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The study reported on here was intended to reveal the existence and direction of education democracy in Indonesia with regard to the regulations, the implementation models, problems, and future prospects. The data were obtained from various written materials of official government policy records, namely, laws, ministerial regulations, curriculum implementation guidebooks, discourses and policy criticisms on the implementation of education democracy in Indonesia published in mass media, articles and research journals. The data were analysed using philosophical-dialogical analysis. The findings indicate that in terms of practice, the regulations related to education democracy in the form of education autonomy still could not be implemented properly because of several constraints such as a lack of teachers' professionalism, poor and less effective management of education and learning systems which are not in line with the administrative prerequisites and principles and spirit of education autonomy. Moreover, through its policies, the government still controlled education nationally resulting in autonomy that should provide maximum freedom to the community to manage education is being eroded, which limits the autonomy of education.

The core objective of this article is to evaluate the progress made in linguistic development over the past three decades, with a specific focus on the role of language and its philosophical underpinnings in reshaping and decolonising South African higher education landscape. Linguistic imperialism as a conceptual framework alongside the Framework for Policy Analysis were employed to inform, guide and support the author's contention that linguistic hegemony is still dominating the discourse within the higher education sector. The research adopts a qualitative approach, utilising content analysis for data analysis purposes. The findings of the article reveal that despite 30 years of democracy, the influence of colonial-era language philosophy and western epistemologies persists. It is suggested that comprehensive implementation of language policies could effectively address the transformation and decolonisation agenda. It further advocates for alignment between policy and practice through pragmatic, intentional and transformative initiatives aimed at identifying, interrogating and disrupting the coloniality of power and its western epistemologies, as far as language policy and practice are concerned. In conclusion, the article emphasises the urgent need to counteract existing linguistic imperialism and hegemony embedded within colonial knowledge systems by enacting transformative policies that will prioritise student access, success, linguistic diversity, linguistic justice, epistemic justice and social cohesion within the framework of higher education. Contribution: The aim is to provide guidance to language policy implementers in South African universities by offering an overview of the linguistic advancements achieved between 1994 to 2024.

This research focused on the mechanism of establishing citizen democratic networks to promote political participation in schools under the provincial administrative organization in Mahasarakham. This research aimed to 1) analyze the model of creating a civil-democratic network between universities and schools, and 2) study the process of promoting students' political participation in schools under the provincial administrative organization in Mahasarakham. The qualitative research methods were conducted by document study and then in-depth interviews with the participant observation method. Research instruments were 1) the related documents and research in a reliable database, and 2) four interview questions for each group and the participant observations form. Collected data were analyzed and categorized into critical issues and themes based on the literature. The participants comprised sixty-two interviewees and were divided into four groups: 1) Two representatives of the Office of Education, Religion and Culture of the provincial administrative organization; 2) Twenty school administrators under the provincial administrative organization; 3) Twenty teachers responsible for the civics course, and 4) Twenty high school students. The findings revealed: 1) The model for creating a civic network between universities and schools. There must be a central person in the management position with the authority to command leadership and technical communication between the school and the university. The creation of a network of citizens of democracy will be successful. 2) The process of creating the political participation of students in schools arose from the process of building democratic citizenship through school education and extra-curricular activities. Students can then apply that knowledge in daily life.

Students' parents are important stakeholders of school leadership. Student mobility and some other problems in a school environment may occur when the expectations of students' parents cannot be met. Hence, I studied the expectations of the parents of secondary school students about the leadership of school principals through focus-group interviews using a phenomenology design. According to the findings, the leadership expectations of parents about school principals were categorised in 4 sub-themes: behaviour, values, skills and competencies, and characteristics. Parents of students expect school principals to prioritise student success, create unity and integrity, ensure open and sincere communication, and student safety and happiness. They also expect values that include managerial competence and problem-solving skills, showing interest and sensitivity, sensitivity to differences, respect for justice and equality, and a democratic attitude. At the same time, parents of students expect school principals to be innovative, visionary, consistent, empathetic, and disciplined -- they want principals to be good role models for students.

