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The sources know two versions of the establishing of Panathenaia, the main public holiday of the Athenian polis. The earliest version of aition of Panathenaia is associated with the history of the Athenian indigenous king Erichthonius. The son of Gaia and Hephaestus, Erichthonius was raised by the goddess Athena on the Acropolis, and after becoming king of Athens, he dedicated the feast of Panathenaia to the goddess. In the source, he is the first founder of the holiday. However, two types of Panathenaia were known in Athens: the Lesser Panathenaia, which were held annually, and the Greater Panathenaia, which, like the Olympic Games, were held every four years. Gradually, there appear pieces of new information about the history of the establishing of the Panathenaia in the mythological tradition. Now the authors distinguish two stages in the history of the feast, wherein the earlier one was called Athenaia. Gradually Erichthonius was relegated to the background, as founder Athenaeus, whereas the holiday got a new name - Panathenaia. This process was often associated with the synoekismus of Theseus, when he had united all the Athenians into one urban community. The cult of Theseus became especially popular in Athens after the reforms of Cleisthenes. Theseus' exploits are becoming a popular theme in Attic vase painting, especially scenes depicting the struggle, which Theseus was believed to be the founder of in Athens. At the same time, the program of the Panathenaic Games was expanding, the Panathenaia gradually acquired a supra-regional character.

Σκοπός της εργασίας είναι να παρουσιάσει τη συμβολή του Κλεισθένη στη θέσπιση του οστρακισμού, τις πολιτικές συνθήκες που επέτρεψαν αλλά και επέβαλαν τη χρήση του, τη συμβολή του θεσμού στον εκδημοκρατισμό του αθηναϊκού πολιτεύματος, τους σκοπούς για τους οποίους θεσπίστηκε το μέτρο, τη πολιτική του εξέλιξη καθ’ όλη τη διάρκεια του 5ου αιώνα π.Χ., τις διάφορες προσωπικότητες της πόλης των Αθηναίων που εξαναγκάστηκαν σε απομάκρυνση διαμέσου του οστρακισμού, τα ψηφίσματα ανάκλησης των εξορίστων, τους τόπους διαμονής των οστρακισθέντων, καθώς και τους λόγους για τους οποίους τέθηκε σε αχρησία ο θεσμός, The objective of the study is to present Cleisthenes's contribution to the enactment of ostracism, the political conditions that allowed but also imposed its use, the contribution of the institution to the democratization of the Athenian polity, the purposes for which the institution was enacted, its political evolution throughout the 5th century BC, the various personalities of the Athenian citizens who were forced to leave due to ostracism, the resolutions to recall the exiles, the places of residence of those who were ostracized, as well as the reasons why the institution fell into disuse

The interest in the study of the era in which the great statesman of ancient Athens, Pericles, lived, remains uninterrupted. The answers to issues related to the times of his public action and related studies, employ a subjective character and always leave open the scope for further study and research. Given this situation, the work that follows attempts to approximate the elements that make up the patriotic ideology of Pericles and to make reference to the effects this ideology had to the intellectual life of Athens during the 5th and 4th centuries. B.C. The preceding chapter sets out the perceptions formed in Sparta, with the poetry of Tyrtaeus, and in Athens, with the poetry of Solon, concerning the duty of all to serve up to the point of sacrifice the idea of community and to put collective interests above individual ones. Following this, the history of Athens is considered, before the appearance of Pericles in the city's public life. The measures of Solon, the tyranny of Peisistratides, the reform of Cleisthenes and the political visions of Themistocles are also discussed. The political action and the offer of last are examined in more detail, since he was the founder of the patriotic ideology and the initiator of the empire of the sea policy. Next, there is a brief presentation of the events which led to the Peloponnesian war, the strategy proposed by Pericles to his fellow citizens, the means of implementation of this policy, the attitude of the Athenians and the difficult position in which they found themselves in during the very first years of the war. The three speeches of Pericles are analysed, as rescued by Thucydides, highlighting the elements which formed his patriotic ideology and contributed to the elevation of the city of Athens to superior power in the whole of Greece. His faith in democracy is praised, and the new type of citizen is outlined. This new type of citizen who was formed with the revision of past perceptions, with the demolition of the barriers to involvement in public affairs, with the awakening of spiritual individuality and with the assumption that the knowledge could be the lever for the transformation of Athenian society. Moreover, the views according to which the ideology of Pericles is governed by the element of enforcement and the element, which, if we use modern terms, can be characterized as nationalistic trend are subjected to criticism.Finally, the new political situation created by the functioning of democratic institutions is assessed and the degree of influence this ideology had to the orators Lysias, Isocrates, Demosthenes, Lycurgus and to dramatic poets, particularly Euripides is researched.

