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An aqueous antiseptic containing "chlorhexidine digluconate/benzalkonium chloride/benzyl alcohol" (CBB) is widely used in France. The only previous documented study dealing with allergic contact dermatitis (ACD) to this antiseptic is one small case series in children. The French Vigilance Network for Dermatology and Allergy (REVIDAL-GERDA) has collected many cases in the last few years.To evaluate the clinical and sensitization profiles of patients diagnosed with ACD to CBB.We performed a retrospective study of patients with contact dermatitis to CBB and positive tests to CBB and/or at least one of its components. All patients had to be tested with all components of CBB.A total of 102 patients (71 adults and 31 children) were included. The lesions were extensive in 63% of patients and 55% had delayed time to diagnosis. CBB patch tests were positive in 93.8% of cases. The allergen was identified in 97% of patients, mainly benzyl alcohol in adults (81.7%) and chlorhexidine digluconate in children (54.8%). About 32.4% of the patients were sensitized to several components.CBB is a cause of ACD at all ages. The components of the antiseptic should be tested. The sensitization profile seems to be different between adults and children.

The repeated open application test (ROAT) is an adjuvant investigation measure to patch testing in the diagnosis of allergic contact dermatitis. ESCD recommends a 15 days duration but its overall duration varies according to publications and patients hardly adhere to prolonged ROAT duration beyond 1 week.The Dermatology and Allergy Group of the French Society of Dermatology performed a prospective study with the aim of determining the best duration for the ROAT.A total of 328 ROAT results were collected for topical products, including cosmetics (60%) and topical medications (31.1%). Fifty-nine (18%) ROATs were positive, and 16 (5%) were doubtful. All the positive ROATs occurred within 10 days, with a median time to positivity of 3 days.According to our results, a minimum duration of 10 days is necessary to achieve a positive ROAT to a topical product.

Introduction Le role des medicaments dans la survenue d’eruptions eczematiformes du sujet âge (EESA) a ete suggere dans une etude cas-temoin francaise montrant une frequence de prise des inhibiteurs calciques de 26 % chez les patients ayant une EESA (OR de 2,5 par rapport aux temoins sans eczema). Ces resultats ont ensuite ete confirmes par une etude retrospective americaine. Des cas isoles d’EESA ont depuis ete rapportes avec le clopidogrel, les IEC, les ARAII et les diuretiques. Notre etude initiale ayant ete realisee il y a 15 ans, nous en avons realise une nouvelle pour reevaluer l’association entre les prises medicamenteuses et les EESA. Materiel et methodes Cette etude retrospective a ete conduite dans 16 centres du GREAT, FISARD ou DAG de 2018 a 2020. Nous avons compare la frequence des 10 classes medicamenteuses les plus prescrites entre la population etudiee (patients de plus de 65 ans developpant un eczema chronique sans cause identifiee) et la population generale de reference du meme âge dont les donnees ont ete obtenues grâce a l’Echantillon Generaliste des Beneficiaires (EGB) issu de la base informatique de la Securite Sociale, apres standardisation indirecte sur le sexe et l’âge. Tous les patients inclus avaient des lesions eczematiformes etendues (plus de 20 % de la surface corporelle), depuis plus de 3 mois. Une biopsie cutanee evocatrice d’eczema devait avoir ete realisee ainsi qu’une immunofluorescence directe negative ou des anticorps BPAG 1 et 2 negatifs afin d’eliminer une pemphigoide au stade pre-bulleux. Les patients n’avaient pas d’antecedent de dermatite atopique dans l’enfance. Resultats Cent quatre vingt cinq patients (120 H et 65 F) d’âge moyen 79,5 ± 7,5 ans ont ete inclus. L’hypertension arterielle representait la comorbidite la plus frequente (69,7 % des patients). Les patients prenaient en moyenne 5,0 ± 3,2 medicaments. Les medicaments les plus frequemment prescrits etaient les inhibiteurs calciques (39,5 %), les statines (36,8 %), les antiagregants plaquettaires (31,9 %), les betabloquants (30,8 %), les ARA2 (29,2 %), les diuretiques thiazidiques (23,8 %), les IEC (22,7 %), les IPP (21,6 %), les diuretiques de l’anse (17,8 %) et les benzodiazepines (15,1 %). Un ou plusieurs medicaments etaient arretes chez 60 (32,4 %) patients. Parmi eux, 31 (51,7 %) ne presentaient plus de lesion a 6 mois. L’analyse comparative par rapport a l’EGB est en cours. Discussion Les caracteristiques des patients concordent avec celles observees dans notre etude precedente, en particulier la predominance masculine et la polymedication. La frequence de prise des inhibiteurs calciques (39,5 %) est encore plus elevee (× 1,5) que dans notre etude initiale confirmant le tres fort risque lie a cette classe medicamenteuse. La comparaison avec les donnees de l’EGB (analyse en cours avec resultats prevus prochainement) permettra peut-etre de mettre en evidence une association avec d’autres classes medicamenteuses.

