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International audience; Both proponents and critics of the regulatory state thesis view the creation of non-majoritarian institutions, such as independent regulatory agencies, as a process of 'depoliticisation'. This article problematises this assumption by proposing an analytical framework for better understanding the link between politicisation, depoliticisation, and the delegation of powers to non-majoritarian institutions, based on a study of drug rationing policies in England and France. A greater delegation of decision-making powers to a regulator enables policy decisions that are likely to prove politically costly, but such decisions are also likely to attract greater countermobilisation, undermining policy stability over time. By contrast, in a less delegated setting, elected politicians can prevent unpopular policy choices from being taken, which contributes to policy continuity. The article further argues that, where decision-making powers are highly delegated, the regulator's autonomy and the visibility of losses imposed by policy decisions condition the politicisation process. These findings suggest that, far from depoliticising policy problems, delegated policymaking insulated from politics can undermine itself by becoming a source of subsequent politicisation; they thus question the prevailing notion that delegation to non-majoritarian institutions contributes to policy stability.

Published online: 10 Jan 2023; International audience; This introduction discusses responses to ethno-racial discrimination in a hostile political environment, colour-blind France. The article presents the current characteristics of the French case, including data measuring ethnoracial discrimination. We outline the on-going role of state institutions and their agents in disqualifying minority claims, but also the recent turn against Islam and the hostility towards new movements against structural racism. We discuss how colour-blindness constrains both local policies and movements. We examine the consequences for individuals that experience discrimination and the collectives that fight against it. We highlight the various strategies that they adopt such as discretion, infrapolitical mobilization as well as tactical re-framing.

International audience; We characterize negative awards. Their pervasiveness in various domains as well as the objectives of their designers and promoters are documented. We discuss the outcomes generated by negative awards and provide some rationales explaining why individuals and organizations may be interested in getting them. Several issues deserve further exploration.

Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 February 2022 This article proposes a measure of the social structuration of political parties. The measure has some distinctive virtues. It assesses the social bases of partisanship from the standpoint of the political party, and it provides a simple and transparent method for assessing the relative weight of social-structural and behavioral factors for party composition. We illustrate the power of this measure through a comparison of political parties in 30 European countries since 1975.

International audience; The reorganization of governments is crucial for parties to express their policy preferences once they reach office. Yet these activities are not confined to the direct aftermath of general elections or to wide-ranging structural reforms. Instead, governments reorganize and adjust their machinery of government all the time. This paper aims to assess these structural choices with a particular focus at the core of the state, comparing four Western European democracies (Germany, France, the Netherlands, and United Kingdom) from 1980 to 2013. Our empirical analysis shows that stronger shifts in cabinets' ideological profiles in the short- and long-term as well as the units' proximity to political executives yield significant effects. In contrast, Conservative governments, commonly regarded as key promoters of reorganizing governments, are not significant for the likelihood of structural change. We discuss the effects of this politics of government reorganization for different research debates assessing the inner workings of governments.

International audience; Universal jurisdiction (UJ), which not very long ago seemed condemned to extinction, is now becoming routine. It has been endorsed by 109 states, and the number of prosecutions is increasing. This article is based on an ethnographic study of the recent trial in France of Pascal Simbikangwa, a Rwandan accused of participating in the genocide against the Tutsi in 1994. Using the concepts of ‘vernacularization’ and ‘transnational legal orders’, it shows how UJ is creating a transnational judicial space (TJS). Involving both partisan and ordinary actors, this process is fraught with multiple conflicts. Although UJ does not participate in the dissemination of a uniform definition of genocide, it makes various jurisdictions work together. This fragmented transnational justice is paradoxically contributing to the integration of national legal systems.