Purpose: This research explores the pivotal role of educational research in supporting democratic civic education amid armed conflict. The study uses the recent experiences in Israel to examine how research can maintain democratic values and foster reconciliation during tumultuous times, aiming to illuminate the transformative capabilities of academic inquiry in crisis contexts. Approach: The research adopts a semi-empirical, exploratory design that evolved from ongoing events. Personal testimonies from a diverse group of seven students were analyzed for overarching theoretical themes. Findings: The analysis reveals that educational research during conflict may act as a critical, transformative tool, highlighting substantial challenges in maintaining civic engagement and democratic education. It underscores the dual role of research in understanding and actively addressing the complexities of armed conflict. Practical implications: The findings stress the need for educational public scholarship and international collaboration to support democratic education, highlighting the crucial role of researchers in shaping educational practices during crises.

In recent years, the profusion of methodologies available to teachers, thanks to the advancement of emerging and converging technologies, has created significant educational opportunities, but it also poses new challenges. Among these is the need to train teachers to exercise solid pedagogical judgment when implementing these approaches in the classrooms. One of the difficulties in making these critical judgments is the introduction of commercial terms into academic discourses, which hinder the thinking and assessment of these advancements from an educational standpoint. Therefore, the objective of this research is to reclaim the educational meaning of certain concepts necessary to contemplate these emerging technical and pedagogical methods in the realm of higher education in the face of the reconfigurations these terms have undergone due to the influence of economic ideas introduced by supranational organizations into the collective educational imagination. With this goal in mind, three documents from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development under the "Horizon 2030" program are first analyzed to identify ideas and concepts that have been integrated into academic discourses. Subsequently, from a hermeneutic-interpretative perspective, the meaning of these terms is revisited from the university philosophy and pedagogy standpoint. The results of this research enable an understanding of the authentic educational significance of words like new, valuable, critical, democratization, active, autonomy, or study, among others, which are essential to approach emerging methodological advances and technological approaches from an educational perspective, detached from economic considerations.

Purpose: To know and study the participation of young students and their voice in decision-making in their schools in a competitive education regulated by excellence. To understand if and how students are involved in the democratic management of schools, given that these young people are involved globally, with an active participation in society. Design: A systematic literature review on student participation in democratic school management, identifying empirical studies from various countries with different theoretical frameworks and methodologies. Findings: There are several democratic practices and experiences of student participation in schools, despite sociocultural barriers in some countries. However, the participatory and democratic discourses identified in schools, including those in educational policy, do not directly impact the possibilities for students to participate in decision-making.

There is increasing urgency to broaden access to inclusive and culturally sustaining K-12 civic education. Civic education can foster young people's development of their civic identity, which can support a functioning American democracy. Civic education often includes opportunities for learners to develop civic knowledge, skills, and dispositions, but not all learners may see themselves represented in traditional forms of civic education. In this essay, we propose reframing approaches to developing knowledge, skills, and dispositions by focusing on how they can be brought together to support the development of civic identity. First, we describe relevant literature on civic education. We then explain how three aspects of civic education inform learners' development of a civic identity: personal identity and values, mastery of civic knowledge, and creative capacity for civic action. We close with recommendations for how to support civic identity development in K-12 education.

Our main goal is to provide a preliminary, descriptive, and thematic overview of civic education courses in Serbia until 2020 from the perspectives of international political sociology, critical pedagogy and critical curriculum studies. After clarifying pertinent conceptual assumptions of curriculum analysis, we review the methodology employed to examine the curriculum. Firstly, our task is to describe how a civic education course in Serbia looks in relevant educational aspects. Secondly, we explore the role civic education plays in postsocialist and post-conflict Serbian society within the educational system and policies, considering transformative processes and reconciliation goals. Among the main findings, we emphasise the inadequacy of the initial phase of implementation of civic education in Serbia. There is insufficient recognition in the broader public regarding the cosmopolitan and social justice values crucial for generating a democratic political culture.