Born in 1672 in a climate of strong anti-Catholicism and Francophobia in England, yet aware that France was a great source of intellectual and cultural inspiration, Joseph Addison had a complex relationship with the French nation. His works reflect the tensions between his admiration for the rival country and his hatred of the French political regime. This chapter argues that French influence on Addison’s writings and Addison’s ambivalent attitude to France are nowhere more perceptible than in his way of handling the French ‘battle of the books’, the famous ‘querelle des anciens et des modernes’. It also contends that Addison’s ambivalent attitude to the French was not lost on the eighteenth-century French intellectuals who, though they celebrated him as ‘a friend of mankind’, often borrowed his ideas without acknowledging them.

Introduction Le RCP des biotherapies (BT) et de l’apremilast (APR) ne mentionne aucune contre-indication en cas d’antecedents de cancer solide. Cependant les recommandations francaises proposent de discuter au cas par cas avec l’oncologue l’initiation de BT/APR dans ces circonstances. Materiel et methodes Etude retrospective multicentrique au sein du GEM Resopso decrivant la tolerance BT/APR chez les patients psoriasiques aux antecedents de cancer solide. Criteres d’inclusion : patient ayant debute BT/APR apres le diagnostic de cancer. Criteres d’exclusion : carcinomes basocellulaires, carcinomes epidermoides cutanes(CEC) du groupe 1. Resultats Un total de 92 patients etaient inclus, 49 femmes, âge moyen 61,8 ans, rhumatisme psoriasique 21,7 %. Avant le diagnostic de cancer, 20 patients avaient deja recu une BT ; 87 patients avaient eu un cancer solide et 5 deux cancers. Il s’agissait de cancer du sein n = 30, melanome n = 13, prostate n = 10, colorectal n = 8, col uterin n = 6, ORL n = 6, urothelial n = 5, CEC du groupe 2 n = 5, rein n = 4, poumon n = 3, testicule n = 2, sarcome n = 2, thyroide n = 1, thymome malin n = 1, carcinome hepatocellulaire n = 1. Au diagnostic du cancer, 20 patients etaient sous BT. Le delai moyen entre le diagnostic de cancer et le debut de BT/APR etait de 82,6mois [0,7–347]. Le cancer etait en remission n = 83 (duree > 5 ans n = 40), stable n = 5, en progression n = 4. Le traitement du cancer etait en cours pour 9 patients au debut de BT/APR ; 92 patients recevaient 139 lignes de BT/APR : APR n = 52, anti-TNF n = 30, anti-IL17 n = 21,ustekinumab (UST) n = 18, anti-IL23p19 n = 18. Parmi ceux sous BT au diagnostic du cancer,18 beneficiaient d’un autre traitement apres le cancer (APR n = 11,UST n = 2, anti-IL17 n = 1, anti-IL23p19 n = 2,anti-TNF n = 2), 1 reprenait UST, chez 1 patient UST n’etait jamais interrompu. La duree moyenne de traitement par BT/APR etait de 27,3mois [1–126].Quatre patients ont eu une progression de leur cancer (cancer de vessie depuis 3 mois sous guselkumab, adenocarcinome rectal metastatique depuis 1 mois sous APR, 2 carcinomes canalaires infiltrants du sein sous hormonotherapie depuis 11 et 40 mois sous APR), 5 sont restes stables et 4 ont presente un nouveau cancer (CEC n = 4, carcinome epidermoide rectal metastatique n = 1) ; 5 patients sont decedes : progression du cancer n = 1, progression d’un cancer survenu sous BT n = 1, infection COVID 19 n = 1, autre n = 2. Discussion Il s’agit a notre connaissance de la plus grande serie de patients aux antecedents de cancer solide traites par BT/APR pour un psoriasis, avec 4,3 % de progression de cancer sous BT/APT. Une meta-analyse n’a pas trouve de surrisque de recurrence de cancer sous anti-TNF versus immunomodulateur et absence de traitement chez des patients traites pour des pathologies inflammatoires chroniques avec antecedent de cancer. Ces donnees doivent etre confirmees sur d’autres cohortes.