International audience; La référence au passé occupe aujourd’hui une place centrale dans l’affirmation de positions politiques au présent. En 2022, le sens à donner à la Seconde Guerre mondiale a ainsi été en France au cœur des débats de la campagne présidentielle comme de ceux qui ont accompagné l’invasion de l’Ukraine. La question de savoir ce qu’on doit retenir des sociétés coloniales et esclavagistes ou encore de l’absence des femmes du récit national a également continué de nourrir les controverses autour du déboulonnage de statues et des changements de noms de rue.Pour le meilleur comme pour le pire, les sociétés contemporaines se doivent donc de tirer les leçons du passé et sont enjointes de garder des traces, pour le futur, des événements qui s’y sont déroulés. Comment comprendre l’avènement de cette société de la mémoire ? Qui décide des leçons du passé ? Quels coupables sont dénoncés et quelles victimes, consacrées ? Cet ouvrage réunit les plus importants spécialistes de la mémoire, en France comme à l’international. Il propose, de manière claire et accessible, des clefs de lecture originales de ces questions contemporaines, sous la forme de plus de 50 courts chapitres.

Translation from the French version: https://cloud.parisdescartes.fr/index.php/s/mTAbrXWN4sReA3Q#pdfviewer; The Earth Politics Center (EPC) aims to produce interdisciplinary research of excellence, visible and attractive in France and internationally, in collaboration with stakeholders acting at both local and global levels.With the aim of responding to the scientific and political issues raised by various diagnoses on the state of the planet (growing effects of industrial and agricultural activities on the major balances of the biosphere, disruption of the major water, carbon or nitrogen cycles, etc.), the Center has set itself the mission of developing new ways of knowing and governing these socio-environmental phenomena, while at the same time forming part of a transformed relationship between science and society.Founded in 2019, the EPC has enabled the emergence of an interdisciplinary research community based on the joint exploration of nature and societies by the experimental sciences (physical and biological) and the humanities and social sciences. An Earth challenged by habitability. University and the Challenges of Earth Knowledge, a strategic positioning text, defines its research agenda for the years to come and gives concrete expression to these three years of interdisciplinary dialogue.

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Developed throughout the SUMP PLUS Project (2019-2022). Contribution to the CityConsult Angency; These tools provide an opportunity for cities to self-examine existing structures and resources and what is lacking to achieve transformative change and deliver on their sustainable mobility goals. As a result, cities will be better equipped to develop strategies to overcome such barriers and know where to focus their efforts.

News item available here: https://sump-plus.eu/news?c=search&uid=aqm8jUxz

Every year since 1990 the National Consultative Commission for Human Rights (CNCDH) commissions a poll measuring the level of racism in France, allowing for the creation of a Longitudinal Index of Tolerance towards minorities (LIT). The term « minority », which has no official recognition in France, is used here in a pragmatic way. The LIT makes it possible to catch the perceptions of minorities in France, their evolution in time and the factors that explain them.; Tous les ans depuis 1990 la Commission nationale consultative des droits de l’homme (CNCDH) commande un sondage mesurant le niveau du racisme en France, qui permet d’établir un indicateur longitudinal de tolérance à l’égard des minorités (ILT). Le terme de « minorité », qui n’a pas de reconnaissance officielle en France, est employé ici de manière pragmatique. L’ILT permet de saisir les perceptions des minorités en France, leur évolution dans le temps et les facteurs qui les expliquent.

Not all politics is local. Not even local politics is necessarily local. The reemergence of local politics is not comparable to the nationalization of politics but is rather an element making multilevel policies more or less interconnected. This global review (not including North America) suggests that the rise of local politics is explained by three set of processes—( a) democratization, including protest, ( b) economic globalization, urbanization, and the deepening of territorial inequalities, and ( c) decentralization or deconcentration and the rise of local governance and policies. The rise of local politics is not a revival of the past but an element of the politics of scale taking. All over the world, local politics is increasingly about policies, governance, and political choice.

News item https://sump-plus.eu/news?c=search&uid=zZOhIyoH

Launched in 2019, the French Citizens’ Convention for Climate (CCC) tasked 150 randomly chosen citizens with proposing fair and effective measures to fight climate change. This was to be fulfilled through an “innovative co-construction procedure”, involving some unspecified external input alongside that from the citizens. Did inputs from the steering bodies undermine the citizens’ accountability for the output? Did co-construction help the output resonate with the general public, as is expected from a citizens’ assembly? To answer these questions, we build on our unique experience in observing the CCC proceedings and documenting them with qualitative and quantitative data. We find that the steering bodies’ input, albeit significant, did not impair the citizens’ agency, creativity, and freedom of choice. While succeeding in creating consensus among the citizens who were involved, this co-constructive approach, however, failed to generate significant support among the broader public. These results call for a strengthening of the commitment structure that determines how follow-up on the proposals from a citizens’ assembly should be conducted.

