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Al-Farabi laid the foundations of the philosophy of mutual understanding, following the principle of tolerance towards other cultures, religions and spiritual practices. He carried out a constructive dialogue between the philosophy of antiquity and the philosophy of the Middle Ages, Islam, Christianity and Judaism and organically entered into the modern discourse of the Kazakh philosophy of mutual understanding. In his teaching on mutual understanding, Al-Farabi revealed the unlimited possibilities of an integral communicative dialogue between completely different spiritual and intellectual worlds. The principle of mutual understanding as a way of mastering the semantic philosophical space of the ancient heritage allowed him to reveal the dialogic essence of philosophy and understand it as a dialogue of free, equal spiritual and intellectual practices. Through the prism of Al-Farabi’s philosophical heritage, the great meaning of the philosophy of mutual understanding is clarified.

Praca ma na celu przedstawienie najważniejszych zagadnień związanych z rozwojem współczesnego ruchu mesjanistycznego ze szczególnym odnie­sieniem do jego genezy oraz wierzeń. Zaprezentowana została w niej histo­ria i praktyki religijne Żydów mesjanistycznych, którzy stają się coraz bar­dziej widoczną częścią społeczności żydowskiej. W artykule wskazano także na niektóre z głównych wyzwań, przed jakimi stoi współczesny ruch mesja­nistyczny, który w unikatowy sposób łączy świat chrześcijaństwa i judaizmu. Niniejsza praca stawia sobie za cel częściowe wypełnianie luki w polskim śro­dowisku badawczym w odniesieniu do omawianego tematu, który dotychczas był prawie nieobecny.

Al-Quds (Jerusalem) has a considerably significant place as the holy land of Islam, Christianity and Judaism. Thus, it captures attention as the city which cannot be shared and to which each segment of the society lays claim in conjunction with the sense of belonging throughout history. Inasmuch as it acted as the first Qibla of Islam and Isra and Mi’raj incidents took place in al-Quds, the city is quite important and valuable for Muslims. As a matter of fact, the Prophet Mohammad strongly aspired for the conquest of al-Quds and its environs. In the period of the Caliph Abu Bakr, along with achievements of Muslim commanders who undertook military expeditions to al-Quds, Jordan and Syria, this aspiration of the Prophet set out to come true. With the conquest of al-Quds in the period of the Caliph Umar, the Islamic flag which would fly for a long time was planted on the city. After the Rashidun Caliphate, al-Quds remained under the control of Umayyads, Abbasids, Tulunids, Ikhshidids and Fatimids. Seljuks intensifying military campaigns and expeditions towards the west as of the second half of the 11th century got engaged in operations inten-ded for conquering lands of Syria and Palestine. Seljuk Amir Atsiz ibn Uvaq seized al-Quds in 1071 CE, and launched the Seljuk rule that would last for around 28 years in the city. It is discerned that studies carried out until now on the period when Seljuks ruled al-Quds were generally authored in the context of political affairs. On the other hand, some authors studying al-Quds in general referred to a troubled process while addressing the period when the city was under the Seljuk control. However, this is not really the case. Rather, when al-Quds was captured by Seljuks, it became part of the Seljuk State which enjoyed its golden age. It is impossible to set al-Quds apart from Seljuk lands where justice, safety, tolerance and socio-economic welfare prevailed. In this respect, allegations by partisan writers asserting that cultural and economic decline was experienced in al-Quds in Seljuk period have no basis. In contrast, there exist evidences revealing that the city was dominated by peace, economic welfare and a serenely developing spiritual life. This study will attempt to answer the following question: “What was the situation like in al-Quds when it was under the control of Seljuks?” and in light of findings acquired from resources, the history of al-Quds of the period of Seljuks will be reviewed in this article.