This article focuses on civic education and the constitution of subjects within a complex landscape of peace and war making in Colombia. Using a genealogical approach to study the manufacturing of citizens, and drawing on a document analysis of policies, curricular guidelines, and teaching resources, this paper evidences an increasing attention to students' skills, conducts, and interpersonal relations, rather than structural inequality and injustice. Through the examination of the "integral citizen," I argue that the development of students as skillful civic subjects has become central to the aspiration of building and sustaining peace and democracy. Such citizens are described as individually embodying the virtues and skills of problem-solving, conflict-management, autonomy, and self-regulation of emotions. This research adds to our understanding of the construction of the ideal citizen in conflict-affected settings, and how education policy intersects with larger efforts for meaningful and sustained change.

The US-led invasion in 2003 created opportunities for Iraq to establish American-style universities. Drawing on policy borrowing and educational transfer theory and using interviews as the primary method of data collection, this study examines how the American-style universities are rationalized and appropriated by various actors at national, sectoral, and institutional levels. The analysis shows that the rationales for establishing American-style universities in post-2003 Iraq differ by how each was funded and politically and financially supported. The new American-style universities in Iraq in this study represented something for both the USA and for Iraq. For the USA, they are a source of public diplomacy and soft power, and for Iraq, an instrument that promises peacebuilding, social cohesion, transition to democracy, reforming the local higher education system, legitimacy, and probably a tool to 'revolutionize' Iraq's higher education and bring back its glory.

The value of Professional Learning Networks (PLNs) for school and system improvement is widely acknowledged in education research and policy. Still, the question of how learning happens for teachers and education leaders involved in PLNs remains largely unanswered. Moreover, little research exists on the increasing number of international networks for professional learning developed among education systems globally. This case study explores one such network, which we identify as a Global Learning Network (GLN), the ARC Education Project. ARC describes itself as a self-funded network of policymakers, scholars, and system leaders from a range of national and state-level systems with a shared commitment to equity, excellence, wellbeing, inclusion, sustainability, democracy, and human rights. Employing content analysis, we analyze observational notes and materials from ARC summit meetings, joint statements issued by ARC systems, membership records, and other key ARC documents. We draw from Rodway and Farley-Ripple's (2020) application of social network theory to examine this GLN as a relational space, given the challenges of global collaboration. We consider five key components of PLN efficacy: collaboration, sense of purpose, reflective professional inquiry, leadership, and boundary crossing. Specifically, we interrogate how the boundedness of ARC's membership mediates opportunities for the construction of new knowledge in the network. We conclude with implications for professional learning in global networks.

Globally, the World Bank's neoliberal agenda has reframed inclusive education through its investment projects and inclusive policies, thus begetting unevenness and social inequalities. Accordingly, in South Africa, the World Bank's neoliberal investment projects and inclusive policies exacerbate the exclusion of learners in schools. The critical theory framework is adopted as a lens to explore the extent to which the World Bank's neoliberal education agenda meets the end goals of democracy and social justice in post-apartheid South Africa. A critical analysis of the World Bank's inclusive education policies points to a neoliberal agenda that fosters liberalisation instead of human rights; a policy that propagates privatisation instead of universal education; learners' emancipation barricaded by investment projects that favour deregulation instead of regulation; and illusive social change due to neoliberal public policies in post-apartheid South African schools. Ultimately, the authors argue that the World Bank's incoherent, inconsistent and ambiguous neoliberal education agenda does not speak to its intended recipients, namely the poor, unprivileged and excluded learners in post-apartheid South African schools. A recommendation thus put forward is that the World Bank should redirect its investment projects and revise its inclusive policies in the quest to spearhead universal and free public education.

This article considers how to approach the task of developing a curriculum for social justice at a time of planetary and systemic crisis, on the basis that both 'human capital development' and passing on 'the best that has been thought and said' from the past are inadequate responses. If our aim is to create the conditions for human survival and greater social justice, we need to radically commit to values of care, solidarity, equality and democracy, and the development of a broad set of critical literacies. Rather than simply hoping and waiting for better policies and systems, can we usefully find purpose and joy and start to prefigure a more socially just world in the here and now?

This paper advocates for the integration of the 'sociological imagination', as proposed by the sociologist C. Wright Mills, into pedagogical practices to foster inclusive and democratic classrooms. Departing from narrow evidence-based approaches, it explores how the sociological imagination connects personal experiences with broader societal structures, enhancing critical thinking and social awareness among students. Practical strategies for implementation across diverse subjects are discussed, emphasising its potential to empower school-age students as agents of social change amidst contemporary challenges.