International audience; The drop in permanent funding for research in the social sciences increases the influence of commissioning bodies within the field. How do these commissions influence the conditions under which a study is undertaken, the analysis of data and the dissemination of results? Based on studies concerning a project to promote musical democratisation, we first objectivise the imbalances in the relationships with the representatives of the commissioning institution and we then show how we nonetheless manage to create a degree of room for manœuvre by building on the internal tensions within the set-up.; La baisse des moyens pérennes dédiés à la recherche en sciences sociales favorise l’accroissement du poids des commanditaires dans ce champ. Comment ces commandes influent-elles sur les conditions de réalisation de l’enquête, l’analyse et la restitution des résultats ? À partir d’enquêtes sur un projet de démocratisation musicale, nous objectivons d’abord les déséquilibres des relations avec les représentants de l’institution commanditrice, pour montrer, dans un second temps, comment nous sommes malgré tout parvenu·es à nous dégager des marges de manœuvre en nous appuyant sur les tensions internes au dispositif.

Cet article compare deux programmes de réforme de l’État promus par les institutions internationales (principalement Banque mondiale et OCDE) à l’orée du xxe siècle : la nouvelle gestion publique et la lutte contre la corruption, et interroge les rapports qui existent entre eux, à partir d’une analyse des archives de ces organisations et d’entretiens avec des fonctionnaires internationaux. Aborder ces programmes de réforme sous un angle cognitif, tout en tenant compte des instruments d’action publique qui cristallisent ces idées en actions, permet de comprendre où ces programmes de réformes développés et diffusés par des institutions internationales se recoupent et où ils s’éloignent. Cette double approche permet de montrer que, malgré un discours de différenciation, les programmes de prévention de la corruption (notamment par la promotion de l’éthique publique) sont souvent présentés comme une réponse aux dérives et omissions de la nouvelle gestion publique – la première est pourtant bien l’héritière de la seconde, reproduisant le même appareillage théorique du Public Choice et des outils néo-managériaux similaires en vue d’atteindre un objectif nouveau.

The last 20 years have been characterized by very different dynamics: massive reduction of milk and, to a lesser extent, dairy consumption; fewer positive attitudes towards milk; no reclaims for affordable, public dairy production; the development of a large conversation about the presumed risks associated with the intake of lactose; and semantic battles on non-dairy ‘milk’ alternatives. These new attitudes haven’t been systematically studied. We explore here the links between milk/dairy consumption, health concerns, and trust in medical expertise. Through an online survey of highly educated youth in Italy (N=378) we have investigated: milk and dairy consumption; attitudes towards items carried out by vegan movements; attitudes towards medical expertise and trust in counseling by general practitioners. Results show that anti-speciesist and vegan movements are very little known among consumers. Data display very limited impact of the ideas and concepts of anti-milk movements within our sample. The results highlight that milk consumption shrinking is due to health concern and an unfavorable perception of dangerous consequences in lactose intake, and additionally to a general distrust towards medical expertise and evidence-based arguments. Indeed, we observe a tendency to self-diagnose intolerance/allergies, questioning the role of physicians and medical knowledge in advising for dietary choices among highly educated youth. The analysis of the patterns of consumption and motives clearly shows that health considerations, not politics, are behind the Italian youth’s dairy restrictions. Healthy consumerism emerges as a concept fitting better than political consumerism for interpreting our results.; Les vingt dernières années ont été traversées par différentes dynamiques : la réduction massive de la consommation de lait et, dans une moindre mesure, de produits laitiers ; des attitudes de plus en plus négatives à l’égard du lait ; aucune revendication pour une production abordable et publique du lait ; le développement d’une vaste discussion à propos des risques qui seraient associés à la consommation de lactose ; et des batailles sémantiques autour des alternatives que constituent les « laits » non laitiers. Ces nouvelles attitudes n’ont pas été systématiquement étudiées. Nous explorons ici les liens entre la consommation de lait et de produits laitiers, les préoccupations en matière de santé et la confiance dans l’expertise médicale. À partir d’un sondage en ligne auprès des populations jeunes et éduquées en Italie (N=378), nous avons analysé : la consommation de lait et de produits laitiers, les attitudes envers les arguments portés par les mouvements végans, les attitudes envers l’expertise médicale et la confiance dans les conseils dispensés par les médecins. Les résultats ont mis en évidence que les mouvements antispécistes et végans sont assez peu connus des consommateurs. Les données ont montré que les idées et les concepts des mouvements anti-lait avaient un impact limité sur notre échantillon. Les résultats soulignent que la réduction de la consommation de lait est due à des préoccupations en matière de santé et à une perception défavorable des apports en lactose et, additionnellement, à une méfiance générale envers l’expertise médicale et les arguments fondés sur des preuves. En effet, nous observons une tendance à l’auto-diagnostic pour les intolérances et les allergies, une tendance chez les populations jeunes et éduquées qui mettent en doute le rôle des médecins et du savoir médical dans l’accompagnement diététique. L’analyse des schémas de consommation et de motivation montre clairement que des considérations liées à la santé, et non à des opinions politiques, sont derrière les restrictions des jeunes italiens en matière de produits laitiers. Un consumérisme orienté vers la recherche d’une meilleure santé a émergé, un concept qui fonctionne mieux que celui de consumérisme politique pour interpréter nos résultats.