The research shows the way to liberate the word from the imperative hierarchical social system to the equality, to the cooperative search for truth. It’s the way from Logos to Dialogos. The article analyzes the development of the social structure of Athens from the Mycenaean Age to the end of the 6th century BC. The author highlights the main stages and principles of this development: dysnomia, eunomia, isonomia. Special attention was paid to the definitions and explication the relationship between these principles. Dysnomia is characterized as wrong order, lawlessness. It was a principle of total political inequality, where the class of urban aristocracy is endowed with full rights, and ordinary people do not have them at all. Eunomia is the conception of good order, the right social system. It was a principle of geometrical equality that left power in the hands of the aristocracy, but expanded the rights of the people. The author shows that Eunomia“s role in the development of the political equality in Athens as a transitional stage to the notion of Isonomia was fundamental. He claims that the emergence of dialogue as a social phenomenon, and partly as a genre, in Athens becomes possible after Cleisthenes“ reforms on the ground of principle of Isonomia (an equal distribution of political power or full arithmetical equality).

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This article builds on comments by Pierre Lévêque and Pierre Vidal-Naquet, in 1964, about Cleisthenes the Athenian as political thinker, from an interdisciplinary perspective. It brings several significant elements as a complement to the way they reconstruct political thinking in Ancient Greece. First and in opposition to the Hegelian conception of reason as an actor in History that prevails in their work, the article presents the various thinkers as actors themselves within their own social and political context. Then the body of the sources referred to is extended to archaic poetry, going back to the beginnings of the literary tradition. Though often fragmentary, these works have recently been put forward as actual means of expression and exchange of political ideas in archaic times. Finally, the article reexamines the historiographic issue whether the Athenian reformer can be considered a political thinker or not. Against the background of recent studies on the circulation of knowledge in archaic times, Pierre Lévêque and Pierre Vidal-Naquet’ s hypothesis that Cleisthenes might have drawn inspiration from other “ intellectual” projects of reconstruction of the civic body (Thales, Demonax) seems convincing enough. Therefore it is still worth reading their work and discussing it in depth., Cet article prend comme point de départ les réflexions de Pierre Lévêque et Pierre Vidal-Naquet en 1964 sur Clisthène l’Athénien en tant que penseur politique dans une perspective interdisciplinaire. On propose quelques compléments substantiels à leur reconstruction de la pensée politique en Grèce archaïque. D’abord, au contraire de leur approche articulée autour d’une vision «hégélienne » de «la raison » en tant qu’acteur dans l’histoire, sont mis en avant les différents penseurs en tant qu’acteurs dans leur contexte social et politique propre. Ensuite, le corpus de sources exploitées est ici élargi à la poésie archaïque, en remontant jusqu’aux débuts de la tradition littéraire. Ces oeuvres, certes souvent fragmentaires, ont récemment été mises en avant comme moyen pour l’expression et l’échange des idées politiques à l’époque archaïque. Enfin est reprise la question discutée dans l’historiographie de savoir si le réformateur athénien peut être considéré comme un penseur politique. Devant l’arrière-plan des travaux récents sur la circulation des savoirs à l’époque archaïque, l’hypothèse proposée jadis par Pierre Lévêque et Pierre Vidal-Naquet que Clisthène aurait pu s’inspirer d’autres projets « intellectuels » de restructuration du corps civique (Thalès, Demonax) apparaît comme convaincante. Leur oeuvre mérite donc toujours une lecture et discussion approfondies., Itgenshorst Tanja. Clisthène l’Athénien et la pensée politique en Grèce archaïque. In: Dialogues d'histoire ancienne, vol. 45, n°2, 2019. pp. 15-45.