The "1919 Report" of the British Ministry of Reconstruction's Adult Education Committee, produced as the First World War was ending, reflects the optimism of its committee about the possibilities for a more socially just and democratic society and its concern to find an alternative to economic deprivation and disenfranchisement. Its central thesis is that adult education is "a permanent national necessity" for an active informed democracy, which should, therefore, be both "universal and lifelong". Despite the report's lukewarm initial reception, its influence on the development of adult education over a century in Britain and in other anglophone countries has been marked. As R. D. Waller argued in 1956, it "is probably the most significant single contribution made to the literature of adult education", certainly in the United Kingdom. It may well also be the first major national report on adult education published anywhere to be grounded in a comprehensive survey of existing provision. This article examines the context of its creation, its core arguments and their strengths and deficiencies, as well as its reception and subsequent impact. The article ends with a consideration of the report's contemporary relevance and how its core ideas of voluntarism and co-construction of knowledge can support democratic renewal through education.

As democracies have deteriorated worldwide, understanding preservice teachers' perceptions regarding teaching about the 2020 US presidential election helps teacher educators better guide them to make informed and intentional pedagogical decisions for democratic education. Through a survey study, we found that early childhood and elementary preservice social studies teachers did not express a strong degree of comfort teaching about the presidential election and were most comfortable teaching about matters of literacy and of political agreement.

While the meaning of democracy remains multi-faceted centuries after the concept was first conceived of and subsequently formulated, democratic principles have spread to the extent of bringing about democratisation in all fields of education. Thus, with this study we sought to examine the popular conception of democracy in mathematics-education programmes at South African universities. A qualitative research approach and a case study research design were used in this study. Six mathematics teacher educators and 75 second- to fourth-year mathematics education student teachers from 3 different universities constitute the sample for the study. The findings from the study revealed that participants had a contested notion of democracy, since the majority understood it as involving deliberative participation, a shared decision-making process, as well as freedom of expression. Based on the findings of the study, it was concluded that participants were aware of what democracy should look like and were willing to live according to democratic tenets. This understanding was, however, greatly influenced by their experiences and way of life in a democratic South Africa.

One of the challenges in substantiating deliberative democracy as a normative theory is the educational challenge of how to cultivate civic virtue, especially mutual respect and civility, in children. The cultivation of civic virtue is not limited to school education, but is also an activity related to family education. However, liberal theorists who advocate the theory of deliberative democracy, based on the dualism of public and private, have limited their discussions to the issue of civic development in the field of public education. This article proposes to understand and compare the many competing theories on public-private dualism, particularly in liberal and feminist spaces. Beginning with an analysis of the work of liberal theorists such as David Archard as well as Harry Brighouse and Adam Swift, and moving on to that of feminist theorists such as Susan Okin, this article examines competing theories on education in school and in the family, to whom the responsibility of education belongs, and where feminist and liberal thought enlighten these debates. This article will clarify the theoretical tendencies and principles of liberal arguments aimed at overcoming the public-private dualism in education, and present a strategy for overcoming the challenges that this theory encompasses by seeking reference points in feminist thought, especially with attention to conception of relational autonomy.

Place-based education makes a compelling case that the pedagogy of colleges and universities must be re-imagined to be more relevant and engaged. This article argues for a specific approach to place-based education--what has been termed "deliberative pedagogy"--offering an emerging practical philosophy that applies insights from deliberative dialogue towards teaching and learning. The author provides principles and practices, along with examples of this method of civic education. It makes a hopeful case for having democratic practices in education undergirding the connection between anchor institutions and the broader civic mission of higher education.

