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This article considers transformative education in prison as a tool to address cartel violence in Mexico. It begins by examining how the rise of democracy in Mexico is partially responsible for the expansion of organized crime. Data from a participatory action research project with twelve men incarcerated for cartel-related crimes is then used to explore the violence plaguing Mexico. Results emphasize the relevance of structural disparities and stigma as sociocultural barriers that favor the empowerment of organized crime. The article closes with reflections regarding the challenges for prison education in a country where cartels have significant control over the government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Armed conflicts between drug cartels and the Mexican government have caused collateral damage to local communities while prompting various responses from civilian women. Existing studies on women’s reactions to narco-violence have focused on either their active resistance against violence or their direct participation in cartels. In reality, however, most civilian women’s actions exist on a spectrum between these two extreme poles, which has received relatively little attention in the literature. This article examines how civilian women cooperate with cartels by analyzing qualitative data, including 37 semi-structured interviews with participants from Jalisco, Mexico. Using the concept of “everyday cooperation,” we divide civilian women’s actions to cohabit with cartels in the narco-environment into three categories: keeping silent, pursuing benefits, and idealizing narco-culture. Though civilian women’s actions are shaped by the normalization of violence embedded in their local communities, they strategize their behavior through social learning processes. This study conceptually and empirically contributes to the literature on civilian agency under narco-violence by scrutinizing the array of local civilian women’s responses to pervasive criminal violence, focusing on their daily cooperation with cartels in Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We show that the Mexican war on drugs pushed drug cartels into large-scale oil theft. We propose a simple model in which government crackdowns on one criminal sector induce criminal organisations to invest in a new sector. When entering the new sector, challenger organisations with a residual share of the market in the traditional sector may leapfrog incumbent organisations. We bring the model to the data using detailed information on drug cartel presence, oil pipelines and illegal oil taps across Mexican municipalities. In line with the model predictions, municipalities with oil pipelines witnessed a greater increase in cartel presence than municipalities without pipelines after the crackdown on drugs, and the effect is driven by challenger criminal groups. Within the subset of municipalities with oil pipelines, we observe more illegal oil taps where the political party in favour of anti-drug trafficking policy won local elections by a small margin. Because of specialisation in different criminal sectors, municipalities with pipelines did not witness a surge in violence, but they did experience a decline in socioeconomic conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Geographical and historical research was conducted on forced internal displacement (FID) in Chiapas, Mexico. The study covers the period from 1970, when some Catholic and evangelical indigenous communities were expelled from Los Altos municipalities, to 2023, which saw displacements in municipalities along the border, as a result of the territorial dispute waged between rival drug cartels, in the midst of militarism and paramilitarism that has not ceased since 1994. Conceptually, the notion of FID is used to explain and give meaning to this type of mobility over time, and how it has led to a reconstruction of the territoriality of affected communities. Methodologically, information obtained from various sources was processed in geographic information systems, and verified in the field with GPS. This mapping that visualized the increase in FID. This research is pertinent because it analyzes this type of mobility in Chiapas based on an approach that is rarely used and because it reveals how this problem was made invisible over time. It also built geo-referenced databases on the subject, the first of their type in Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This monograph investigates the visual construction of migration on the U.S. southern border by the U.S. news industry. This study employs a quantitative (N = 1,050) and qualitative (N = 21) social semiotic analysis to illuminate the pervasive patterns of visual representation by three news agencies: The Associated Press, Getty Images, and Reuters. The analysis reveals levels of symbolic annihilation, social separation, and asymmetrical power dynamics that contribute to the symbolic othering of migrants. In-depth interviews with 21 photojournalists and field observation of an additional five photojournalists on the U.S.-Mexico border in Texas were conducted to analyze the factors that influence the production of images. Photojournalists are subject to myriad physical, social, and ideological influences from politicians, law enforcement, news organizations, non-governmental organizations, drug cartels, and border residents that constrain the depiction of migration. These complex conditions of production are marked by a scarcity of time, money, and autonomy that ultimately result in conventionalized imagery. The findings suggest that more comprehensive, nuanced, and humanizing accounts of migration can occur when external entities do not intercede in the interaction between photographers and migrants. Unconventional imagery, however, is no guarantee of empathetic reception from audiences who are steeped in hegemonic migration discourses produced by institutions that profoundly profit from a perpetual migration "crisis." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relevance of this topic lies in the fact that drug proliferation is a global issue that impacts the social, economic, and security dimensions of society, necessitating comprehensive measures at the international level. The aim of this study was to analyse the development of international legislation in the field of counter-narcotics, as well as methods of combating modern synthetic drugs. In the course of the study, using historical and genetic analysis, the history of the international fight against drug trafficking was analysed, starting from the International Opium Convention of 1912 under the League of Nations aegis, to the Vienna Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances of 1988 under the United Nations aegis. Using a systemic approach to the study of social phenomena, the reasons for the widespread distribution of designer drugs in the 21st century were considered. The successes and problems of the implementation and activities of the “United Nations Toolkit on Synthetic Drugs”, the Global Coalition to Address Synthetic Drug Threats were analysed; the plans for the creation of the European Union Drugs Agency were critically examined. The statistics of fentanyl-related deaths in the United States were studied. The cooperation between the governments of the United States and the People’s Republic of China in 2023, which focused on combating the leakage of fentanyl precursor chemicals into the hands of Mexican cartels, was investigated. A problem analysis of the updated strategy to combat fentanyl and other synthetic drugs by the United States Customs and Border Protection, thanks to which already at the beginning of 2024 more than 8 thousand pounds of fentanyl were seized, helped to identify problematic aspects of documents in this area. The results of the study showed that the international community was aware of the drug problem and adopted appropriate resolutions, however, modern international legislation needs to be improved to combat the international drug trafficking of synthetic drugs, which requires political publicity and the activity of political elites. The results obtained can be useful for public service workers engaged in anti-drug activities, for students and lecturers, as well as for public activists involved in social work with drug addicts

This paper exploits the sharp escalation of violence in Colombia in the 1980s associated with the emergence of drug cartels to provide novel evidence on the long-run effects of violence exposure throughout the life-course, on children's educational attainment and academic achievement using administrative data. I find that, a higher homicide rate in early-childhood is associated with a higher probability of school dropout and conditional on completing high school, lower scores on a national end-of-high school exam. Results are robust to several falsification tests, and analyses of potential sources of selection bias. I provide supportive evidence that changes in fetal, child, and adolescent health outcomes are important potential mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Citizens in multiple crime-ridden countries strongly support the militarization of security—that is, placing the military in charge of traditional policing duties. Yet, we know little about the determinants of such support. Do people approve of militarization even in the face of human fatalities? We explore this question in the context of Mexico's "war on drugs." In three experimental studies, we manipulate the presence of human costs in a military operation against a drug lord and present arguments either justifying or condemning these costs. We consistently find that, even in successful operations, support for militarization decreases when military operations cause civilian casualties, but not when the victims are members of drug cartels. This finding holds for both respondents who have been victims of cartel-related violence and those who have not. Arguments that justify these costs as helping to achieve the end goal of eradicating organized crime increase support. These findings shed light on the public opinion side of the militarization of security debate, and have important implications for security policy reform and democratic politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explains some of the mechanisms through which corruption by high-level Mexican politicians and other organized crime members is facilitated in the United States through money laundering operations. The analysis is based on information contained in court records related to key money laundering cases, as well as in news articles and reports from law enforcement agencies. These materials highlight the interrelationships among U.S. drug use, cartel activities in Mexico, human rights abuses, Mexican political corruption, and money laundering in the United States. This work demonstrates the pervasive use of legitimate businesses and fronts in the United States as a disguise for criminal activity. Finally, it provides recommendations for a reformation of policies and penalties directed toward U.S. institutions and persons that facilitate money laundering. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This summary is based on an article that examines the effects of fear and corruption on Mexico's democracy. The study finds that Mexicans are disappointed with the way democracy works in the country, driven by perceptions of political corruption, concerns for safety and security, and their economic situation. A substantial proportion of the Mexican public is considering trading democracy for security. The article raises questions about the survival of democracy in Mexico and the need for further research on the complex relationship between Mexicans and the perception of widespread corruption. Additionally, the summary mentions other sources, including a book chapter on citizens and the state, an article on wealth inequality in Mexico, a research paper on satisfaction with democracy in Western Europe, and a research paper on the collapse of democracy in Brazil. [Extracted from the article]