A reconsideration of the precise nature and extent of the military obligations of citizens in classical Athens reveals that under Athens’ democratic regime these obligations were relatively limited and not systematically enforced. The relevant classical legislation, later historical tradition, and some contemporary archaic evidence are combined to show that in archaic Athens, by contrast, formal military obligations were more extensive and more stringently enforced, but applied only to the leisured elite. The bulk of the working population was also obliged to serve, but only in ‘general levies’, with whatever arms and armour they could afford. This system was fully developed already under Solon and remained in operation until the late fifth century BC, when social and economic changes and the exceptional strain of the Peloponnesian War caused it to be abandoned.

This chapter studies the ways in which associations were able to take part in the slow elaboration of civic identity in sixth-century Athens. For a period within which politics has not yet become a specific area of community life, I try to assess how different components of Athenian society gradually align themselves with the civic community via associations (in the broad sense) and their specific customs. From the famous (but controversial) Solonian law on associations until the Cleisthenic reform, the chapter explores the role of the associations in the processes of integration within the ‘city as society’, in order to see how they flow into the ‘city as institution’ at the dawn of the classical period.

Submitted by Boris Flegr (boris@uerj.br) on 2021-01-06T23:53:48Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Felipe Nascimento de Araujo.pdf: 4923194 bytes, checksum: 0cd0fb8f237bb8270983cfff3f2a3e79 (MD5) Made available in DSpace on 2021-01-06T23:53:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Felipe Nascimento de Araujo.pdf: 4923194 bytes, checksum: 0cd0fb8f237bb8270983cfff3f2a3e79 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-04-06 Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro This present dissertation intends to address the Greek musical chorus as one of the aspects in the political and social creation of the Athenian citizen, which represents an element of social and political integration in the polis in the end of the VI century BC. The expression musical chorus is used to denominate the choral performances of the ancient Hellenes that consisted in an intrinsic union between the singing and the dancing, what build an artistic form from a link of integrated movements up to the singing word, being both inseparable. The selected theoretical instrument is founded in the concept of anthropological place of Marc Augé, whose definition corresponds to a concrete and symbolic construction of the space that occurs a group of collective and individual practices. In this order, the musical chorus corresponds to a social construction, representing the bond that its members have with the identity that is built for them by the present collectivity in the Athenian political community. From this perspective, we materialize the musical chorus as an anthropological place in the material culture of the Attics ceramics, which the symbolic representation of citizens appeared in the iconography of the vases let us identify elements that relate them to the political community of the archaic polis. Pursuant to this, it is important to highlight that our analyses documentation consists in a group of ceramics dated in the end of the VIº century that represents the musical chorus as an anthropological place. Through this theoretical approach, this present work hypothetizes that the musical chorus was formed mainly by members from the aristocratic elite, due to the fact that this social segment has a prominent relevance in the political context of the instauration process of isonomy. Another hypothesis defended in this dissertation refers to the existence of a relation between the musical chorus and the hoplite phalanx, in which the participation of the citizens in chorus of the public festivals worked as a complementary activity to the formation of the soldier peasant citizen that integrated the political community of the Athenian political community. Esta dissertação busca abordar o coro musical grego como um dos aspectos presentes na formação política do cidadão ateniense, constituindo um elemento de integração social e histórica no contexto da pólis do final do século VI a.C. O termo coro musical é utilizado para denominar as performances corais dos antigos helenos que consistiam em uma união intrínseca entre o canto e a dança, construindo uma forma de arte a partir da junção de movimentos integrados à palavra cantada, sendo ambos indissociáveis. O instrumental teórico selecionado se fundamenta no conceito de lugar antropológico de Marc Augé, cuja definição corresponde a uma construção concreta e simbólica do espaço em que ocorre um conjunto de práticas coletivas e individuais. Sendo assim, os coros musicais correspondem a uma construção social, representando o vínculo que seus integrantes possuem com a identidade que lhes é construída pelas coletividades presentes na comunidade política dos atenienses. A partir dessa perspectiva, o coro musical como lugar antropológico se materializa na cultura material das cerâmicas áticas, na qual as representações simbólicas dos cidadãos presentes nas pinturas dos vasos nos permite identificar elementos que os relacionam com a comunidade política da pólis arcaica. Desse modo, é importante destacar que a principal categoria de documentação utilizada nesta dissertação consiste em um conjunto de cerâmicas datadas do final do século VI que representam o coro musical como lugar antropológico. Através desta abordagem teórica, este trabalho formula a hipótese que o coro musical era formado majoritariamente por membros pertencentes à elite aristocrática, devido ao fato deste estrato social possuir destacada relevância no contexto político do processo de instauração da isonomia. Outra hipótese defendida nesta dissertação consiste na existência de uma relação entre o coro musical e falange hoplita, no qual a participação do cidadão nos coros dos festivais públicos funcionava como uma atividade complementar à formação do cidadão camponês soldado que integrava a comunidade política dos atenienses.