This article is the first of four articles exploring democratic schools co-founded by teenage students in Norway and Sweden. Our larger project explores the relationship between democracy in education and educational dialogism. Both democracy in education and educational dialogism are partially rooted in the idea that education should be a personal meaning-making practice where the participants can create and organize their lives in ways that make sense to them and explore their interests, values, and desires. We describe the processes of founding two schools--one in Oslo, Norway, and the other in Gothenburg, Sweden--in which students practiced the right to democratic governance. We describe the process of the founding of these schools against the background of the students' movements in the late 1960s and the 1970s and the social and political conditions in Norway and Sweden at that time. We explore the students' perspectives on the possibility, desirability, and legitimacy of the students' voices in ethical-ontological dialogues in which the participants jointly examine their relationships with the world, with others, and with themselves. Further, we explore the forms of democratic school governance that Norwegian and Swedish students created and identified tensions that appeared between the legitimacy of individual students' rights to ownership of their learning, teachers' ownership of teaching, and the conventional normative educational policies in Norway and Sweden.

The monologues presented in this article represent a particular Bakhtinian analysis of a transcript of a passionate, dramatic, and conflictual General Assembly meeting held in the first democratic school in Norway, the Experimental Gymnasium of Oslo (EGO), only two months after the school was opened, on November 2nd, 1967. In the meeting, they confronted each other with deep disagreements in their vision of the school and ways to govern it. The Bakhtinian assumption is that a dialogic analysis of any dialogue takes entering into dialogic relationships with the original participants in the analyzed dialogue (Matusov, Marjanovic-Shane, & Gradovski, 2019; Matusov, Marjanovic-Shane, Kullenberg, & Curtis, 2019). By taking the floor in the Soul-Searching Assembly, the students confronted each other fully from the bottom of their hearts and minds. Their ideas were embodied intentions, motives, reasons, and desires--what Bakhtin called the person-ideas (Bakhtin, 1999). I constructed four person-ideas based on the transcript of the Soul-searching assembly. In that process of dialogic abstraction, I attempted to distill specific points of view without depersonalizing them into abstract ideas thorn out of the living moment of their lives. The analysis through the construction of the four person-ideas complements a vignette I wrote based on the same transcript (Marjanovic-Shane, 2023b). It is both a distinctive kind of dialogic analysis, and it also helps me prepare the data regarding the students' ideas for a further conceptual analysis, where I explore the students' ideological positions, beliefs, and worldviews. That conceptual analysis is published in a separate article of this special issue (Marjanovic-Shane, 2023a).

This essay provides a grounded critical discussion of why a professor might limit their undergraduate students' sovereignty of educational decision-making to promote an opportunity for a democratic dialogic culture in the class situated in a conventional university. On the one hand, both democracy and dialogue require voluntary participation by the students in their education and dialogue and their sovereignty over collective decision-making and educational reasoning. On the other hand, this participation is based on the students' socialization in a special culture which might often be at odds with their sovereignty. It is difficult for many students to freely choose democracy and dialogue in education when they are embedded in a conventional educational institution based on Kantian educational paternalism and foisted education. Also, the students are often culturally unfamiliar with such concepts as "democracy," "dialogue," and "self-education," let alone their practical implications. To address these contradictions, I introduce the notion of the "teacher as a benevolent dictator." I discuss, problematize, and analyze the forms of this benevolent dictatorship, its potential pitfalls, and promises.

Curriculum development is imperative for the overall success of the educational system more so in sustainable development efforts. In the Philippines, the institutionalization of the Madrasah Education Program in public schools provides an opportunity to ensure access to quality and relevant education among Muslim-Filipino learners. The Refined Elementary Madrasah Curriculum serves as the foundation for creating instructional decisions to actualize educational outcomes. However, since the program's inception in 2004, there are various concerns, especially in terms of the elements of the curriculum. There is a dearth of professional literature on the curriculum development practices of Madrasah Education in the Philippines, especially in the planning phase. Thus, the study sought to discuss and explore the naturalistic model as an alternative to planning the Refined Elementary Madrasah Curriculum. This study employed a literature review and used a theoretical synthesis. The analysis revealed that there is a need to democratize curriculum planning initiatives. Furthermore, the implications of the naturalistic model in terms of the platform as anchored to 'Education in Islamic Perspective' as the point of inception in the planning process is unprecedented. The concept of democratization has highlighted the narratives of relevant stakeholders as part of the deliberation to form a holistic consensus. In curriculum design, decision points must be achieved to include deliberate plans for implementation and evaluation. In conclusion, the challenge to ensuring sustainable development in Madrasah Education Program is how to formulate genuine consensus from various stakeholders and create decision points that are relevant to the Philippine context. [Note: The publication year (2022) shown on the PDF is incorrect. The correct publication year for this article is 2023.]