Actuality. Our time is characterised by the penetration of egalitarian ideas of Western liberalism and political correctness in the sphere of language. Language, speech, communication practices are reviewed and revised to determine if they are politically correct. Religious and sacred texts of Christianity and Judaism do not stand aside from the careful examination of the followers of the ideas of compiling a politically correct Bible. The purpose of this article is to find out if it is possible to change the texts of English translations of the Christian Bible, from a theological and linguistic point of view, and if it is possible to consider gender-neutral versions of Messianic passages of the English Bible as authentic, suitable for the correct transmission of meaning, i.e. reading, theological and historical analysis, as well as liturgical practice. The object of the research is represented by the texts of several widely used in modern Anglicanism gender-neutral English versions of the Bible: The Inclusive Bible: The First Egalitarian Translation by Priests for Equality (IBFET, 2009); New English Translation (NET, 1998); New International Version Inclusive Language Edition (NIVI, 1995). King James’ Bible original version (KJV) of 1611 edition is used as a reference point. Research techniques include the method of contextual analysis, comparative method, structural method, comparative historical method. Such taxonomic units of sacred Messianic texts as son of God, son of man, the lord, the master, the king, heaven kingdom , constructions of common grammatical gender are analysed. It is demonstrated that in almost all cases of gender-neutral constructions use, the meaning of the text changes: from insignificant changes to the reproduction of openly heretical views from the viewpoint of traditional Anglicanism. Our study shews that gender-neutral language introduces new feminist meanings into Messianic sacred texts, which were not previously contained there. Gender-neutral English translations of the Christian Bible cease to be canonical from the point of view of Christian theology. Nevertheless, gender-neutral philological strategies of modifying the ways of modern Anglican preaching can be an extremely interesting and instructive example of the fact that in the modern world certain social and political discourses can stand behind Christian homiletics.

The Merchant of Venice is well-known primarily for its story about the rancor between Antonio and Shylock and the clash between Christianity and Judaism. If we consider the structure of the play, h...

espanolDialogo, carta, tratado, homilia, testimonia e incluso poesia son las principales formas de la controversia adversus Iudaeos, que recurrio a la exegesis del Antiguo Testamento como base de la argumentacion. Las circunstancias historicas del desencuentro entre el cristianismo y el judaismo afectaron en gran manera a los escritos de esta polemica, que van desde la apologia de los primeros tiempos a la reiteracion de topicos antijudaicos de la epoca del imperio cristiano. El uso de las formas literarias dependia en gran manera de la finalidad de las obras y especialmente de los destinatarios, aunque en muchas ocasiones no es facil saber si eran los judios, los cristianos o ambos colectivos. EnglishDialogue, Epistle, Treatise, Homily, Testimonia, even Poetry are the main forms of the controversy adversus Iudaeos, that resorted to the exegesis of the Old Testament as the basis of the argument. The historical circumstances of the disagreement between Christianity and Judaism have a direct relationship with the contents of this controversy: in the early life of Christianity the writings were apologetic, and during the Christian empire were repeated the anti-Jewish topics. The use of the literary forms depended on the purpose and the recipients of the works. In many cases, however, it is not easy to know wether the recipients were the Jews, the Christians or both collectives.

Nathanael J. Andrade, The Journey of Christianity to India in Late Antiquity: Networks and the Movement of Culture . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018. 296 pages, 3 b/w maps. ISBN 9781108419123. £75. Andrade is a welcome newcomer to the field of authors who have attempted to establish the roots of Christianity in India, a topic of interest to students of early Eastern Christianity in general and the St Thomas tradition in particular. Readers of the genre will be familiar with the closely held belief among several writers, relying on the Acts of Thomas , that it was the Apostle Thomas himself who arrived on the south-west coast of India in the first century C.E. and set about his program of preaching and conversion. Taking an altogether different approach to this tradition, Andrade's work is clearly and firmly located in the study of networks. This framework sets the scene for a work which is a useful deviation from the norm in relation to other studies on the beginnings of Christianity in India. Andrade is insightful in his questions about the meaning of Christianity—that is, what defined “religion” and how premodern societies perceived it. He explores the distinction between Christianity and Judaism as what he calls two “stable and separate” faiths, and places religion firmly in a socio-cultural framework. He rightly notes that Christianity, even in its early iterations, was not monocultural. These observations provide early insights into his views of the timeline of Christianity's arrival and establishment in India. The book is presented in three parts, supported by three maps and two appendices. The first part, consisting of less than 30 pages, deals with the Acts of Thomas , with detailed reflections on dating, language and location. He examines geographic and other anomalies and offers the conclusion that, in his view, the Acts of Thomas lack historical validity in regard to the arrival of Christianity in India. The second part, comprised of two …