L’ouvrage que publie en 1788 Cornelius de Pauw se singularise par l’image qu’il donne de la justice athénienne. Loin de tenir pour dangereux le recrutement par tirage au sort des juges du tribunal populaire et leur rétribution, il y voit au contraire le fondement du fonctionnement d’une justice véritable qui fait preuve de modération dans l’établissement des peines. Plus qu’à Solon, c’est à Clisthène qui supprima les anciennes factions locales et à Périclès qui diminua les pouvoirs de l’Aréopage que revient le mérite d’avoir ainsi doté Athènes d’une justice exemplaire, qui ne s’altéra qu’avec le déclin de la cité après la guerre du Péloponnèse. The work which publishes Cornelius de Pauw in 1788 distinguishes itself by the image which il gives of the Athenian justice. Far from considering as dangerous the recruitment by lots of the judges of the popular court and their remuneration, he sees there the foundation of the functioning of a real justice which shows moderation in the establishment of the punishments. More than to Solon, it is Cleisthenes – who eliminated the former local factions – and to Pericles – who decreased the powers of the Areopagus – who are to be praised of giving Athens an exemplary justice, who deteriorated only with the decline of the city after the Peloponnesian War.

Especially in recent years, scholars have tended to regard the satyr play as a genre which, despite its humorous features, seriously aimed at carrying out a socio-political function, or – at the very last – at conveying ethical or cultural messages to its Athenian audience. According to these views, the satyrs’ rusticity would have served the purpose of satisfying the tastes of the countryside citizens, less attracted to tragedy, thus facilitating – after Cleisthenes’ reforms – a process of demographic osmosis among different population groups. By staging the satyrs’ antiethos the poet would have operated kat’antiphrasin to affirm and strengthen the social norms and values; the childish ingenuity of marginal and wild creatures such as the satyrs would have helped the Athenians rediscover the origins of their own culture; the exhibition of ithyphallic satyrs would have contributed to reestablish, in the male spectators, that sense of virility that tragedy, exciting typically feminine emotions, had temporarily eclipsed. These interpretations focus on themes and elements which are, indeed, important to the plot of the satyr play. However, their paideutic meaning or pragmatic effectiveness is weakened – if not utterly neutralized – by their being placed in the context of a playful metafiction, where actions, situations, and relationships between the characters have no value in themselves, but appear to be subject to a single dominant aim: to raise a smile from the audience. To fulfill this purpose, the playwright exploits all the estrangement effects conveyed by the interaction and the interlocution between satyrs and heroes. Ancient critics had already grasped the true nature of the genre aptly defined as a playful tragedy (tragoidia paizousa), and were essentially correct (though not exhaustive) in giving it a function of diachysis or delectatio/relaxatio. The satyr-chorus will only take on a real political function in the last decades of the 4th century bc, in parallel with the progressive reduction of the onomasti komoidein in comedy. This will lead to a partial contamination between the two genres, and to the loss of the original features of the classical satyr play.