Contemporary political economy is predicated on widely shared ideas and assumptions, some explicit but many implicit, about the past. Our aim in this Special Issue is to draw attention to, and to assess critically, these historical assumptions. In doing so, we hope to contribute to a political economy that is more attentive to the analytic assumptions on which it is premised, more aware of the potential oversights, biases, and omissions they contain, and more reflexive about the potential costs of these blind spots. This is an Introduction to one of two Special Issues that are being published simultaneously by New Political Economy and Review of International Political Economy reflecting on blind spots in international political economy. Together, these Special Issues seek to identify the key blind spots in the field and to make sense of how many scholars missed or misconstrued important dynamics that define contemporary capitalism and the other systems and sources of social inequality that characterise our present. This particular Special Issue pursues this goal by looking backwards, to the history of political economy and at the ways in which we have come to tell that history, in order to understand how we got to the present moment.

Identifying and explaining change in the structure of central state bureaucracies and the determinants of survival of individual public organizations are two closely related areas of research in public administration. We aim to bridge the gap between these two main strands of studies of organizational change by presenting a novel approach to collecting event history data for public organizations. We have developed this framework as part of the Structure and Organisation of Governments Project, which aims to map entire central state bureaucracies in three Western European countries. Our approach is flexible enough to describe macro-trends in public sector organization populations and to explain these trends by analysing the event histories of the organizations they comprise. In addition to presenting our framework and how we applied it to create this data set, we also present some initial cross-national comparisons of the distribution of the event types recorded, highlighting initial findings and promising avenues for further research. Points for practitioners We present here a novel approach for representing the structural changes that organizations and sub-departments experience over time that can apply to any hierarchical organization (public or private). Applying the approach illuminates the historical development of organizations and their parts, and allows cross-national comparisons of events and trends across organizations. Our comparison of ministerial organizations in France, Germany and the Netherlands from 1980 to 2013 shows that trends in the size of bureaucracies mask considerable structural changes within.

Contemporary West European shantytowns have essentially been studied with qualitative methods. Questions related to their ethnic structure, homophily and interaction with local institutions have not been analysed through large samples and survey data. Based on the example of Romanian and Bulgarian Roma living in shantytowns in the Parisian metropolitan area, we analyse the ‘historical’ region of origin (autochthony), networks between individuals and households having lived together in a shantytown, as well as some of their attitudes, skills, and behaviour (i.e. expectations as to local welfare, French proficiency, children’s schooling). We used a database of slum-dwellers in Paris collected by social workers (N = 12,019). The paper looks at how autochthonies combine with socialisation in shantytowns and with territorial institutional effects of local policies. Evidence shows that while there are limited differences in the socio-professional backgrounds of slum-dwellers, there are several differences in attitudes, behaviour and skills. Moreover, social network analysis shows that these differences are only weakly related to the households’ region of origin (autochthony), while they are more correlated to emergent structural clusters of co-habitation connections, where individuals socialise in acting together to build and manage a shantytown. Moreover, local policies at the city level play a role in shaping shantytown dwellers expectations and skills for integration.