Ecrite vraisemblablement en 1688, peu de temps avant le deces d’Aphra Behn, mais aussi quelques mois avant la Glorie use Revolution et la fuite du roi Jacques II, The Widow Ranter; Or, The History of Bacon in Virginia renoue avec le genre de la tragi-comedie. Aphra Behn avait en effet debute sa carriere de dramaturge en ecrivant The Forced Marriage (1670): l’emploi renouvele de ce genre dans The Widow Ranter signale l’ambiguite de cette piece en cinq actes fondee sur la dualite. Le titre en f...

Anti-interleukin-17 agents have recently been developed for the treatment of psoriasis. This study evaluated the tolerance and effectiveness of anti-interleukin-17 agents for psoriasis in elderly patients in daily practice. A multicentre, retrospective study was performed, involving psoriatic patients aged ≥65 years who had received an anti-interleukin-17 agent, including secukinumab, ixekizumab or brodalumab. A total of 114 patients were included: 72 received secukinumab, 35 ixekizumab, and 7 brodalumab. Treatment was stopped in 32 patients (28.9%), because of relapses in 14 patients (41.2%), primary failures in 11 patients (32.4%), or adverse events in 7 patients (20.6%). The 3 most frequently reported adverse events were injection site reactions (n = 4), oral candidiasis (n = 3), and influenza-like illness (n = 3). Regarding effectiveness, 80 patients (70%) reached a Physician Global Assessment score of 0/1, 6 months after treatment initiation. In conclusion, anti-interleukin-17 therapy appears to be an effective and safe therapeutic option for psoriasis treatment in patients aged ≥ 65 years.

Eccrine syringofibroadenoma (ESFA) is a rare adnexal tumor deriving from the acrosyringeal portion of the eccrine duct. Five subtypes of ESFA were described including a reactive form. Reactive ESFAs are associated with inflammatory and neoplastic dermatoses. In this article, we report the case of a 90-year-old woman presenting with 3 leg ulcers evolving for 2 years surrounded by large verrucous and eczematous lesions. Multiple skin biopsies showed anastomosing epithelial cords connected to the epidermis consistent with ESFA. We identified 8 cases of ESFA associated with chronic leg ulcers in the literature and reviewed their main clinical and histological features.

This chapter seeks to show that lay and seemingly benign forms of anti-Catholicism coexisted with hostile religious discourses in the early eighteenth century. It contends that politeness, which is hardly associated with anti-Catholicism because it is synonymous with moderation and tolerance, may have been a paradoxical agent of anti-Catholic expression used by some intellectuals to debunk Catholicism, to protect people from its seduction, to reform manners and to strengthen national identity. This chapter focuses on the writings of Joseph Addison (1672–1719), a Whig politician and a writer famous for his elegant prose style, his politeness and his religious moderation. It re-examines Addison’s moderation by first highlighting that his anti-Catholicism—that can be perceived in most of his work—could turn from mild to scathing criticism in times of crisis. Addison’s works particularly criticized Catholicism for being a looming political threat to the British nation and to Anglicanism. Effectively, Addison’s milder anti-Catholic criticisms were part of a project of reformation of manners that aimed at strengthening British identity by making English politeness inherently anti-Catholic.