This chapter aims to deduce adaptable and sustainable fundamentals of Christian-Islamic dialogue from the primary source of Islam, the Qur’an. Therefore, qur’anic passages regarding monotheistic religions, such as Christianity and Judaism, are discussed and analyzed in the light of interreligious dialogue, with the goal of promoting peaceful coexistence in the diverse society of the twenty-first century. The discussion and analysis are based on the premises that understanding and interpretation of the Qur’an require the consideration of “the occasions of revelation.” The analysis and discussion focuses on three referential points in the qur’anic text: recognition of previous prophets, accepting salvific elements of other religions, and the differentiated consideration of members of other religions, which can be fruitful for developing a basic framework for interreligious dialogue.

The chapter briefly reviews the historical background of Islamic economics and its basic principles that differ from the conventional systems, particularly its main distinctive feature, namely the prohibition of interest. It introduces the pre-Islamic riba, briefs the origins of the ban in the Quran (holy book) and Sunnah (practices of the Prophet), shortly reviews the approach of fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) to riba and interest, and presents the traditional view on the definition of riba. The chapter also summarizes the opposing views to the mainstream approach to the relation of riba and interest, the instruments developed to be alternative to the interest-based transactions, and other devious ways used to overcome the prohibition of interest. It presents the similarities of the devious ways used in Islamic economics with the ones used in Christianity and Judaism. Finally, it provides a chronological bibliography of Islamic economics on the concept of interest.

Fil: Flano, Emanuel. Universidad de Fordham. Departamento de Teología; Nueva York Resumen: través del presente artículo en dos partes me propongo emprender un examen del papel que las controversias trinitarias del cuarto siglo jugaron en determinar el alejamiento entre judíos y cristianos en la Antigüedad tardía. Este ensayo propone que nuevas particiones surgieron dentro de lo que podríamos llamar el continuum cristiano-judío, gracias a las novedosas prácticas intelectuales desarrolladas por los cristianos durante esos debates para expresar sus ideas sobre Dios. Desde el punto de vista del contenido teológico, las disputas trinitarias permanecieron dentro del continuum de judaísmo y cristianismo: ninguna de las opciones teológicas exploradas por los cristianos habría sido fuente de particular escándalo para un judío contemporáneo a raíz de su particular articulación de lo divino. Sin embargo, al abandonar algunos modos argumentativos que oficiaban de puentes entre discursos protorabínicos y protocristianos, la producción de un campo teológico por parte de los creyentes en Jesús determinó que cristianismo y judaísmo se constituyan en tradiciones intelectuales diferenciadas. Abstract: With this article in two parts I hope to open up an examination of the role played by the fourth-century Trinitarian controversies in the late ancient estrangement between Jews and Christians. The article proposes that new partitions emerged in Judaeo-Christianity thanks to the novel practices that during the Trinitarian controversies Christians developed to express their ideas about God. From the viewpoint of theological content, the Trinitarian disputes persisted within a lasting Christian-Jewish continuum: none of the theological options explored by Christians would have caused particular scandal to a contemporaneous Jew on account of its particular articulation of divine reality. Nevertheless, by disengaging from earlier modes of argumentation functioning as bridges between proto-rabbinic and proto- Christian discourses, the production of a theological field on the part of believers in Jesus was largely responsible for the separate constitution of Christianity and Judaism as intellectual traditions.