This study aims to develop an instrument that measures democratic attitudes levels in primary school students in third and fourth grades. This study involved 591 students (302 for exploratory factor analysis, 289 for confirmatory factor analysis) enrolled in the 3rd and 4th grades. A literature review was conducted to prepare the scale items, and a pool of 32 items was created. A face and content validity assessment was performed by taking the opinions of four educators who are experts in classroom education and social studies education. A construct validity test was conducted on 302 students. The exploratory factor analysis resulted in a scale with three dimensions and 15 items. Confirmatory factor analysis was conducted with a group of 289 students using the scale. Based on the confirmatory factor analysis, the 15-item and 3- dimensional structure of the scale was compatible with the collected data. According to the results, the reliability coefficient of the scale was .85. Thus, the scale can be considered a valid and reliable tool for measuring democratic attitudes among primary school students in third and fourth grades.

The purpose of this study is to examine whether vocational graduate competitive advantage is associated with servant leadership, participative leadership, democratic leadership, and graduate competence. It also aims to examine the extent to which graduate competency acts as a moderator. A structural equation modeling (SEM) is used to analyze the study data. The study adopted the quantitative survey design to examine responses from school principals, staff, teachers, and students at a vocational school in Samarinda, East Kalimantan, Indonesia. The study results show that servant leadership and participative leadership positively and significantly affect vocational graduates' competitive advantage. Graduate competence strengthens the relationship between leadership styles (serving, participatory, and democratic leadership) and vocational graduate competitive advantage. These findings revealed that the competitiveness of vocational school graduates in East Kalimantan can achieve optimal results if vocational school leaders are able to anticipate and track organizational changes through their authority to build structures, people, technology, and mechanisms that can create a new and more productive culture. Such findings could help Indonesian policymakers increase vocational school graduates with a competitive advantage to compete in the industrial world.

In these fraught, divisive times, K-12 educators have an opportunity to make a profound contribution to students' academic, intellectual, and civic maturity by giving civil, purposeful discussion the priority it deserves. With reading and writing, discussion is a co-equal leg of the tripod of literacy. By engaging in frequent discussions of challenging academic content, students could learn to listen (not just wait for their chance to talk), to offer their thoughts with an open mind, to fairly consider multiple perspectives, and to agree to respectfully disagree. They could carry these vital abilities with them into adulthood, which would prepare them to become more contributive citizens, better neighbors, and more productive employees. In fact, employers rank communication and interactional acumen among their highest priorities. This article makes the case for civil, rational argument in the classroom, describes how any teacher can conduct such discussions, and highlights schools where these discussions have led to both high engagement and significant academic gains.

According to Randi Weingarten, attacks on public education are not new. The difference today is that the attacks are intended to destroy it. Over the last three years, legislators in 45 states proposed hundreds of laws placing public schools at the center of culture wars: laws seeking to ban books from school libraries; laws restricting what teachers can teach and students can learn--particularly about race, gender, LGBTQ issues, current events, and American history; and laws attacking kids who are transgender. Students and staff should feel welcome, safe, and respected in school--but the culture wars are fueling hostility and fear. This article is based on Randi Weingarten's speech at the National Press Club in March 2023, in which she provides four strategies for powerful public education: expanding community schools, scaling experiential learning, addressing staff shortages, and deepening the partnership between families and educators.

In 2017, a new core curriculum was implemented in Norwegian primary and secondary education, replacing the core curriculum from 1997. While the concept of "danning" is present in both curricula, its meaning and use seem to change. The concept of "danning" has a played a significant role in Norwegian society and educational history. Danning has been linked to the establishment of Norwegian democracy, in which education plays an important role. Since the 19th century, the meaning of the concept has been subject to change, corresponding to historical changes, yet the word itself continues to be part of the Norwegian educational rhetoric and national curriculum. This means that conversations about "danning" may not be fruitful because the participants attach different meanings to the same concept. Thus, a study of how "danning" has been used and how it is used today is warranted. Through an analysis of two Norwegian curricula, from 1997 and 2017, we find changes in the perception of "danning" and in its role as an educational concept in Norwegian education. We argue that "danning" goes from being understood as a result-oriented, social and democratic concept in 1997 to being seen as an individualistic process in pursuit of certain personal characteristics, without its former social component, in 2017. This indicates a fragmentation of "danning."