En 1656, en exil à Anvers, Margaret Cavendish publie sous le titre de Natures Pictures drawn by Fancies Pencils to the Life, un ouvrage curieux qui rassemble en onze livres de nombreuses préfaces, des poèmes en vers et en prose, des nouvelles et romans, des fables et une biographie. Le recueil, à l’image du titre, propose au lecteur un ensemble disparate et contradictoire qui ne peut que déconcerter le lecteur, car il lui promet un ouvrage recherchant une vérité sur la nature qui serait fondée à la fois sur les sciences et sur l’imagination, deux notions qui au XVIIe siècle deviennent de plus en plus antinomiques. Il s’agira donc de d’abord de montrer comment, en plaçant son livre sous l’égide de la contradiction, de l’imagination, de la science et de la profusion de genres littéraires, Margaret Cavendish refuse de réduire l’opposition entre l’imagination et la science à une opposition entre faits et fiction et proposerait une alternative à l’empirisme baconien tout en se démarquant de l’aristotélisme. Mais il conviendra aussi de voir, que Nature’s Pictures est bien plus qu’une simple prise de position dans la querelle des sciences nouvelles. Il est aussi, par son aspect protéiforme et par ses thèmes, un acte de résistance d’une royaliste exilée, contre le régime Cromwellien. Margaret Cavendish masquerait une propagande royaliste derrière une création littéraire et scientifique en apparence incohérente produite par une imagination féminine perturbée. Elle utiliserait l’imagination comme un outil destiné à la fois à subvertir la notion de vérité scientifique et à indiquer au lecteur le chemin plus noble de la vérité politique et de ses convictions personnelles. L’esthétique de la fragmentation et du paradoxe serait alors à l’origine d’une anamorphose vertigineuse, recueil boursouflé et incohérent qui, appréhendé dans ses perspectives multiples, (littéraire, biographique, scientifique et politique) se transformerait en un portrait spirituel et baroque. In 1656, Margaret Cavendish publishes a puzzling book entitled Natures Pictures drawn by Fancies Pencils to the Life, which gathers in eleven books numerous prefaces, poetry in verse and prose, fables as well as novellas, romances and lastly her own biographical account. Natures Pictures, as the title suggests, offers the reader a contradictory and disconcerting text, as it promises a book that will search for natural truth both in a scientific and an imaginary way. It thus uses two concepts that were getting increasingly antagonistic in the 17th century. Our aim will therefore be to show that Margaret Cavendish refuses to reduce this opposition between imagination and science to that of facts and fiction. By resorting to a variety of literary genres and by turning contradiction into a system she thus offers the reader an alternative to Baconian empiricism as well as to Aristotelism. However it seems that Natures Pictures is more than a book of controversy on the new scientific methods. It is also by its themes and its structure clearly a political act of resistance against the Cromwellian regime. Margaret Cavendish, a royalist exile in Antwerp, hides an anti-republican propaganda behind a seemingly incoherent scientific and literary creation. She thus uses fancy as a tool to subvert the notion of scientific truth. She also points to the reader the noblest way to (her own) political truth. The aesthetics of fragmentation, of atomization and paradox that is inscribed in the very structure of the book then becomes the key. Read in its multiple (literary, biographical, scientific and political) perspectives Natures Pictures is in fact a coherent, spiritual as well as baroque anamorphotic portrait of Margaret Cavendish herself.

International audience; Lorsqu’en 1714, Richard Steele lance son périodique The Lover, son but avoué est d’améliorer les relations entre les sexes et de resentimentaliser les hommes qu’il estime dépravés et corrompus par la comédie cynique de la Restauration. Or, le voici qui publie à l’essai n°6 une version inédite de l’enlèvement des Sabines, légende qui célèbre la brutalité masculine sur les femmes. L’essai est ambigu dans la mesure où l’infortune féminine suscite d’abord le rire et la moquerie du spectateur et est ensuite traitée sur le mode sentimental. Comment expliquer le recours à un genre comique que Steele désavouait comme artificiel et vicieux. Comment interpréter l'inclusion en apparence contradictoire d’une seconde partie sentimentale et tragique? Comment comprendre, pour reprendre la formule d’Alain Bony ces « ambivalences du sentimentalisme » ? Telles sont les questions auxquelles cette étude tente de répondre. Cet article analyse l’accumulation des différents paradoxes que constitue l’essai (le choix d'un épisode violent d'antagonisme entre les sexes pour promouvoir une bonne entente matrimoniale, le recours à une scène comique dans un journal qui critique les effets du comique, l’association de la comédie et de la tragédie.) Il montre que la juxtaposition d’un épisode sentimental et d’un épisode comique constitue une sorte d’allégorie du triomphe de la vertu sur le vice ainsi qu’une subversion du genre comique au profit d’un sentimentalisme universel. En cela, Steele renforcerait, tout en semblant les bousculer ses théories sur la nécessaire moralisation du théâtre et sur la hiérarchie des sexes.