الملخّص يُعالج البحث إشكالية "البدعة" في الفكر الإسلامي مقارنا إيّاها بمثيلاتها في النصرانية واليهودية. ويحلّل البحث الأصول اللغويّة والنصيّة للبدعة في الإسلام. ويستنتج أنّ توظيف المستشرقين لمصطلح الهرطقة لدراسة التّراث البدعوي في الإسلام إسقاط متهافت نظرا إلى الاختلاف المفهومي والسياقي: العقدي والتّشريعي بين الأديان التوحيديّة. ثم يقارن البدعة في الإسلام بالتّراث الهرطوقي الذي تشكّل مع الفرق اليهوديّة والنّصرانية الخارجة عن سلطة الكنيسة، وكيفيّة نظر الأرتودوكسية إليها. وفي الأخير يقدّم البحث نماذج من نظر اليهود والنصارى إلى الفكر الإسلامي في جملته باعتباره فكرا بدعويا من خلال حكمهم على ابن رشد الحفيد. ويخلص البحث إلى جملة من النتائج من أهمها: تهافت توظيف المستشرقين للمصطلحات النصرانية في دراسة الفكر الإسلامي، واختلاف مفهوم البدعة ومجال انطباقها بين الأديان الثلاثة. الكلمات المفتاحية: البدعة، الهرطقة، الإسلام، النصرانية، اليهودية. Abstract The research deals with the problem of "Bid’ah" in Islamic thought, compared to Christianity and Judaism. It analyzes the linguistic and textual assets of heresy in Islam. Then, it compares the Bid’ah in Islam with the heretical heritage of early Jewish and Christian sects that confronted the authority of the official Church. Finally, the research presents examples of the view of Jews and Christians on Islamic thought as a heretical one, through their judgment on Ibn Rushd's thought. Among the major results of the research is that the use of Christian terminologies, such as “heresy” by Orientalists to study the Islamic thought, is erroneous due to the conceptual and contextual differences between Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. The scope of Bid’ah in mediaeval and modern Islamic thought and its application require further investigation and insight. Keywords: Bid’ah, Heresy, Islam, Christianity, Judaism.

Salamah Eka Susanti Abstract : The doctrine of salvation is an important concept that is common to every religion. Therefore, each religion claims to be the savior (Salvator) for each of its followers. In Protestant Christianity for example, there is a doctrine known as "No Salvation Outside Christianity", beyond Christianity there is no salvation. Likewise in Catholic Christianity, adhering to, a doctrine that mentions "Extra Ecclesiam Nulla Salus", outside the church there is no salvation. For Judaizers, the doctrine of "The Chosen People" becomes their theological foundation that only Jews will gain salvation. Whereas in Islam itself, the theological argument of salvation as their own is based on the doctrine of ultimate cessionism (ie, Christianity and Judaism) remains valid before the coming of the new (Islamic) rule that replaces the old rule, the new rule by itself cancel the previous rule. This argument is based primarily on the verse ( إن الد ين عند الله الاء سلام ) .If historically examined, all religions without exception, both tertiary and non-theistic are born and have a claim to the truth about the assurance of salvation, whether expressed explicitly or implicitly. In other words, no religion does not have a doctrine of salvation because the claim of salvation is something that is already inherent in every religion. Keywords : Concepts, Salvation, Al-Qur'an.

This paper explores similarities between the sacrilegious revaluations Nietzsche and Spinoza undertook with regards to Christianity and Judaism respectively. In both cases, these revaluations involve a devaluation of an ancestral religious tradition, followed by the infusion of alternative values posited through forms of secular salvation linked to immanent conceptions of eternity. Given the importance of the structural and phenomenological similarities the paper analyses, it is argued that if Nietzsche thought of himself as the Anti-Christ, there is a convincing case to think of Spinoza as the Anti-Moses. And because both the Anti-Christ and the Anti-Moses not only devaluated their respective religious traditions, but also suggested forms of beatitude based on a valorizing notion of eternity, their efforts are profoundly religious. Accordingly, Nietzsche and Spinoza are not only arguably the greatest Christian and Jewish heretics, but also the prophets of innovative forms of secular and immanent ...