Intermunicipal relationships have been singled out by the city of Antwerp as an instrumental arrangement to draft the RoutePlan 2030, but also as a specific governance challenge. This note (1) explores how and why European metropolitan agglomerations address the difficulties encountered in scaling up behavioural change at metropolitan level (e.g. lack of expertise, administrative organisation, participation of smaller municipalities to metropolitan projects, etc.); and (2) identifies main institutional, organisational and political barriers (fragmentation of views, excessive centralization of power at regional level, integration between sectors at metropolitan level). Focusing on the developments underway in Antwerp, the technical note on the various ways through which institutional rescaling shapes policymaking at the metropolitan level.

In combination with street design, policies and regulatory frameworks play a critical role in the allocation of streetspace. This chapter discusses the political challenges and opportunities for streetspace allocation, how different governance levels interact to formulate policies and regulations, and the importance of dialogues with stakeholders.

International audience

Recordings available here : https://www.2zeroemission.eu/event/h2020rtr21-5th-edition/ + Summary: https://sump-plus.eu/news?c=search&uid=PQiU9WsN; International audience

Content available here: https://www.2zeroemission.eu/event/h2020rtr21-5th-edition/; International audience

International audience; Few studies so far have analysed the effectiveness of differentiation in EU policies. This is surprising given the importance and permanence of many differentiated arrangements, for example in EU economic policy. Insights from three studies on differentiation in the energy sector, the financial sector and third-country access to Single Market highlight the importance of institutional factors. EU economic differentiated arrangements tend to be more effective when: (i) there is a good ‘fit’ between the institutional design and the policy objectives; (ii) there are mechanisms to adapt them over time; and (iii) there are institutional provisions to prevent or mitigate negative side effects for the Union as a whole.

MaxPo Discussion Paper 21/3 Max Planck Sciences Po Center on Coping with Instability in Market Societies; HM Treasury’s estimation of the economic consequences of Brexit – using standard macroeconomic models – during the EU referendum campaign represents a remarkable intervention in a highly politicized public debate. It raises a series of questions about the use of economic expertise. Through a detailed theoretical and empirical critique of the Treasury’s methodology – and a reassessment of the likely effects of Brexit in light of this – we cast doubt on the utility of their approach, highlighting methodological issues, unrealistic assumptions, and misrepresentations of established facts. In the process we seek to identify some of the wider implications for the use and potential abuse of economic expertise in highly charged political contexts, such as the EU referendum debate.

The European Union and its member states largely refer to human rights as the foundation of the core values orienting domestic and external policies of the EU. Human rights violations in third countries are therefore seen as a key element of diplomatic and strategic engagement of the EU in world affairs, rising high expectations towards her influence. Analyzing relations with China since 1989 nevertheless raise doubts on the effectiveness of both hard and soft European power to directly transform the human rights situation in that case. With the growing importance of China as a global player, these relations have gradually evolved from unilateral pressure to the accepted coexistence of two adjacent normative systems, allowing for non confrontational dialogue and gradual change, but at the cost of accepting a slow pace of transformation of human rights situation in China. This situation involves a tension between the practice of European Union diplomacy and its proclaimed values, as well as between the reality of human rights promotion in China and its understanding by European public opinion. This chapter explores the contours and implications of this situation.

National audience

International audience; The internationalisation of political science is an uneven process. Existing studies have shown that it is characterised by centre-periphery relationships, with dominant Western countries setting the international standards of the discipline and scholars from the East and the Global South struggling to adapt to these standards. Fewer studies, however, have been devoted to the tensions that internationalisation creates within the Western world of political science. Through a study of the case of France, this article argues that some of the countries that enjoy a rather dominant position globally may still be internally divided by the changes brought about by internationalisation. The article portrays French political science as divided between institutions and scholars that are strongly connected to international venues, and others that are not. It concludes that the internationalisation of political science is best portrayed as a conflicted process and a point of contention, rather than a smooth process of gradual convergence.

