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Researchers can study complex developmental phenomena with all the inherent noise and complexity or simplify behaviors to hone in on the essential aspects of a phenomenon. We used the development of walking as a model system to compare the costs and benefits of simplifying a complex, noisy behavior. Traditionally, researchers simplify infant walking by recording gait measures as infants take continuous, forward steps along straight paths. Here, we compared the traditional straight-path task with spontaneous walking during 20 minutes of free play in 97 infants (10.75-19.99 months of age). We recorded infants' footfalls on an instrumented floor to calculate gait measures in the straight-path and free-play tasks. In addition, we scored videos for other critical aspects of spontaneous walking--steps per bout, shape of walking path, and step direction. Studying infant walking during free play incurred no cost compared with the straight-path task, but considerable benefits. Straight-path gait was highly correlated with spontaneous gait and both sets of measures improved with walking age, validating use of the straight-path task as an index of development. However, a large proportion of free-play bouts were too short to permit standard gait measures, and most bouts were curved with omnidirectional steps. The high prevalence of these "non-canonical" bouts was constant over development. We propose that a focus on spontaneous walking, the phenomenon we ostensibly wish to explain, yields important insights into the problems infants solve while learning to walk. Other areas of developmental research may also benefit from retaining the complexity of complex phenomena.

Researchers routinely infer learning and other unobservable psychological functions based on observable behavior. But what behavioral changes constitute evidence of learning? The standard approach is to infer learning based on a single behavior across individuals, including assumptions about the direction and magnitude of change (e.g., everyone should avoid falling repeatedly on a treacherous obstacle). Herewe illustrate the benefits of an alternative "multiexpression, relativist, agnostic, individualized" approach. We assessed infant learning from falling based on multiple behaviors relative to each individual's baseline, agnostic about the direction and magnitude of behavioral change. We tested infants longitudinally (10.5-15 months of age) over the transition from crawling to walking. At each session, infants were repeatedly encouraged to crawl or walk over a fall-inducing foam pit interspersed with no-fall baseline trials on a rigid platform. Our approach revealed two learning profiles. Like adults in previous work, "pit-avoid" infants consistently avoided falling. In contrast, "pit-go" infants fell repeatedly across trials and sessions. However, individualized comparisons to baseline across multiple locomotor, exploratory, and social-emotional behaviors showed that pit-go infants also learned at every session. But they treated falling as an unimpactful "pratfall" rather than an aversive "pitfall." Pit-avoid infants displayed enhanced learning across sessions and partial transfer of learning from crawling to walking, whereas pit-go infants displayed neither. Thus, reliance on a predetermined, "one-size-fits-all" behavioral expression of a psychological function can obscure different behavioral profiles and lead to erroneous inferences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of cross-cultural and experimental research highlighting effects of childrearing practices on infant motor skill, we asked whether wearing diapers, a seemingly innocuous childrearing practice, affects infant walking. Diapers introduce bulk between the legs, potentially exacerbating infants' poor balance and wide stance. We show that walking is adversely affected by old-fashioned cloth diapers, and that even modern disposable diapers--habitually worn by most infants in the sample--incur a cost relative to walking naked. Infants displayed less mature gait patterns and more missteps and falls while wearing diapers. Thus, infants' own diapers constitute an ongoing biomechanical perturbation while learning to walk. Furthermore, shifts in diapering practices may have contributed to historical and cross-cultural differences in infant walking. (Contains 4 figures and 1 table.)

Pre‐mobile infants and caregivers spontaneously engage in a sequence of contingent facial expressions and vocalizations that researchers have referred to as a social "dance." Does this dance continue when both partners are free to move across the floor? Locomotor synchrony was assessed in 13‐ to 19‐month‐old infant–mother dyads (N = 30) by tracking each partner's step‐to‐step location during free play. Although infants moved more than mothers, dyads spontaneously synchronized their locomotor activity. For 27 dyads, the spatiotemporal path of one partner uniquely identified the path of the other. Clustering analyses revealed two patterns of synchrony (mother‐follow and yo‐yo), and infants were more likely than mothers to lead the dance. Like face‐to‐face synchrony, locomotor synchrony scaffolds infants' interactions with the outside world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What happens to early acquired but later abandoned motor skills? To investigate effects of disuse on early‐developing motor skills, we examined crawling in two groups of habitual crawlers (34 6–12‐month‐old infants and five adults with Uner Tan Syndrome) and two groups of rusty crawlers (27 11–12‐year‐old children and 13 college‐aged adults). Habitual crawlers showed striking similarities in gait patterns, limbs supporting the body, and crawling speed, despite dramatic differences in crawling practice, posture, and body size. Habitual crawlers trotted predominantly, whereas rusty crawlers showed a variety of gait patterns. Within sequences, habitual crawlers and children showed more switches in gait patterns than young adults. Children crawled faster and kept fewer limbs on the grounds than the other groups. Old crawling patterns were retained despite disuse, but new ones were also added. Surprisingly, results indicate that nothing was lost with disuse, but some features of crawling were gained or altered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Adults primarily walk to reach a new location, but why do infants walk? Do infants, like adults, walk to travel to a distant goal? We observed 30 13-month-old and 30 19-month-old infants during natural walking in a laboratory playroom. We characterized the bout structure of walking- when infants start and stop walking-to examine why infants start and stop walking. Locomotor activity was composed largely of brief spurts of walking. Half of 13-month-olds' bouts and 41% of 19-month-olds' bouts consisted of three or fewer steps-too few to carry infants to a distant goal. Most bouts ended in the middle of the floor, not at a recognizable goal. Survival analyses of the distribution of steps per bout indicated that the probability of continuing to walk was independent of the length of the ongoing bout; infants were just as likely to stop walking after five steps as after 50 steps and they showed no bias toward bouts long enough to carry them across the room to a goal. However, 13-month-olds showed an increased probability of stopping after 1-3 steps, and they did not initiate walking more frequently to compensate for their surfeit of short bouts. We propose that infants' natural walking is not intentionally directed at distant goals; rather, it is a stochastic process that serves exploratory functions. Relations between the bout structure of walking and other measures of walking suggest that locomotor exploration is constrained by walking skill in younger infants, but not in older infants. © 2015 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Dev Psychobiol 58: 341-354, 2016. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]