Christianity was introduced to the Indian sub-continent in the first century by St. Thomas one of the twelve disciples of Jesus in Kerala, India. It was the trade that established socio-political links between India and eastren Mediterranean world and ultimately introduced Islam, Christianity and Judaism to this region. After the decline of Thomasonian Christians another group from Jerusalem and Baghdad re-established chiristainity in Malabar region. Historically Christianity made its way into the strange land by adopting its customs. It is said that Thomasonian Christians were culturally Indians, religiously Christians and ritually easterners. During their hard time in India they were supported by the Muslim rulers who let them flourish under the umbrela of their protection. Keywords: Christianity, Sub-continent, Islam, Malabar, Jerusalem

Motivated by both the theory on socio-cultural drivers of technological innovation (Coccia 2014b), the hindering and facilitating theories on religion and innovation (Liu et al., 2018), and the Schwartz's value theory (Schwartz, 2006), this paper aims to provide empirical evidence between the two variables. In particular, we explore the impact of major religions (Christianity, Judaism, Islam and Buddhism) on innovative activities globally. Using data for 113 countries (core sample) from 1996 to 20102 with treatments for endogeneity, we find significant direct effects of religious affiliations on innovative activities. In particular, Christianity and Judaism reduce innovation, while in general, Buddhism and Irreligion increase innovation. The effect of Islam on innovation is largely insignificant. The effects of denominations of Christianity, Judaism are also largely negative, except for Catholics and Orthodox Judaism. The results also indicate that the direction of impact stays relatively unchanged across countries with different levels of democracy, income and religion regulation.

Miracles have played a very important role in the history of Christianity. I argue that this role is greatly overstated if miracles are not only considered as evidence for God's existence, but also as tests to assess whether a central doctrine of a religion expresses divine revelation (as, for instance, Richard Swinburne has it). I further argue that, among other things, such a position suppresses very important elements of what I call dialogical rationality in Christianity, especially those inherent in the encounter between science and religion, the Bible and tradition, and Christianity and Judaism.

Launching Studies in Late Antiquity one year ago, we wanted to publish methodologically sophisticated and multidisciplinary scholarship that would de-center the study of Late Antiquity, engaging the Mediterranean with the wider late ancient world. This month's issue fulfuls that goal by presenting four articles from four disciplinary perspectives on the culture of Syria Palaestina. While each article makes an original and important contribution in its own right, the issue as a whole conveys an appreciation not just for the kaleidoscope of cultures that contributed to the region's heritage, but also for the centrality of its legacy—for Christianity and Judaism, for the Roman legal tradition, and for the wider world. The topography of Syria Palaestina opened the region to diverse cultural expressions from all directions. Local artisans, receptive to new styles, rendered them in local materials using native techniques. When artists transform local stone, mixing their labor with imported styles, they create objects that speak in different registers to local residents or to travelers—familiar and strange in different ways to both groups. Itamar …

This chapter examines the ancient evidence for interaction between Jews and Christians on the Bible. It begins by noting how the motivation behind the investigation of this subject has changed over the past century. Questions relating to sources and problems of method are then addressed. An examination of the evidence follows. Initially an attempt is made to show how Christians in particular were influenced by Jewish interpretative traditions, Bible versions, and canon. Such evidence might be taken to imply contact between Jews and Christians but this is difficult to show. In fact there are very few references to such contact in the relevant literature and what evidence does exist is difficult to interpret. Relevant Christian texts, often of a polemical kind, are generally too repetitive and formulaic to prove contact; and the Jewish evidence is at best minimal, in spite of the efforts of some to show that on occasion exegetical traditions in rabbinic sources could be taken to imply opposition to alternative Christian interpretations. Instinctively, however, a reading of a work like John Chrysostom’s Sermons against the Judaizing Christians makes us think that interest in Jewish understandings of the Bible amongst Christians must have persisted, even if there is perhaps less evidence of such interest on the part of Jews.