International audience

This report is a revised version of the third and last WP2 deliverable. Drawing on the work done on the organizational, institutional, regulatory and political dimensions of road space allocation, it focuses on the contestation of street space. By purposefully using the notion of contestation, it sets out to identify various views on how space should be allocated across different transport modes and non-transport activities, as well as the various ways through which they are made material. Who has an interest in contesting road space arrangements or proposed changes? What are these claims about? How are they mobilized? To what extent are these claims channelled by formal consultation and decision-making processes? What similarities can be found across cities? How are these views represented at EU level? Drawing on an original qualitative dataset, the report includes an up-to-date analysis of how the contestation of street space enfolds across five cities - London, Constanta, Malmö, Lisbon and Budapest - and at EU level. Content: An up-to-date analysis of how the contestation of street space enfolds across five cities - London, Constanta, Malmö, Lisbon and Budapest - and at EU level ; Appendices : the detailed, supporting analysis for each of the five cases (“city portraits”), two sets of recommendations produced by ECF (European Cyclists Foundation) of how existing EU and Member states legislation should be revised in order to accommodate cycling.The revsions reflect the chnages taking place in the context of COVID-19 crisis across the 5 cities. Each city portrait has been updated (mainly section 4 about motivations and section 6 about future scenarios). Similarly, the cross-findings report was revised (the literature review, cross-findings about motivations and cooperation between public authorities and NGOs, developments taking place in the EU multi-level governance framework). The reference list was revised and updated as well across all sections.

This report constitutes a revised version of the first WP2 deliverable. It examines how road space allocation is addressed across different urban contexts an urban governance and a public policy perspective. It contributes to the understanding of transition management in the transport policy domain, from a car-oriented transport policy perspective towards the development of new policy approaches, such as one favouring sustainable mobility and over the recent period, place-making. The report includes an up-to-date analysis of major institutional, organizational and political factors shaping the design and implementation of urban road space allocation strategies across the five cities: London, Constanta, Malmö, Lisbon and Budapest. This revused version takes into account the changes in the political outlook across the 5 cities, the reference list, and a new table to represent cross-findings.

National audience; Le petit monde des élites semble regorger de « moutons noirs », politiciens et chefs d'entreprise qui ne craignent pas de bafouer les règles de la probité et les normes communes. Selon Pierre Lascoumes, des facteurs structurels expliquent la permanence de ces pratiques transgressives. Lire la suiteLe petit monde des élites semble regorger de « moutons noirs », politiciens et chefs d'entreprise qui ne craignent pas de bafouer les règles de la probité et les normes communes. Qu’ils s’appellent Cahuzac, Fillon, Sarkozy, Ghosn ou Tapie, il n’est guère de semaine sans que l’un de nos dirigeants soit désigné à la vindicte, la chronique de leurs démêlés judiciaires venant alimenter l’idée qu’ils sont « tous pourris ».Selon Pierre Lascoumes, des facteurs structurels expliquent la permanence des pratiques transgressives des élites : d’un côté, en tant que détentrices du pouvoir, elles énoncent des principes généraux qui s’imposent aux gouvernés ; de l’autre, elles ont la maîtrise de procédures dérogatoires (Cour de justice de la République, arbitrage, etc.) qu’elles ont elles-mêmes établies pour protéger leurs intérêts et positions. Un vaste répertoire de justifications relativise au besoin leurs infractions, évacuant les responsabilités et requalifi ant les fautes intentionnelles en erreurs excusables. Le tout renforcé par la faiblesse des sanctions institutionnelles, en particulier judiciaires.

