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Over the course of its ninety-yearhistory a great deal of time and energy has beendevoted at the University of Natal to trying tounderstand the best way to administer and manage aunitary University whose two main campuses are fiftymiles apart. In the early 1990s, after decades ofgradual separation of the campuses, the massivechanges taking place in South Africa, as experiencedin Higher Education, prompted a major review of themanagement, administrative and committee structureswithin the University. This review, whoserecommendations were accepted and implemented,advocated a formal process of administrative andbudgetary devolution to the two campuses in Durban andPietermaritzburg. Five years later, in the face offurther external pressures, a new review recommendedthat the devolution be reversed and a stronglycentralised structure be put in place. Thisrecommendation, in turn, was approved and implemented. This article outlines the reasoning behind both setsof recommendations and explores the pros and cons fora multi-campus university of both centralisation anddevolution in the light of the experience of auniversity which has gained first-hand knowledge ofboth alternatives in less than a decade.

This paper, a contribution to the social history and sociology of language and literacy in South Africa, focuses on language and literacy policies on the South African gold mines. It covers significant developments in this area affecting miners from 1945 to the present. Initially, it offers a perspective on the relationship between literacy, jobs and industrialisation and the ideological rationale for the dissemination of literacy. Empirical evidence of literacy distribution patterns amongst workers under capitalist industrialisation is presented, which indicates that there is little correlation between social mobility in the work place, remuneration and workers’ attainment in literacy on the other. It argues that there is added complexity to any consideration of literacy and its social consequences in the case of South African industry in general and specifically of the gold mines, where the multilingual context includes a dominant former colonial language, English; an indigenous language/creole, Afrikaa...

My aim in this paper is to focus attention on one of the crucial conditions of the production of drama and the novel in the very specific social context of post-Independence Kenya. I use the term ‘drama’ rather than ‘theatre’ because I have access only to what has been published as text, but I want to shift the focus of interest away from the individual text and look at the putative audience, and the wayan author's perception of that audience will determine not only what he wants to say, but how to say it. The relationship between what a writer wants to say and the people to whom he will be saying it is clearly a key factor determining the choice of genre. I have chosen to look at protest literature partly because it is there that any possible conflict between the ideologies of author and readers is likely to show itself most obviously.

Oog en Spel: Opstelle oor die drama. Rena Pretorius 1987 Pretoria: J.L. van Schaik In Search of Semiotics. David Sless 1986. London & Sydney: Croom Helm. A J Greimas and the Nature of Meaning: Linguistics, Semiotics and Discourse Theory. Ronald Schleifer 1987 Beckenham: Croom Helm Marxism and African Literature. Edited by Georg M Gugelberger 1985 London: James Currey.

(1987). Images of war: Popular fiction in English and the war on South Africa's borders. English Academy Review: Vol. 4, No. 1, pp. 53-66.

On 20th October 1952 the Kenyan Government declared a State of Emergency in response to settler calls for action against African Nationalism in general, and the movement known to the settlers as 'Mau Mau' in particular, and in so doing triggered off what is now known as the 'Mau Mau' revolt. Four years later the arrest of Dedan Kimathi marked the effective end of an armed peasant resistance to colonial rule which, if it didn't regain for the peasants the land which was their main object, did hasten a nominal Independence. Just over twenty years after the declaration of the state of emergency in Kenya, on 21st December 1972, the guerrilla attack on Altena Farm in north-eastern Zimbabwe signalled the start of the final and decisive phase of the Zimbabwe war. Seven years later, to the day, the formal agreements marking the end of the war and opening the way to an internationally recognized Independent Zimbabwe were signed at Lancaster House. 'The guerrillas', as Martin and Johnson put it, 'had brought Rhodesia to a point where it needed the end of the war even more than recognition and the lifting of sanctions.' 2 The Zimbabwe war, like the 'Mau Mau' revolt, was aimed by its black fighters at regaining control over their land and their political destiny, and was directed against white settlers. In each case armed resistance to the status quo provoked extremes of repression (often modelled by the Rhodesians on their Kenyan counterparts) on the part of what were, ironically, known as the 'security forces'. In each case the war produced a substantial body of propaganda and myth-making aimed at justifying or disguising both the social, political and economic dispensations which had been the causes of the war, and the measures taken to counter it. And in each case a substantial body of 'popular' fiction, written by settlers and their sympathizers, was an important, perhaps the most important, component of that propaganda.