Denne publikasjonen tillater å lese, laste ned, kopiere, distribuere, skrive ut, søke i eller lenke til artiklene. Innholdet kan fritt benyttes i forskning og undervisning, under forutsetning at kildene oppgis. Fullteksten er tilgjengelig på https://www.egede.no/sites/default/files/dokumenter/pdf/NTM_2019_03-04_Alsvaag.pdf An answer to the question whether the gospel should be proclaimed to Jews presupposes a discussion of some important theological and hermeneutical issues. For Paul, the principle of God’s unwavering faithfulness is the relevant starting point. This implies that the promises to Israel still are valid. The gentiles should therefore maintain humility toward the Jews even if they reject the belief in Jesus as the Messiah. Unfortunately, this admonition has to a large extent been overlooked through the history of the church. There is only one way to God, but the gentile church has not replaced Israel. Jews should, however, not maintain their Jewish identity within the church in a way that subverts the theological signifcance of the Christian sacraments

The research aimed to find out how Jews reconstructed their identity as a nation, religion, or as a part of American society through media and biblical movies. ‘The Ten Commandments’ is one of the significant films to present Jews and Christianity in the framework of religious popular movies. From time to time, this narrative frequently interests the cineaste from both the Hollywood industry and television series. Despite various forms of representation on screen, the story of The Ten Commandments is exactly about the Torah, the biblical story about how God revealed the Ten Commandments through Moses to the people of Israel. This narrative is the primary source that is usually assumed as the basic understanding of Christianity and Judaism. Focusing on the Judeo-Christian heritage as represented in The Ten Commandments, the research applies the Critical Discourse Analysis by Van Dijk, and Stuart Hall’s representation to see the relation of this notion to the acceptance of Jews among the Christians. The study finds that concerning their relationship with the Christians so far, for Jews, this kind of movie is like a voice of the Jews to see their relationship with Christians in a different way. The Jews, or the people of Israel, are indeed a part of Christianity. Both share similar narratives, messengers, experiences, and even conduct similar traditions of the ancient law, though the differences on theological structures between the two and disagreement toward certain things cannot be negotiated.

Al-Khalil, also known as Hebron, is a settlement hosting different belief groups. Al-Haram Al-Ibrahimi or Abraham's Tomb or Tombs of the Patriarchs, names of the same historic sacred site, is the focal point of this settlement. Since this site represents the identity of different belief groups, this condition has indeed initiated conservation problems. In particular, the research puts forward main problems related with the mutually worshipped and used pattern of Al-Haram Al-Ibrahimi/Tombs of the Patriarchs. It further seeks to discuss alternative ways of its structure-oriented conservation. Al-Haram Al-Ibrahimi/Tombs of the Patriarchs is considered to be a holy site located in Al-Khalil/Hebron. Its history dating back to the Middle Bronze Age, Al-Haram Al-Ibrahimi/Tombs of the Patriarchs witnessed Roman, Byzantine, Umayyad, Ayyubid, Mamluk and Ottoman periods, respectively. Above the tombs of Ibrahim/Abraham as well as his prophets and their wives who have religious significance in Islam, Christianity and Judaism; at some point in the Islamic period, a mosque was added and this sacred complex was transformed over time by different civilizations. After the establishment of the Israeli state in 1948, the conditions changed for using Al-Haram Al-Ibrahimi/Tombs of the Patriarchs. Due to the tensions between Israel and Palestine, the building complex, according to the Hebron Protocol, was divided into two to host Jews and Muslims in 1997. This condition created some problems for the sacred site in terms of its sustainable conservation. Since this kind of a division creates difficulties in studying within the section of the “other” belief group, surveying the building complex as a whole, which is the initial stage of conservation process, is prevented. Thereby, the holistic approach of conservation cannot be applied for this building. Within this context, this research aims to discuss possible solutions for the protection and risk management of Al-Haram Al-Ibrahimi/Tombs of the Patriarchs, as well as evaluate the role of international organization related with heritage conservation.