In this article, I examine 'underground memories' to demonstrate how they serve as resources for resistance in the margins of Colombia. I focus on their relations with the urban fabric, looking at the ways the walls of Bogota and Medellin are used as canvases for spreading images and narratives about the conflict. I suggest that murals representing the violence serve as a repository for memories; they challenge hegemonic narratives and contribute to the recovery of public space. This analysis draws on three case studies. In the first one, I examine the impact of a mural in Bogota that denounced extrajudicial killings involving the Colombian army. The second case focuses on a community initiative aimed at collecting testimonies from residents in a marginalized district of Medellin. Finally, the last case study analyses the touristification of some of the many murals depicting the violence in Medellin. I argue that, to different degrees, all the memorial projects presented in this study challenge state narratives. Through representations of murdered teenagers, suspect military officers and even drug cartel bosses, they raise questions of social justice, impunity, illegality and the dramatic banalization of violence in the country. They broaden the narrative on the recent past, through histories and images that the Colombian state is still reluctant to unearth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aiming to reduce the conceptual ambiguity surrounding the topic of organized crime, this study assesses the extent to which the Sinaloa Cartel, the most prominent Mexican drug syndicate, has the characteristics of a mafia. The study uses Paoli's 2020 mafia framework, which identifies seven typifying characteristics of mafias, such as the Sicilian Cosa Nostra or the Japanese Yakuza. It relies on a broad review of the literature, court transcripts and media sources. The Sinaloa Cartel fully meets none of the seven typifying traits of mafias. It comes closest on the last trait, popular legitimacy and power-sharing, but it is properly characterized as a large drug-selling enterprise. Lastly, the study draws (sombre) policy implications from the analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is dedicated to analyzing the evolution of illicit crops and their influence on crime over several decades in Colombia. Overall, drug trafficking has wide-ranging consequences that affect individuals, communities, and societies at large, including health issues, violence, corruption, economic impact, social disruption, and strained international relations. In this article we will analyze the historical root causes of drug production and drug trafficking in Colombia. A constant debate has been prevalent for who is to blame; consumers or producers? The blame for drug trafficking cannot be solely placed on either consumers or producers. Drug trafficking is a complex issue that involves multiple actors and factors. Producers, such as drug cartels and criminal organizations, are responsible for manufacturing and distributing illicit drugs. They exploit vulnerable communities, engage in violence, and profit from the illegal drug trade. Their actions contribute to the supply of drugs in the market. On the other hand, consumers play a significant role in fueling the demand for illicit drugs. The demand for drugs creates a lucrative market that incentivizes producers to continue trafficking. Without consumers, there would be no market for drugs, and the profitability of drug trafficking would diminish. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent evidence suggests that legal marijuana markets in several U.S. states have decreased violence in Mexican-U.S. border regions. As legal markets for production and distribution displace drug cartel distribution, the violence associated with cartel trafficking and distribution decreases. Prior analysis has not considered an important emerging innovation for drug distribution: online anonymous marketplaces. The increasing volume of drug trade that has occurred on this "Dark Web" could result in reduced drug cartel violence as production and distribution use this substitute network and turn away from the cartel distribution networks. This paper investigates the relationship between border violence and the volume of drug trade that occurs on the Dark Web using a difference in differences model. We examine differences in crime rates at the U.S.-Mexico border and away from the border during the emergence of the Dark Web. Data on Dark Web transactions, users, and markets allows us to measure changes in Dark Web activity and the subsequent impact on crime. We find evidence that the rise in Dark Web marketplaces results in crime reductions at the border of the U.S., relative to non-border counties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The different death practices (and their origin) that Mexican drug cartels have been using for the last two decades and their reproduction in every day social spheres, as well as their ties to the State that challenge theoretical frameworks and approaches. In this paper we attempt to think necropractices from the immunitarian framework of Roberto Esposito but radicalizing it in order to be able to attribute epistemic responsibilities for the proliferation and reproduction of the knowledge(s) of death that has reached the whole of the social. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The different death practices that Mexican drug cartels have been using for the last two decades and their reproduction in everyday social spheres, as well as their ties to the State, challenge current theoretical frameworks. We propose an explanation of this phenomenon, but we do not resort to the failed or weak State hypothesis, hoping to overcome the problems posed by those accounts. In this paper, we attempt to apply the necropractices from the immunitarian reading of biopolitics of Roberto Esposito, while radicalizing it to be able to attribute epistemic responsibilities for the proliferation and reproduction of the knowledge of death that has reached the whole of the social. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the evolution of drone tactics employed by drug cartels in Mexico from 2017 to 2022. The research traces the increasing sophistication of drone technology, payload capacities, and adaptability of cartels in employing airborne drones in low-intensity conflicts It also highlights the increasing reliance on drones for various purposes. The analysis reveals insights into how criminal organizations adapt to the changing technological landscape, incorporating drones into their operations and creating new challenges for law enforcement. The analysis outlines strategies and identifies specialized measures to counteract this asymmetric warfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to clarify how international humanitarian law (IHL) rules on targeting apply when drug cartels are party to a non-international armed conflict. The question of distinguishing between a cartel's armed forces and the rest of the cartel members is a pertinent matter. It is crucial to avoid considering every drug dealer a legitimate target, just as we do not consider that everyone working for the government is a legitimate target. Nevertheless, it is unclear at what point a member of a cartel would change from being a criminal to being a member of the armed wing of the cartel, hence becoming a legitimate target. The present article will suggest a teleological approach to solving this conundrum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The motivations of armed groups are widely considered to be irrelevant for the applicability of international humanitarian law (IHL). As long as organized violence is of sufficient intensity, and armed groups have sufficient capacity to coordinate and carry out military operations, there is an armed conflict for purposes of international law. It follows that large-scale criminal organizations can, in principle, be treated legally on a par with political insurgent groups. Drug cartels in particular, if sufficiently armed and well organized, can constitute armed opposition groups in the legal sense when their confrontation with State forces is sufficiently intense. This article problematizes this interpretation. It corroborates standing legal doctrine in finding that subjective motives are not a sound basis to exclude the application of IHL, but it argues that a workable distinction can be made between the strategic logic and the organizational goals of criminal groups and those of political insurgents. Drawing on a growing body of empirical studies on the political economy of criminal violence, a strong presumption is defended against qualifying as armed conflict organized violence involving criminal organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Forcibly displaced populations flee extreme violence in their territories to safeguard their lives, during their transit, they are exposed to revictimization. Documenting the geographical dimensions of internal forced displacement in Mexico is difficult, due to the lack of official information systems that are necessary to generate systematic and specific indicators to the circumstances in which it occurs. This work develops a quantitative and documentary methodological route to identify forced displacement disaggregated by federal entity, by crossing three variables: presence of drug cartels, criminal incidence and emigration rate by municipality, through a weighting by quartiles that yielded a forced internal displacement index and an approximation in the identification of the municipalities that are likely to experiment this phenomenon. The results obtained during the research period show that, although a spatial pattern is not properly observed, there are 372 municipalities which display high values in the indicators, whose cartographic crossing indicates a high possibility that forced displacement is occurring. The work also contributes by revealing the scope and limitations of existing data sources in Mexico on this topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista del CESLA is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Ciencias Sociales (0797-5538) is the property of Universidad de la Republica, Faculdad de Ciencias Sociales, Departmento de Sociologica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the late 1970s, the Mexican government has been embroiled in an armed conflict with the drug cartels, and criminal organisations have engaged in violent confrontations with each other. Violence escalated in 2006 under the presidency of Felipe Calderón Hinojosa, and since then killings have become spectacular and highly mediatised. An often-overlooked front of the cartel wars is the use of non-official networked media that generates and sustains popular narratives about cartel leaders. In this paper, we focus on the media assemblages that sustain the myths associated with the now captured 'El Chapo' Guzmán, perhaps the most celebrated narco in Mexican history. In particular, we focus