Written in 1684 at the request of the Duchess of Beauvillier, who had nine little daughters and with whom Francois de Salignac de la Mothe Fenelon was in close contact, Fenelon's Traite de l'Education des filles was revised and published in France in Spring 1687. Its influence in France was imperceptible at first.1 It is only in the eighteenth century that it seems to have attracted the attention of reformers such as Madame de Lambert, who wrote L'avis d'une mere a son fils et a sa fille (1728), or Madame Leprince de Beaumont, who published her Magasin des enfants in 1757. Fenelon's treatise was also imitated after 1750 by such educationalists as Formey, Grivel, and Berquin, who really considered him as a model.2Abroad, however, the book immediately caught the attention of Protestant thinkers. As early as August 1687 it was reviewed in the Bibliotheque universelle et historique d'Amsterdam, published by Cornand de la Crose. In October 1687 it was Pierre Bayle who also chronicled it in Nouvelles de la Republique des Lettres. These two gazettes, which assured the circulation of ideas and contributed to the European republic of letters, praised Fenelon's treatise and promoted it as a useful, practical book on education that distinguished itself by its religious moderation.3 It comes as no surprise, therefore, that Fenelon's treatise was translated into English and published in London in 1699. This anonymous translation was revised by George Hickes in 1707, an influential non-juror prelate and "a promoter of women's education" (Gardiner 364).4 His translation entitled Instructions for the Education of a Daughter was a success. It was reedited seven times before 1750, and a new London edition was issued as late as 1797. Other editions were printed in Edinburgh and Dublin around 1750.The English periodical press echoed this success. The book was advertised in The Spectator in a letter sent by a correspondent, Annabella, who recommended it to female readers in June 1711 (Bond 405). Annabella even denied the idea that the book was useful to women of rank only, thus suggesting that its readership could be extended to the lower ranks. A new edition was printed shortly after in 1713, providing further evidence of the Spectator's influence over a large public. Two other kinds of publication signal the popularity of Fenelon's book in England. First, Richard Steele, who had long declared his interest in the education of girls and had promised in the Spectator to provide his female readers with reading advice, eventually published his three-volume The Ladies Library in 1714, in which he quoted Fenelon's treatise extensively. The book, officially written by a lady and published by Mr. Steele, was a compilation of texts mostly by divines.5 Fenelon was the only foreign writer included. Steele, who was aware that the expansion of a female readership could be a source of profit, capitalized on his reputation as a reformer to publish this conduct book and to present The Ladies Library as a progressive text on women's education.The Ladies Library sold well. Ten editions were printed in England between 1714 and 1790. The book also crossed the Channel. It was translated into French by Janicon in 1714 and reissued four times by 1729. One may say that Fenelon's popularity in eighteenth-century France was, ironically, partly due to its republication in England.6 A second phenomenon testifies to the lasting success of Fenelon's treatise. Many women writers quoted it or promoted its ideas as progressive. Such was the case of Mary Astell, who discussed Fenelon's ideas in A Serious Proposal for the Ladies in 1694.7 Sixty years later, it was Charlotte Lennox (1727?-1804), famous for her novel The Female Quixote, who ventured to publish large sections of the treatise in her monthly periodical The Lady's Museum (1760).8 This time, Lennox did not rely on Hickes's translation. The periodical's female editor declared that the translation was by a friend. …

