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The differential equation (DE) of second order for advanced Lorentz-Einstein-Factor in fourth order can be written in a Sturm-Liouville-form (STL).Therefore it can be formulated as an eigenwertproblem (eigenvalueproblem) for local, flat spacetime-states.These eigenvalues are calculated.

It is possible to use ftl-travel with two space-time line-elements of second order in flat Minkoswki-spacetime.These line-elements are coupled via a third, variable factor,whose controlling allows to regulate the resulting line-element of fourth order.Setting the coupling-factor to zero, there remains classical SRT-line-element and both line-elements depart from each other.The case of ftl can be done by real restmass, so no classical tachyons are described but the case included possible negative restenergy and negative kinetic-energy under special circumstances.For the case of appearing negativism, this is a function of the strength of the coupling-factor R, this negativism can be avoided by choosing a certain weak coupling strength.

We develop a new measure of party position based on a scaling of ideology tags supplied in infoboxes on political parties’ Wikipedia pages. Assuming a simple model of tag assignment, we estimate the locations of parties and ideologies in a common space. We find that the recovered scale can be interpreted in familiar terms of “left versus right.” Estimated party positions correlate well with ratings of parties’ positions from extant large-scale expert surveys, most strongly with ratings of general left–right ideology. Party position estimates also show high stability in a test–retest scenario. Our results demonstrate that a Wikipedia-based approach yields valid and reliable left–right scores comparable to scores obtained via conventional expert coding methods. It thus provides a measure with potentially unlimited party coverage. Our measurement strategy is also applicable beyond Wikipedia.

Shown is the derivation of Lorentz-Einstein k-factor in SRT as analogy of amplitude of an enforced oscillation-differential equation of second order.This case is shown for the developed theorem as a second solution for advanced SRT of fourth order with an equation for planck-scaled, damped oscillation-states.This advanced term allows a calculation for any velocities by real rest mass, which could be negative though.This term is a development of classical Lorentz-term, which derivation from an oscillation-equation was shown in [10.]

Shown is the derivation of Lorentz-Einstein k-Factor in SRT as amplitude-term of an oscillationdifferential equation of second order with boundary conditions of Planck-scale. This case is shown for classical Lorentz-factor as solution of an equation for undamped oscillation and model of resonance.

Mass plays a strange multiple role in classical physics. This results in a difference between gravity and all other forces - a difference that stood at the beginning of Einstein's development of his general theory of relativity. The equivalence principle (EP) deals with homogenious gravitational fields, which, in fact, don‘t exist in nature. There is only an approximation for this field in Einstein-Lift possible for local situations. Nevertheless this EP can be true, because in classical formal binary logic there can be formulated a true conclusion from a wrong premise or assumption.

Since several years there is the discussion about dark matter in the halos of galaxies. This is aconsequence of observation of halo-velocity curves in dependence of distance which don‘t fulfillthe third Kepler-law. Maybe the ansätze are wrong. Shown is a simple physical model in classicalNewton-dynamics which fits qualitative the form of observation curves. Additional Parameters canbe used to fit the curves quantitative exactly without the hypothesis of dark matter.

Discussed is the role of rest-mass and possible negative restenergy in SRT of fourth-order. Given is an action, and a Lagrangian for this case. Also the term of advanced kinetic energy and its possibility of negative form is mentioned resp. the corresponding Hamilton-function. keywords: rest-mass-changing; SRT of fourth order;Lagrangian of fourth-order; negative kinetic energy; Hamiltonian of fourth-order; negative rest-energy I. Changing of restenergy in SRT-theory of fourth order with analogy of damped, enforced oscillation

The literature on ministerial careers has recently been reinvigorated by individual contributions and collaborative projects. However, few studies of ministerial careers have been able to take into account the varying importance of ministerial positions. Fewer still have taken ministerial careers as their unit of analysis. As a result, they have been unable to account for crucial aspects of these careers. This paper seeks to fill these gaps, linking a crossnational data set on ministerial appointments and terminations with country-specific expert survey data that estimate the importance of ministerial portfolios. Among the new possibilities opened up by this data set of 977 ministerial careers is the systematic description of the structure of ministerial careers incorporating measures of ministerial importance. The paper contributes to the study of ministerial careers by introducing several innovations: a simple analytical framework for the analysis of ministerial careers; a new, crossnational data set on ministerial appointments and terminations incorporting data on ministerial importance; an approach to dealing with the problem of unconfirmed right-censoring that is posed by studying ministerial careers; new approaches to describing and measuring ministerial career structures that the ministerial careers framework and the new data set open up; and an agenda for the future development and use of this new data set on ministerial careers.