European culture traces its history back to the ancient Greek civilisations, while Christianity and Judaism have their roots in the populations on the eastern shore of the Mediterranean Sea. Genome studies of several Bronze Age individuals from each of these regions have now probed the genetic roots of early civilisations, revealing both migration and continuity in both cases. Michael Gross reports.

The thesis explores the Jewish view of Jesus Christ of Geza Vermes concept and its possible influence on the Jewish-Christian dialogue. This Jewish researcher is known primarily as a popularist of the Dead Sea Scrolls, which were translated by him into English for the first time. Admittedly he is significant in the field of Jesus Studies. We present the author's perception of Jesus according to his life and work with focus on selected New Testament passages. Furthermore we focus on Messianic Judaism as a potential bridge in the Jewish-Christian dialogue, and discuss the conteporary state of these relations. A research survey was also developed on the subject of the dialogue. Finally, we summarize and evaluate the contribution of Geza Vermes' work, with emphasis on its use in the Jewish-Christian dialogue, with the support of our own research based on Czech experts,that complements the acquired piece of knowledge.

This chapter introduces the book, Meeting in Sacred Space: Engaging with Spirituality in Family Therapy, an edited volume whose chapters are written from the authors’ diverse perspectives informed by Christianity, Islam, Judaism, Native American spiritual practice, Sikhism, Southern and Eastern African spiritual traditions, and Taoism. It offers a challenge to the current dominant global cultural discourse of individualism, offering the possibility of alternative global culture grounded in respect for the universality of human spirituality. Recognizing the problems of sectarian religious violence, fundamentalism, and struggles for hegemonic dominance, the authors offer an alternative model of ethical dialogue in a metaphorical “sacred space” shared by participants deeply grounded in the particulars of their faiths. Respectful witnessing of each other’s practices opens hearts to profound, tangible, yet inexpressible realms of common human spiritual experience. Authors were invited to write transparently about their engagement with spirituality in their therapeutic and teaching practices, to share their spiritual journeys in the context of their complex social identities, and to provide illustrations of their work. As the Editor and author of this introductory chapter, I trace my journey as the scion of generations of Protestant Christian ministry through a range of esoteric traditions into Judaism and the study of Jewish esoterica in Kabbalah and Chasidut. I illustrate my work with the case of a Roman Catholic patient for whom I drew from related traditions in Christianity and Judaism to help her overcome a pattern of misfortune and build resilience.

Philo's own identity, as a Jewish biblical interpreter and Platonic thinker, afforded these authors the conceptual space in which to elaborate the contours of Christianness vis-a-vis a proximate Jewishness (the author generally avoids the terms Christianity and Judaism because, she says, they anachronistically connote the category of religion). Otto conceptualizes Philo as a lens for revisiting questions about the parting of the ways, the differences in Christian usages of the terms Ioudaioi, Hebraioi, and Israel, the relationship between ancient notions of ethnicity and way of life, and the idea of Christianity as a philosophy. Otto thus proposes that Clement came into contact with Philo's works through the vibrant (non-Jewish) philosophical networks in Alexandria. Because the philosophical schools of Alexandria were open to consulting outside works, Philo's writings were almost certainly part of the city's broader philosophical exchanges.

