being realized. Such a method of legitimization is effective within the framework of a democratic rule-of-law state. But will it be able to maintain its power in the era of globalization, which challenges the national state? Economic globalization and the strengthening of the power of transnational corporations weaken the ability of the nation-state to independently regulate exchange with the outside world, control trade and financial flows. The actions of this kind of national community, consisting of their collective actors with different cultural traditions, can only be regulated by formal rules of law. As for legitimization through the realization of the idea of democracy, it is also in question. Democracy has been carried out only in the framework of national states. The formation of cosmopolitan democracy or the globalization of democracy depends on how successfully supranational political entities can create a common political culture. The article poses problems and analyzes the possibilities of a democratic process to create a social, integration and produce a common political culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I argue that the Tropicana nightclub's 1950s design expresses a cosmopolitan cubanidad, that is, a Cuban identity shaped by a cosmopolitan view of itself within the larger world. I define cosmopolitan cubanidad as an idea of cosmopolitanism with universal tendencies that exists in tandem with possibilities of the particular and local. Moreover, I maintain that cubanidad is not an equivalent to creolization or to territorialist nationalism, but is a concept of an identity, or Cuban-ness, that, while cognizant of the local and national, is also attuned to its position within a global context and interested in international connections. Furthermore, I suggest that this idea could apply to other Latin American countries, though necessarily with a different name to represent a unique local identity. Methodologically, this essay combines an analysis of the historical particularities of the Tropicana with a close readings of primary sources, namely, the design of the spaces, ephemera and performances that pertain to the Havana nightclub, to explore the characteristics and influence of cosmopolitan cubanidad. I seek to show that the venue's design demonstrates an engagement with the international design world while also attending to the cultural, political and climatic conditions of Cuba. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article offers information on articles published in journal written by James Franklin on ideas and reality of Catholic rural virtue in Australia. Topics include examines civilizations on idea that the old virtues are preserved among simple rural people, in contrast to the many vices indulged in by rootless cosmopolitans and cynical city intellectuals.

This article investigates how selfish justifications enter cosmopolitan rationales in the political plane of the discourse. It makes sense of the ways in which selfish ideas are allowed to meddle in and merge with morally-based cosmopolitan norms. The article commits to the ontological and epistemological premises of critical discourse analysis, and focuses on US presidential papers since 1989. It substantiates the claims it makes by using computer-assisted discursive process tracing method as a supporting tool for qualitative analysis of texts. The computerised analysis of discursive entanglements reveals that cosmopolitan protective operations are in fact mainly framed nationalistically. The roots of such selfish nationalistic arguments for international protective military operations can be traced in the realist and hegemonic fallacies that emphasise the naturality of national selfishness and the need for global hegemony. Furthermore, the article shows how the entanglement of discourse strands about 'protection' and 'innocent victimhood' as well as the entanglement between 'crime prevention' and 'terrorism prevention' legitimate selfish internationalist arguments in the US political debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Various cosmopolitan theorists offer global institutional prescriptions intended to be understood as residing conceptually between a system of separate domestic states and a federal world state. In this article I assess such ‘intermediary’ models, and claim that they are an unprofitable mix of idealism and misplaced pragmatism: they are ostensibly illustrations of future-oriented institutional ideals, and yet they are infused with concessions to present-day reality. In some cases, the concession is merely rhetorical: we are offered world state visions in intermediary clothing. In other cases, the concession is substantive, with the ironic result that intermediary models are in fact less feasible than the idea of a world state which intermediary theorists quickly reject. The overall aim of the argument is not to fully defend the idea of a world state, but rather only to demonstrate that there are reasons, from a cosmopolitan perspective, to consider a world state superior to intermediary models.

The implementation of democracy intensified since the fall of the new order era has some failures. One of the factors is violence phenomena still continue in the region. This study aims to discuss the violence in the region by presenting cosmopolitan democracy as a new design of more humane democracy. In addition, this research method uses library research, because library research can understand the problem in-depth to find the pattern and recommendation from the violence problems which happens in Indonesia. This study uses Hannah Arendt observations on the phenomenon of violence. In addition, the concept of cosmopolitan democracy is referred from Daniele Archibugi, David Held, and Ulrich Beck is presented as a draft of new democracy direction which is more inclusive and humane. The result of this study discloses that the occurrence of incidence is triggered by failed implementation of the democratic system in Indonesia.