on the phenomenon of the El Chapo memes as these have moved into a new phase via digital platforms such as Whatapps. We argue the El Chapo memes play an important role in popular communication revolving around narco culture, functioning as artefacts of and even opportunities for political contestation, as well as everyday humour and survival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mexico's government is not able or capable to protect its citizens, because drug lords and cartels have managed to take partially hostage of the country, the Government and its people as well. Chronic violence, drug cartels, massacres, Mexico, corruption Iguala 43 It is known that these 43 young men of indigenous background and students of a rural teachers' college in Iguala, Guerrero, Mexico were forcibly abducted by police officers on September 26, in 2014, then handed over to members of the narco cartel "Guerreros Unidos", and since have disappeared from the face of this earth. Keywords: chronic violence; massacres; drug cartels; corruption; Mexico EN chronic violence massacres drug cartels corruption Mexico 234 247 14 06/09/23 20230601 NES 230601 In Mexico City The "Paseo de la Reforma" is the name of an impressive avenue crossing Mexico City, from east to west over a distance of 15km. [Extracted from the article]

Mexican drug trafficking organizations have experienced rapid attrition resulting in a continual need for personnel since 2006. However, the process by which these criminal organizations absorb new members remains obscure. In this article, we report on the social context of recruitment and motivational pathways into Mexican drug trafficking organizations through in-depth interviews with current and former cartel members (N = 79). We find that recruits are motivated by aspirations of financial success and notions of masculinity, but also influenced by attachment to social groups and jointly shared experiences that we term a collective trajectory. We argue that individual decisions to join criminal organizations are viewed in collective terms, or being connected with members of their immediate social group. We conclude with the applications of challenges of collective trajectory for sociological criminology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to resolve inconsistencies with life course theory (LCT) that we observed in our ethnographic research on life in multiple highly impoverished communities in Mexico where residents are involved heavily with drug cartels. The theoretical areas examined are some of the core aspects of LCT: trajectory; the age-graded process; transitions; state dependence; effects from other institutions (religion, employment, family) on desistance; and, ultimately, why desistance and persistence differ in these Mexican communities compared with LCT expectations. Our results indicate that the weak State and drug trafficking organizations' dominance create structural conditions in which other institutions such as religion, family, and employment adapt using collectivism found in Mexican culture. Using the concept of collective trajectory (CT) to bridge the differences between our findings and LCT, we highlight how crime during the life course plays out differently in these more collectivistic communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policies based on prohibition and repression to fight the war on drugs have largely failed in a variety of contexts. However, incentive-based policies may also fail and have unintended negative consequences if policymakers do not properly anticipate behavioral reactions. This is an particularly important concern in the case of policies announced prior to their implementation. In this paper, we show that a naive and untimely policy announcement generated an unprecedented escalation in cocaine production in Colombia, offsetting almost 20 years and billions of dollars of U.S.-backed efforts to stop drug production and cartel action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to investigate specific marketing mix activities and influencing factors in hotels coping with falling room demand derived from drug cartel-related risk and insecurity. Design/methodology/approach – A case study research was carried out using semistructured interviews with key informants (hotel managers) in two neighboring destinations at the US–Mexico border, an area where criminal organizations' drug trafficking-related violence has impacted the hospitality industry. Findings – The research identifies factors that are internal (market segment diversification, type of ownership, magnitude of investments) and external (tourism promotion organizations, media coverage, tourist flow volume) to the firms as they affect their marketing mix implementation. Research limitations/implications – The research developed a framework to better understand the use of marketing mix practices and influencing factors in criminal insecurity contexts, which could be further studied in other risk and conflict scenarios. Practical implications – The pricing and communication tactics are employed more intensively, while product-service and distribution channel actions are used to a lesser extent. Greater emphasis should be placed on product-service, distribution and market segment diversification. Social implications – Considering the positive impacts that tourism and hospitality businesses have on local communities, it is recommended that the hotel sector works together with government and industry associations to improve the safety and security at tourism destinations. Originality/value – The research extends the extant knowledge in hospitality crisis management by investigating the full marketing mix tactics in hotels at destinations stricken by cartel-related organized crime, an understudied context in the literature.