National audience; L'ouvrage se fixe pour objectif de porter à la connaissance du plus grand nombre les débats qui organisent aujourd'hui la question écologique. Ces débats ne convoquent pas seulement l'anthropologie, la sociologie, l’histoire, la géographie et l’économie, mais aussi des domaines moins formalisés du savoir comme la philosophie. Lire la suiteIl faut se rendre à l'évidence : il se passe quelque chose de nouveau sous le soleil. Les majestueux processus physiques et chimiques qui organisent le système Terre, la trajectoire évolutive du vivant, la composition des sols, des eaux, tout cela porte désormais la marque des activités humaines.Les préoccupations écologiques viennent ouvrir des brèches dans les conceptions dominantes du progrès, du développement, de la richesse et, plus largement, dans l'idée même que l’on se fait de la coexistence sociale.Culture écologique se fixe pour objectif de porter à la connaissance du plus grand nombre les débats qui organisent aujourd’hui la question écologique. Ces débats convoquent les sciences de la Terre, l’anthropologie, la sociologie, l’histoire, la géographie et l’économie, ainsi que la philosophie. Leur contenu met en question l'organisation des savoirs, les normes politiques et l'encadrement technique de la nature.

National audience; Le monde, l’économie, la société ont changé plus vite que notre système de protection sociale. Aujourd’hui, la pauvreté s’est déplacée des plus âgés vers les plus jeunes (surtout les moins qualifiés) et singulièrement les jeunes femmes seules avec enfant. Le chômage de masse semble irréductible tandis que ceux qui travaillent le font de manière de plus en plus intense.Répondre à ces nouveaux enjeux n’est pas affaire de simples ajustements. Chez nos politiques pourtant, la quête sans fin de l’efficacité économique semble avoir escamoté la recherche d’une plus grande justice sociale.Il faut repenser ensemble nos politiques sociales et économiques. S’appuyant sur des expériences menées dans d’autres pays et sur leur connaissance de notre système de protection sociale, les auteurs proposent un nouveau contrat économique et social fondé sur l’investissement social, c’est-à-dire sur une réorientation de nos politiques publiques vers « les femmes, les jeunes et les enfants d’abord ». Pour sortir de l’économie du low cost qui est la nôtre en augmentant la qualification de tous. Pour proposer une montée en gamme de l’économie et de la société française.

International audience

Published 16 November 2021. Under embargo until 16 November 2022 The content of this document represents only the views of the TRANSNATIONAL team and is its sole responsibility. The European Commission does not accept any responsibility for use that may be made of the information it contains. The project leading to this application has received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme (grant agreement No 885026)”. This research note reports on the 1999–2019 Chapel Hill expert survey (CHES), which contains measures of national party positioning on European integration, ideology, and several European Union (EU) and non-EU policies for six waves of the survey, from 1999 to 2019. The trend file provides party position measures for all 28 EU countries and 1196 party-year observations. In this article, we analyze the evolving party positions on European integration from 1999 to 2019, with a particular focus on how EU positions are related to economic left right and the Green/Alternative/Libertarian-Traditional/Authoritarian/Nationalist dimension (GAL-TAN). The dataset is publicly available on the CHES website

International audience; Throughout 2020, essays and interviews by researchers from social sciences and humanities were published in the press. Many of them reflected on a « post-pandemic world ». A corpus consisting of 1550 articles from the French national press and newsblog entries was collected at the MSH-ParisSaclay/CNRS and analysed using a thematic review of items imagining a « world after the pandemic ». This article highlights visions of happiness in the future, in foreign and distant countries and analyses their underlying ideas of crisis. Indeed, happiness ought to be understood as a – currently unattainable - metaphor to differentiate between the pandemic as a state of uncertainty and redefinitions of the future spurred by the pandemic itself. Past, present and future are linked via a utopic – sometimes dystopic – vision of the future, where the pandemic acts as an accelerator of the ongoing paradigms, in particular in regard to the developing world. These articles use eurocentristic strategies of othering and orientalism to construct futures scenarios of international relations.

International audience

Barbara Joannon, Audrey Lenoël, Hélène Thiollet & Perin Emel Yavuz (dir.),; National audience; La manière dont les médias mettent en récit le fait migratoire a un impact non seulement sur la société mais aussi sur les politiques publiques. Le projet BRIDGES, financé par la Commission européenne, met en lumière ces interactions.

International audience; How do political parties respond to external shocks? Using an original survey of political parties across Europe conducted in June 2020 and Chapel Hill Expert Survey (CHES) data on partisan ideological positioning, we argue that the pre-existing ideological stances of Europe's political parties shaped their response to emerging Covid-19 policy issues, including the tension between economic normalization and containment, legal versus voluntary enforcement and the role of science in policymaking. We find that party ideology powerfully predicts how parties, both in government and in opposition, responded to the pandemic.