The influence of algorithms on society is increasing due to their growing presence in all areas of daily life. Although we are not always aware of it, they sometimes usurp the identity of other social actors. The main purpose of this article is to address the meta-research on the field of artificial intelligence and communication from a holistic perspective that allows us to analyze the state of academic research, as well as the possible effects on these areas and on the democratic system. To this end, we carried out a systematized review of recent literature using quantitative and qualitative approaches. The subject analyzed is changing and novel: it includes the impact and interaction of algorithms, bots, automated processes, and artificial intelligence mechanisms in journalism and communication, as well as their effects on democracy. The results show expanding scientific production, mostly in English, based on theoretical discussion or focused on the perception of communication professionals. The object of study is centered mostly on journalism and democracy, and to a lesser degree on ethics or education. Studies indicate great interest in the effects of the use of algorithms on journalism and democracy, but the answers are still uncertain and the challenges for the coming years are significant.

The dominant analytical and programmatic frameworks used when writing about conflict-affected contexts such as Libya in Global Northern academia belong to the interdisciplinary field of peace and conflict studies (PACS). Within this, education is increasingly gaining attention as a tool for building peace and developing social justice. This article is a cautious conceptual exploration of how pragmatism might be a timely intervention in the fields of PACS and peacebuilding education. In particular, the article takes a deeper look at the American philosopher John Dewey's pragmatist approach to politics and education, and his conceptualisations of a context-specific 'public', teachers and enquiry for peaceful and democratic living. Throughout, I argue that a pragmatist philosophy is a worthwhile pedagogical project in a challenging context such as Libya, as it is an internal and ground-up discourse, compared to the often externally initiated and top-down discourses of peacebuilding. I speak as an adjacent and connected critic, because I am both a Libyan and a German researching a problem in my country to which I hope to find possible solutions by engaging with discourses and practices in an academic institution in the Global North.

In this article, I attempt to conceptually analyze points of disagreement among the students of the first democratic high school in Norway, The Experimental Gymnasium of Oslo (EGO). The clashes and disagreements among the students started heating up immediately after the school was opened in the fall of 1967. As they were learning how to run their school, the students discovered profound differences in their views of education and its purposes. Their deep disagreements about the meaning of education and conflicts about their school practices almost broke up their school right at the very start of its existence. Their different understandings of education erupted in a passionate and dramatic general assembly meeting, which they later referred to as the Soul-Searching Assembly. This four-and-a-half hour-long meeting was recorded and its transcript was published (Hem & Remlov, 1969). In this article, I analyze the dialogues from the assembly, looking for the students' diverse ideological and conceptual positions, views, desires, and underlying values. The tensions and clashes the students voiced echo the profound paradigmatic differences in conceptualizing education throughout the modern history of education, from the Enlightenment until now, a few decades into the 21st century. The purpose of my analysis is to examine these paradigmatically different views and the concerns behind them. These radically different paradigmatic, conceptual, and axiological positions have an effect on what we may consider being good, ethical, just, and true for human existence, human relationships, and human rights in general, and especially in education. The EGO students' intensive and urgent ontological need to explain their very different positions to each other allowed me to take a closer look into the tensions and conflicts still existing in the larger cultural-historical public sphere of discourse on education.

My essay aims to develop my authorial map-account of Martin Duberman's various educational paradigms manifest in his experimental seminars at Princeton University, Hunter College, and Lehman College CUNY, 1966-1971 (and beyond) that I abstracted from his claims about his innovative educational teaching. I tried to develop a terrain of educational philosophical paradigms that shaped his goals, judgments, definitions of success, frustrations, and so on, and engage in a dialogic analysis of this terrain. His innovative pedagogy was driven by diverse and often conflicting educational philosophies involving democracy, dialogism, and therapy, among other values. I discuss the synergies and conflicts of these values in Duberman's pedagogy.