The ParlGov database (www.parlgov.org) that I introduce in this paper is based on joint work with Philip Manow, whom I wish to thank for his support. Our work on this infrastructure started at the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies (MPIfG) from 2005 to 2007 and continued at the University of Konstanz from 2007 to 2009. At the European University Institute, my work on the project has been significantly enhanced through support by Mark Franklin, Peter Mair and Alexander Trechsel. In addition, I would like to thank Laurie Anderson, Fabio Franchino, Alexia Katsanidou, Alyson Price, Julia Sievers and Luca Verzichelli. Information on political institutions, data on parties, elections, and governments, has yet to be provided in a format which makes it easily accessible for empirical research. Contemporary data on political institutions is scattered, limited to some countries or time periods only and difficult to combine, so that quantitative studies of political institutions have no systematic data infrastructure available which is equivalent to survey research or OECD data. As a consequence, work on political institutions rests on very heterogeneous information sources and the quality of data does not match standards of replication for empirical research. Political scientists are in need of a modern replacement for data handbooks and recent technological innovations have broadened the opportunities to develop such an infrastructure within the political science community. I discuss existing approaches towards collaborative data collection in political science and highlight contemporary shortcomings. In the paper, I propose a novel approach towards data collection in comparative research and present a new data infrastructure on parties, elections and governments, the Parliament and Government Composition Database (ParlGov). The data infrastructure combines a database, data presentation in webpages and software scripts in order to generate more dynamic datasets. So far, it includes information about more than one thousand parties, around five hundred elections and almost one thousand governments. This infrastructure allows us to derive a wide range of datasets for studies in political science and can be easily extended. Hopefully, the paper will encourage rethinking about contemporary ways of collecting data on legislatures and executives.

Why Python?Political methodologists tend to make passionate statements about their software tools. The PolMeth mailing list frequently gives strong advocacy for the use of Linux, LATEX, Emacs and other specific programmes. For statistical analysis R has become the mainstream programming language. However, frequent encouragements to use PHP for web purposes or Perl for various scripting tasks highlight the need for a major scripting language beside R. Once political scientists need systematic parsing of markup languages or have to generate web presentations from their data, R quickly reaches its limits. For me, Python has become my favourite scripting language of choice. Having had some previous exposure to C, Java, PHP and Perl, Python turned out to meet all my needs for software development, that R can not fulfil. So let me introduce you to the beauty of Python.

"Regelmäßig scheinen Wähler Europawahlen dazu zu nutzen, ihre jeweilige nationale Regierung elektoral zu bestrafen. Viele Beobachter der Wahlen zum Europäischen Parlament gehen daher davon aus, dass die parteipolitische Ausrichtung des Parlaments systematisch von der des Ministerrats abweicht. Die vorliegende Analyse, die die parteipolitische Zusammensetzung dieser beiden zentralen europapolitischen Akteure empirisch vergleicht, zeigt, dass neben den elektoralen Ursachen auch andere Gründe für gegenläufi ge Mehrheiten zwischen Parlament und Rat verantwortlich sein können. Die Logik der Regierungsbildung auf nationalstaatlicher Ebene führt dazu, dass „zentristische“ und damit eher europafreundliche Parteien überproportional stark im Rat vertreten sind. In Europawahlen hingegen geben Wähler häufi g extremer positionierten, das heißt auch europaskeptischeren Parteien ihre Stimme. Die politische Distanz zwischen Rat und Parlament resultiert in der Pro/contra-EU-Dimension daher aus dem Zusammenwirken zweier, möglicherweise miteinander verbundener Effekte: elektoralen und „mechanischen“ Gründen für divided government in Europa. Das Papier diskutiert die Implikationen dieses Befundes für unser Verständnis von der Funktionsweise der EU und ihrer demokratischen Legitimation." [Autorenreferat], "Voters who participate in elections to the European Parliament tend to use these elections to punish their domestic governing parties. Many students of the EU therefore claim that the party-political composition of the Parliament should systematically differ from that of the Council. This study, which compares empirically the party-political centers of gravity of these two central political actors, shows that opposed majorities between Council and Parliament may have other than simply electoral causes. The logic of domestic government formation works against the representation of politically more extreme parties, and hence against more EU-skeptic parties in the Council. At the same time, voters in EP elections vote more often for these more extreme and more EU-skeptic parties. The different locations of Council and Parliament in the pro-/contra-EU dimension may thus be caused by two – possibly interrelated – effects: a mechanical effect, due to the translation of votes into seats and then into ‘offi ce’, and thus also into Council representation, and an electoral effect in elections to the European Parliament. The paper discusses the implications of this fi nding for our understanding of the political system of the EU and of its democratic legitimacy." [author's abstract]