457 pages; This dissertation explores how ideological pluralism manifests itself in the local activities of the Labour Party, from the point of view of its members. It seeks to address the broader question of the interplay between agreement and dissent, cooperation and competition in voluntary political sociations. To which extent do Labour members manage to work towards shared objectives while expressing differing views? The party under scrutiny has been experiencing a polarisation of internal divergences and an accentuation of organised factionalism since 2015, making ideology-fuelled centrifugal dynamics particularly salient.This thesis considers ideologies as cultural systems oriented towards political action, that not only provide a template for understanding the social world but also promote specific participatory practices and norms. It examines the competition between rival interpretations of how the organisation should operate and its members behave, and conversely how Labour handles its internal pluralism to function at the grassroot level. This is reflected by the methods used, the bulk of the evidence being provided by participant observation and interviewing of members from four local parties.; Cette thèse propose d’explorer comment le pluralisme idéologique se manifeste dans le Parti Travailliste contemporain, du point de vue de ses militants « de base » et dans le cadre des activités de ses sections. De manière générale, il s’agit d’interroger les interactions entre désaccords, compétition et coopération au sein de sociations politiques dont les membres se mobilisent le plus souvent bénévolement au nom d’une cause présumée partagée. Il s’agit d’évaluer dans quelle mesure des activistes parviennent à œuvrer ensemble à des objectifs communs tout en exprimant des visions parfois contradictoires. L’enquête porte sur un parti en proie à de fortes divergences internes depuis 2015, autrement dit un terrain où les effets centrifuges du désaccord s’avèrent particulièrement saillants.La thèse se saisit des idéologies comme systèmes culturels tournés vers l’action politique, relayant à la fois des schèmes d’appréhension du monde social et des méthodes pour agir dessus. Ces moyens d’action recouvrent la doctrine, face labile et réflexive de l’idéologie servant notamment à la rédaction de programmes de gouvernement, mais aussi des préceptes normatifs contraignant les conduites militantes. Il en découle que les divergences idéologiques se traduisent entre autres par des interprétations différentes quant à la façon dont le parti doit opérer et ses membres se comporter. L’attention portée à l’activisme et à son interprétation justifie une démarche ethnographique s’appuyant sur l’observation participante de quatre sections locales du Labour et la réalisation d’entretiens approfondis avec leurs militants.

National audience

International audience; In this article, we examine the effects of political change on name changes of units within central government ministries. We expect that changes regarding the policy position of a government will cause changes in the names of ministerial units. To this end we formulate hypotheses combining the politics of structural choice and theories of portfolio allocation to examine the effects of political changes at the cabinet level on the names of intra-ministerial units. We constructed a dataset containing more than 17,000 observations on name changes of ministerial units between 1980 and 2013 from the central governments of Germany, the Netherlands, and France. We regress a series of generalized estimating equations (GEE) with population averaging models for binary outcomes. Finding variations across the three political-bureaucratic systems, we overall report positive effects of governmental change and ideological positions on name changes within ministries.

Chaque année, le gratin de l’urbanisme se réunit à Cannes pour le plus grand salon immobilier au monde. Quelques mois avant les stars de cinéma, promoteurs anglais, fonds de pension américains, architectes japonais et élus des métropoles françaises foulent les marches du Palais des festivals. Mais à l’image du marché qu’il incarne, le salon déroule avant tout le tapis rouge aux grands investisseurs pour qui l’immobilier n’est qu’un placement financier. En nous plongeant dans les allées et les coulisses du Marché international des professionnels de l’immobilier (MIPIM), Au marché des métropoles donne à voir comment la financiarisation de la ville se joue à travers « l’accréditation » des territoires par les investisseurs. Cette enquête menée entre Cannes, Paris, Londres et Lyon dévoile le rôle de la finance dans la transformation de pans entiers de nos villes. Elle constitue une contribution inédite à la critique des rouages par lesquels le capital étend son pouvoir sur nos vies quotidiennes.