Democratic discussion in the classroom has been viewed as a way to increase consensus, however the spread of false and misleading information through social media and influencers can make classroom discussions problematic. This electronic text analysis study highlights the social media site of Quora and posts related to the Gulf War. Posts related to the Gulf War is critically analyzed and their potential impacts are examined. This study also analyzes the posts and potential impacts of a conservative influencer named James Lindsay. It also analyzes specific polarizing posts that Lindsay has made on Instagram and highlight the potential impacts on classroom discussions of some of these posts. A purpose of the study is to analyze negative potential impacts of social media on student's views and on classroom discussions. The study also highlights two potential solutions to overcoming these negative potential impacts. One solution is to use Stanford History Education Group's Civic Online Reasoning, and another solution is to explicitly teach Democratic humility. With democratic humility, individuals learn not to make hyperbolic claims about their beliefs. Students could also be taught when learning about democratic humility, the importance of suspending judgement until they have gathered sufficient information on the topic.

Social media has provided challenges and opportunities for education for democracy. There have always been structural elements of communication that are hidden and perpetuate inequalities. Social media has accelerated and empowered these hidden structures through algorithms. In this argumentative essay, we examine how critical media literacy can uncover hidden power structures and support education for democracy. Critical media literacy can help students identify exclusionary, inaccurate, missing, and polarizing elements of social media while examining and discussing issues and events. Seen through this lens, social media provides opportunities for education for democracy. Critical media literacy and education for democracy provide opportunities for increasing civic engagement and renewal.

Purpose: The Samuel Paty murder has generated a great response from the professional community and the world of education and schools in Europe and worldwide. In a unique way, civic educators expressed horror, sorrow, and solidarity with the family and with their French colleagues. The article is dedicated to Samuel Paty and the question of whether and how we as a community of international civic educators can learn from this terrible event. Design/methodology/approach: The article presents a case reconstruction using press and public documents attempting to disentangle the actors' positions, their stated intentions and contexts, and the following political intricacies of the case. Findings: The murder of Samuel Paty provoked a series of educational policy reactions that have paradoxical effects on civic education in schools, seen its intentions of political-social inclusion into a citizenship model. The case analysis documents the pitfalls of the instrumentalization of civic education for the securitization of societies.

Purpose: The purpose of this study is to explore how education can help students develop democratic resilience as a bulwark against terrorinduced fear, securitization, and possibly even extremism itself. Approach: This article presents findings from a qualitative study exploring security governance in Norwegian secondary schools. The empirical corpus draws on 16 semi-structured interviews with educators to explore their perspectives on security governance in schools. Findings: The securitization of education risks normalizing fear culture in schools. Trust can likely be used to prevent or reduce the emergence of such fear. This study explores educational narratives by analyzing how a combination of cognitive trust and emotional trust may help students to build democratic resilience against terror-induced fear. In this context, helping students develop more sophisticated understandings of the social world and ensuring trustful relationships is a promising peacebuilding and potentially de-securitizing approach to explore in education.

This study aims to identify the dominant leadership styles of chairs from the perspective of faculty members in different college departments in higher education in the UAE. Furthermore, the study aims to identify the teachers' perceptions of leadership styles that affect their job satisfaction. The study used quantitative means with faculty members in different higher educational settings in the UAE. The survey used a five-point Likert scale. The leadership styles have values (completely agree =5, agree = 4, neutral =3, disagree=2, completely disagree=1). The job satisfaction questions have values (completely satisfied =5, satisfied = 4, fairly satisfied =3, dissatisfied =2, completely dissatisfied=1). The chosen subjects were faculty members from different colleges. Those subjects are 135 university teachers who are divided into four age groups. The data revealed no dominant leadership styles in the colleagues from faculty members' perspectives; however, the statistics lean towards the laissez-faire leadership style. It also reveals correlations between the three leadership styles and job satisfaction. The democratic leadership style has the greatest impact and most significant environment and incentives among the three independent variables. [Note: The page range (119-134) shown on the PDF is incorrect. The correct page range is 119-135.]