The Ancient Synagogue: The First Thousand Years, by Lee I. Levine. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000. Pp. xvi +748. $75.00. Discussion of synagogues is central to understanding the social location of both Judaism and Christianity, especially in the early Roman period but no less so up through the Byzantine period. The complex reasons for this centrality include the architecture of Jewish communal buildings, new archaeological finds, the intricate connections between Diaspora and Palestinian Judaism, interpretation of inscriptions referring to proseuchai and synagogai, the development and institutionalization of Jewish groups, analogies to various groups and associations in antiquity, not to mention questions about the nature of pre- and post-70 Judaism and the "parting of the ways" between Christianity and Judaism. Sociology, theology, history, archaeology, and liturgy are among the disciplines involved in examining synagogues. Origins, architecture, development, decoration, identifying features, and functions are among the still-debated issues. Given the spate of recent studies, the range of the controversies, and the new data, one person could hardly be expected to master all the primary and secondary material bearing on these questions. Lee I. Levine (Hebrew University, Jerusalem), a frequent contributor to the debates of the last two decades, has pulled together virtually all the relevant information into a seamless whole in this big book on the first thousand years of the ancient synagogue (the imprecision reflects that we do not know precisely when to fix the synagogue's origins). It falls into two parts, sandwiched between an introductory chapter and a concluding epilogue: "The Historical Development of the Synagogue," divided between the Second Temple period (chs. 2-5) and later antiquity (chs. 6-8), and "The Synagogue as an Institution" (chs. 9-18, organized functionally). He turns effortlessly throughout from textual to archaeological to functional data, fully at home in discussion of any potion of the evidence. This is the sort of extraordinarily well-written book one wishes one might have written oneself. He begins by dismissing in short order H. C. Kee's insistence that there were no synagogues in the pre-70 period. When he reviews the various suggested origins of the synagogue-neatly compressed into six or seven pages-he insists correctly that the institution of the synagogue did not emerge from a crisis or a single event. He offers as his own proposal on origins the city gate (pp. 26-41), looking back to the social importance of the city gate in the Iron Age and Persian period and emphasizing the developmental urban changes that took place in the Hellenistic period. It is true that the gate was where the community met, where justice was dispensed, and where Torah was read, and that these are similar to functions and the roles that synagogues came to play. But there are three historical hurdles in such a claim: (1) most synagogues in Judea that have survived were in small unwalled towns and villages where there was no city gate; (2) there are no transitional structures that show a developmental process from gate to synagogue; (3) the earliest (inscriptional) evidence for synagogues is in the Diaspora, where the city gate model can hardly apply to the Jewish community. Whether one accepts his hypothesis, however, does not affect one's appreciation of the book's astute analyses of the various issues; Levine's judicious and measured evaluations of the data and controversies stand independently of his own conjectured origin of the synagogue. Part 1 considers pre-70 Judea and the Diaspora, then the Second Temple, late Roman, and Byzantine periods, followed by a summary discussion of the Diaspora synagogue. These chapters rehearse briefly and accurately the evidence site by site (especially chs. 3, 4, 6, 8), including assessments of the inscriptional evidence. The evidence, both well known and not so well known, from pre-70 Judea shows that there is no single model for the synagogue in this early period (p. …

Chrismukkah and its increased public presence marked a shift in the public discourse around Christian–Jewish interfaith families in the United States in the years surrounding the turn of the millennium. In children's literature, greeting cards, humor books, on television and in blogs, interfaith families who practiced elements of both Christianity and Judaism constructed a multicultural identity by the strategic reframing of practices from both backgrounds. Rather than understanding this identity as based in a failure to choose one religious practice over another, multicultural interfaith families argued that their blended practices both reflected an unavoidable reality and offered distinct advantages and moral formation to their families. “Religion,” as used by these multicultural families, becomes the domain of religious institutions, with membership lists and competing truth claims. “Culture,” their preferred term, denotes practices that are equivalent and can exist simultaneously in the lives of families and individuals. The article argues that interfaith families who practice both traditions use language of multiculturalism to create a space for such choices to be framed as morally cohesive. This multicultural framing then re-casts these practices, re-inscribing them with values of tolerance and minimization of difference rather than the theological and historical content ascribed by many of the religious institutions that these families avoid.

Jesus’ antagonistic encounters with the Pharisees serve traditionally as a basis for the poor relationship between Christianity and Judaism. The conflict stories epitomized by Jesus’ parables have been assessed as descriptions of how he either justifiably revealed his adversaries’ falseness or falsely defamed them. These stories are used to justify later religious conflicts. I shall argue that the traditional anti-Pharisaic interpretations of Jesus’ parables have an inadequate basis in the actual stories. Instead, they are due to two axiomatic perspectives that dominate the interpretation: ill-fitting allegorical explanations and/or the search for some historical context. Both approaches have resulted in manipulating the parables, either by curtailing them or by importing into them information of which their actual audience(s) were unaware.