The paper argues that Cleisthenes’ military reforms were not improvised. The general view of war in Archaic Athens as a series of skirmishes between small contingents recruited on an almost private basis must be qualified, as there are indications to suggest a greater and more regulated involvement of the polis of Athens in the organisation of collective war. This was not entirely effective since it depended on “private” channels, the aristoi from different districts, who fought each other (stasis). Despite this, they were “institutionalised” as part of the common political and institutional framework. The sources seems to indicate that the existence of “Hoplites” in Peisistratid Athens was more widespread than is usually believed.

Perhaps the best-known dancer from Greek antiquity is Hippocleides, who was a suitor for the hand of the daughter of Cleisthenes, the tyrant of Sicyon in the sixth century BCE. According to Herodotus, Hippocleides was “the most outstanding man in Athens for his wealth and good looks,” and Cleisthenes preferred him for his son-in-law “because of his courage” (or “manly virtue,” andragathiê) and because he was related to the Cypselidae of Corinth (Histories 6.127–8). On the day Cleisthenes was to make his decision, however, things took a wrong turn (Histories 6.129.2–4; trans. Waterfield 1998): After the meal, the suitors competed with one another at singing and at public speaking. As the drinking progressed, Hippocleides had a clear lead over the others, but then he told the pipe-player to strike up a tune, and when the musician did so he began to dance (orchêsato). Now, although Hippocleides liked his own dancing a lot, Cleisthenes was beginning to look on the whole business askance. After a while, Hippocleides stopped momentarily and asked for a table to be brought in. When the table arrived there, he first danced a Laconian dance on it, then some Attic figures, and finally stood on his head on the table and waggled his feet around. Hippocleides' uninhibited dancing of the first and second sets of figures had already put Cleisthenes off having him as a son-in-law, but he kept silent because he did not want to scold him. When he saw him making hand gestures with his legs (echeironomêse), however, he could no longer restrain himself. “Son of Tisander,” he said, “you have danced away (aporchêsao) your marriage.” The young man replied, “Hippocleides doesn't care! And that is how the proverb arose.

The paper uses political economy methodology to analyze the shift from aristocracy to democracy at the end of 6th century BC in ancient Athens. It is argued that conditioned by pre-existing institutional arrangements and the political conflicts of the time, Cleisthenes, the constitutional framer, chose the institutions that maximized his expected net benefit. Involving the citizens directly in political decision making provided strong protection against the threats to their standing and led to the establishment of direct democracy using a simple majority rule rather than representative government.

This chapter begins with a survey of Cleisthenes’ creation often new tribes in 507 B.C., highlighting the importance of this reform for the determination of who was and who was not a citizen, a determination henceforth based on decisions made not by a narrow clique of aristocrats, but by all citizens in a local area. The chapter goes on to draw out the role played by the three major institutions of Athenian democracy: the Council, the Assembly, and the law courts. It ends with a discussion of some other features of the polis, including ostracism, as well as two important reforms to democratic procedures: the graphe paranomon and the boards of nomothetai (lawmakers).