This article considers one of the first series of study tour groups for young Indian women in the mid-1930s, organised under the auspices of the Geneva-based International Student Service. Led by Mrs Alexandrena Datta, wife of the Indian Christian nationalist leader S.K. Datta, the tours took groups of 20 women students and young professionals from diverse faith, caste and ethnic backgrounds on four-month study tours across Europe, visiting progressive social and educational programmes and reform-minded people. Combining albums of the tours assembled by Mrs Datta and the published accounts of the 1935 tour by a participant, Mrs Kuttan Nair, images and text are deconstructed to identify how a politics of friendship within a global imperial social formation emerges. The article argues that the politics of friendship discernible in the remnant archive of the tours was part of a cosmopolitan thought zone that linked a nationalist and structuralist critique of imperial modernity to a vision of Indian women as agentic anti-colonial subjects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of IDP: Revista de Internet, Derecho y Politica is the property of Universitat Oberta de Catalunya and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Paz Mendoza Guazon’s Notas de viaje (1929) is a collection of commentaries written during her one-year trip in the US, Europe and the Middle East as part of an education program of the Filipino government. The travelling notes of Doctor Mendoza, one of the first female graduates in Medicine of the University of the Philippines, are not only an archive of cosmopolitan knowledge but constitute Mendoza’s imaginary of her national project. Mendoza’s national project is based on the cultural transformation of the Philippines in terms of its assimilation to cultural models observed during the trip in order to make the Philippines a modern nation. I have called this desire of transformation an active transculturation. My aim in this article is to highlight the characteristics of such process based on Mendoza’s text. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a broad overview of how the concept of cosmopolitanism can inform an understanding of the acceptance of asylum seekers by members of settled populations. We begin with a brief history of cosmopolitan thought before summarising how the concept is understood in contemporary social theory. We then propose a theoretical framework which links inclusionary views towards asylum seekers with theories of cosmopolitanism and provides a model that allows 'cosmopolitan acceptance' to be operationalised for the purposes of empirical research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pavlovich's article sheds light on how recent interventions in Libya and Syria have facilitated a mass influx of Others in Europe (that is, refugees, migrants and asylum-seekers from the Middle East and Africa), thereby exacerbating already-existing frustrations and anxieties among local populations. This scenario is prompting many Europeans to look to their own collective pasts—through the prism of the present—where they find meaning in far-right, nationalist or populist narratives. These narratives are then used to legitimate political platforms that threaten the foundations of a multi-ethnic, multiracial and multiconfessional cosmopolitan society. Applying insights gleaned from ethnographic fieldwork in the Balkans, Pavlovich sheds light on how geopolitical manoeuvrings have sparked refugee crises, and subsequently impacted local politics across Europe. Ultimately, foreign intervention, refugee crises and the rise of right-leaning populism can be utilized as a heuristic prism to better understand the processes of social and political transformation in Europe. The lessons that can be learned import a sense of gravity in facing the future, given that the bounds and limits of international order and acceptable political action that were shaped in the post-Second World War era are becoming unhinged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains the adoption of the regime of cooperation between church and the state in the democratic constitutions of Spain and Poland, while Portugal maintained a regime of strict separation in the United States and French tradition? The explanation could be that a consensual constitution-making process resulted in a constitutional formula accommodating religion and guaranteeing religious freedoms. Alternatively, the constitutional regime of cooperation could result from the diffusion of international norms to national constitutions, in this case, the cosmopolitan law of the church. The article process-traces the constitution drafting processes and finds that the emergence of a constitutional consensus among secularist and constitutional drafters in Spain and Poland was based on the Vatican Council II doctrine and facilitated by the intervention of the Catholic hierarchies. In Portugal, the violent context of the revolution excluded the church, and the constitutional regime of strict separation between church and state was adopted. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines Audrey Osler and Hugh Starkey’s 2003 article on cosmopolitan citizenship 14 years after its publication. Since its publication, young people’s disconnection from political life has increasingly become a cause for concern for most, if not all, Western democracies. Specifically, this article examines the implications for young people’s political life in Leicester following a period of local, regional and national political changes. The study has shown how some South Asian young people occupy “outsiders-within” status in Leicester’s “common culture” (and all the sub-cultures that exist within it) and see their ethnic communities from a range of voyeuristic positions. Young South Asian participants in the study have not distanced themselves from the South Asian community entirely, but the way participants have approached narrating their self-identities has not necessarily been forged in, or determined upon, how “Indian” or “Pakistani” identities are conceived by the common culture. Consequently, two questions arise. Firstly, what is the impact of developing cosmopolitan citizenship among young people forging new types of ethnic identities in Leicester? Secondly, what types of educational approaches (formal and informal) would be important to help strengthen young people’s political engagement? The paper concludes that the ongoing challenge for educators is to strengthen mutual understanding between students from different communities and backgrounds by drawing on their lived experience within the caveat of promoting cosmopolitan citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The 'dilemmas' between multilingualism in theory and English as a lingua franca in practice concern the post-Bologna European higher education as a whole. The article presents the case of Slovenia by furthering the analysis of similar quandaries present in the Slovenian (higher education) language policy. The state of affairs is addressed by acknowledging the status of Slovenian as the official language of the Republic of Slovenia, as well as the need for a greater inclusion of foreign students and teachers and for further enhancement of the quality of higher education. The results of surveys conducted among the most important stakeholders in the Slovenian higher education in October 2012, with the aim of researching the viewpoints on the use of languages of instruction in higher education, are presented. The results were analysed with a view to the expressed standpoint on language use in higher education, which led to the formation of three opinion groups within the sample of students and university teachers of the University of Ljubljana. Based on the analysis of accessible sources, discussions, opinions, surveys and interviews some recommendations on the regulation of language use in higher education in Slovenia are provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article serves to present one of the basic ideological by-products of so-called 'globalization': the theory of Cosmopolitan Democracy (CD) outlining its basic assertions and to criticize them. Our main position is that despite its ostensibly innovatory problematic, it essentially comprises nothing more than acceptance of a 'progressive' variety of capitalist domination on a global scale. The CD' s positions do not lead to more radical management of global affairs but rather to an acceptance of conservative orientations in which the supremacy of the imperialist states can be reinforced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]