Dans son essai, « Of the Study of History » (1741) David Hume encourage de manière ambigüe les femmes à s’intéresser à l’histoire. D’une part, il déplore leur manque de culture historique qui les empêche de participer à la conversation. D’autre part, il critique leur intérêt malsain pour les histoires privées et sentimentales, les histoires secrètes, et souhaiterait qu’elles se tournent vers la grande histoire politique. Ainsi, au motif d’élever le niveau des femmes, Hume s’en prend au seul genre historique où les femmes sont non seulement lectrices mais aussi auteurs Quatre années plus tard, Eliza Haywood, auteur de plusieurs histoires secrètes à succès, publie dans son mensuel The Female Spectator un programme de lectures pour ses lectrices constitué des ouvrages principaux des grands historiens grecs et romains. Elle semble ainsi répondre à David Hume. Car elle définit l’histoire non comme un simple outil pour parfaire la conversation des femmes mais comme un objet d’émancipation intellectuelle et d’analyse critique de la société et de la politique de leur temps. Elle montre en outre que cette conception pédagogique de l’histoire n’est pas incompatible avec la forme des histoires secrètes. Elle en fait ensuite la démonstration par la publication de la correspondance présentée comme authentique de l’empereur Auguste et de Livie, qui relate leurs amours. L’analyse de cet épisode montre qu’il constitue une critique codée du roi George II et de sa politique. Haywood démontre ainsi qu’il n’y a guère de différence entre histoire secrète contemporaine et histoire antique et que toutes deux sont riches d’enseignement. Eliza Haywood montre en outre que distinguer fiction et histoire est une absurdité dans la mesure où toute histoire contient une part de fiction. In his essay entitled « Of the Study of History » (1741) David Hume adopted an ambiguous stand on women’s relationship to history. On the one hand he put the blame on their ignorance in historical matters to explain their inability to participate in polite conversation. On the other hand, he was deeply critical of their attraction for modern secret histories and wished the ladies read the serious histories written by the ancient historians instead. He was therefore denigrating the only historical genre which female readers were familiar with but also a genre which was produced by female writers. No reaction to this text from a female author has been traced until today. Yet four years later, Eliza Haywood who had published several successful secret histories, issued her monthly magazine The Female Spectator. She too advised them to read histories and provided her female readers with a reading list made of the great works of the main Greek and Roman ancient historians. She thus seems to answer David Hume since she defines history not simply as a means to improve women’s conversation but also as a tool for intellectual emancipation and political analysis. She also suggests that the function of history is not dissimilar to that of secret histories. She then endeavours to prove this through the publication of the amorous correspondence of Livia and Augustus. The letters which are based on true historical facts work as a coded criticism of George II’s policies. But she also shows that the line between fact and fiction in historical matters is so thin indeed that it is absurd to oppose history and secret history. Both prove to be morally as well as intellectually instructive.

When in 1714 Sir Richard Steele launched The Lover, his new essay periodical, his aim was to redefine the passion of love which, he contended, had been reduced to a the hypocritical "code galant" and had been deprived of its meaning in the Restoration, thus causing great social havoc. He therefore embarked on a scheme where The Lover, headed by its persona Marmaduke Myrtle, and by its club, would teach sensibility and true love to the readers of both sexes. This study explains how Richard Steele created a transitory codification of passion by building a genuine rhetoric of sensibility which he applied to such institutions as marriage. In so doing, he used the very form of his periodical to echo the content. Such techniques turned The Lover into one of the forerunners of the literary movement of sensibility mainly promoted by the novel in the mid- eighteenth century. But this article also aims at discovering the strategies that Steele used to channel the rhetoric of sensibility within the harmless bounds of a social vertue., Boulard Claire. The Lover ou la passion transitoire. In: XVII-XVIII. Bulletin de la société d'études anglo-américaines des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles. N°50, 2000. pp. 219-232.

Boulard Claire. La Jilt, ou les masques de l'écriture : réflexions sur l'essai n°187 du Spectator. In: XVII-XVIII. Bulletin de la société d'études anglo-américaines des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles. N°49, 1999. pp. 223-232.

Boulard Claire. "Good Sir, why may not women write Tatlers as well as men?": le public et le privé dans The Female Tatler. In: XVII-XVIII. Bulletin de la société d'études anglo-américaines des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles. N°45, 1997. pp. 209-223.