����� � ARISTOPHANES’ WOMEN IN THESMOPHORIAZUSAE complain that Euripides has portrayed their gender in a bad light: by exposing typical female wrongdoings (to which they comically admit), he has made Athenian men distrust their wives. At their Thesmophoria festival, where they gather in an imitation-male assembly as in a male trial court, the women are ready to sentence Euripides to death. 1 Or, as Euripides evaluates the situation: This very day it will be adjudged (krithe\): shall Euripides live or shall he die? KINSMAN: How could that be? The courts (dikaste\) aren’t in session (dikazein) today and the Council isn’t sitting. It’s the middle day of Thesmophoria! EURIPIDES: And that’s exactly why I think I’m done for. (Ar. Thesm. 76–81, trans. Henderson) Once the women learn from Cleisthenes that their sacred festival space has been violated, they interrogate and physically examine Euripides’ kinsman. This relative, dressed as a woman, has infiltrated the allfemale ritual and trial proceedings to deliver an odd defense of Euripides. Mnesilochus tests and tries on the women’s gender. Tests, trials, and tryouts are key themes of this paper, in which I argue that the original play’s dynamics of trying and judging gender, gender-crossing, and feminist power are also the faultlines that have affected the modern Greek reception history of Aristophanes’ Thesmophoriazusae. 2

This paper addresses the question of the role of ostracism in democratic Athens. I argue that the frequent expulsion of aristocrats by rival aristocrats in the predemocratic polis is the key to understanding the function of ostracism in the democratic polis. I show that aristocratic "politics of exile" was a fundamental political problem in the archaic polis and that democratic political power, symbolized by the institution of ostracism, was the polis' solution to the problem. In the archaic polis, the expulsion of aristocrats often led to an endless cycle of exiles and returns and consequent political instability. In 508/7, the Athenian demos usurped the power over decisions of exile by banishing Isagoras and recalling Cleisthenes from exile. By taking control of decisions of exile, the Athenian demos took over political power insofar as power over decisions of exile had become synonymous with political power. The creation of the institution of ostracism, whereby the people decided collectively whether to banish a single citizen for ten years, provided not only a mechanism for the symbolic expression of democratic power, but also a means for the practical and ideological distinction between oligarchic and democratic rule. While aristocrats had banished their opponents without limit in numbers and duration of exile, the Athenian democracy decided each year whether to banish a single individual for a limited time period. In most years, the Athenian demos chose not to exercise the power of exile. Nevertheless, the annual question in the assembly served to remind aristocrats that the demos held the fundamental political power, and hence deterred aristocrats from attempting to overthrow the democracy. The limited nature of ostracism further deterred exiled aristocrats from attempting to return by force. Finally, the infrequent and moderate use of exile as a means of resolving political conflict helps to explain the extraordinary stability of the Athenian democracy.

In Aeschylus' "Supplices" the Danaids flee their cousins and take refuge at Argos. Scholars have noted similarities between the Argos of the play and contemporary Athens. Yet one such correspondence has generally been overlooked: the Danaids are awarded sanctuary in terms reflecting mid fifth-century Athenian μετοιϰία, a process providing for the partial incorporation of non-citizens into polis life. Danaus and his daughters are of Argive ancestry and take up residence within the city, yet do not become citizens. Instead, they receive the right μετοιϰεῖν τῆσδε γῆς (609). As metics they retain control of their person and property, and are not liable to seizure by another. They are not permitted to own immovable property (ἔγϰτησις), but receive rent-free lodgings. Pelasgus and the other Argive citizens serve as their citizen representative (προστάτης). Casting the Danaids as metics highlights the similarities between Pelasgus and his predecessor, Apis. Both leaders were confronted by violent strangers demanding to live among the Argives, and sought to protect the autochthony and territory of Argos. Yet as suppliants the Danaids (unlike the snakes) cannot be forcibly expelled. Pelasgus' solution is a grant of μετοιϰία approved by the Argive assembly. The emergence of μετοιϰία as a formal status at Athens is difficult to date. Most scholars place it between the reforms of Cleisthenes (508/7) and Pericles' citizenship law (451/0). The "Supplices" provides evidence for a date in the 460s, and functions as a charter myth legitimizing μετοιϰία, much the way the Eumenides does for the Areopagus. The "Supplices" also fits well within the context of immigration and urban development leading to Pericles' law. The fact that the Danaid trilogy won first prize may be due to the Athenians' empathy for Argos as a risk-taking polis committed both to defending its identity and to acknowledging divinely sanctioned claims to refuge.