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Background/Context: Anti-Latinx political discourses have long positioned Latin America and, by extension, U.S. Latinxs as economic, sociocultural, and political threats to the general welfare of the United States. In formal school curricula, this threat narrative has become one of the many political curricular discourses for codifying citizenship as White, and noncitizens as Other (read Black, Indigenous, Latinx, Asian American). Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study: The purpose of this study was to illustrate how collapsible Latin American tropes and current anti-Latinx sentiments are reproduced in social studies curricula across the United States. Drawing from and expanding upon Leo Chavez's notion of the Latinx Threat Narrative as a framework, we analyzed secondary social studies curricular standards across all 50 states and the District of Columbia to determine how anti-Latinx and anti-Latin American political rhetoric is reified in U.S. civic and citizenship-based curriculum. The following research question guided our study: In what ways do secondary U.S. civic and citizenship education curricular standards situate Latinxs and Latin America within the Latinx Threat Narrative and current anti-Latinx political sentiment? Research Design: To carry out our study, we conducted a critical content analysis of secondary social studies curricular standards with a particular focus on U.S. history, civics, and economics content standards and benchmarks across all 50 states and the District of Columbia. Situating our theoretical framework as an analytic tool, we systematically extracted and analyzed all standards with explicit or implicit references to Latinxs and Latin Americans. Findings/Results: Findings indicate that Latin America and, by extension, Latinxs are regularly situated as social and political dangers to the overall welfare of the United States, suggesting the presence of what we refer to as the Latinx Third World Threat Narrative. We argue that this hemispheric homogenization of Latinx peoples in curricular standards flattens important historical and cultural distinctions, thereby facilitating exchange of anti-Latinx stereotypes present in contemporary political rhetoric. We also show how U.S. Latinx civic agency is encoded as an illicit, corrupt, and destabilizing force. Conclusions/Recommendations: In light of our findings, we suggest that educators pay specific attention to the political amalgamation of Latinx subjectivities. Additionally, policy advocates and educators must move beyond understanding curricular representation as just an impediment to students' heritage knowledge and begin to understand state-backed curricular standards as part of a larger political apparatus.

Early advocates for Hispanic-Serving Institutions argued that HSIs should require 'significant Hispanic staffing patterns at the faculty … level' and 'serious commitment to the needs of Hispanic learners.' We examine whether HSIs, nearly 40 years later, have addressed these calls by detailing rates of Latinx faculty representation and exploring how HSIs incorporate faculty in federally funded HSI initiatives. Analyses of all Title V funded HSIs from 2009-2016 (N = 167) indicate that the average Latinx student-to-Latinx faculty ratio is 146:1, whereas the corollary White student-to-White faculty ratio is 10:1. Moreover, analyses of HSI grant abstracts indicate that HSIs expend federal funding--which was initially intended to ameliorate educational inequalities--on training White faculty to become more 'culturally aware' and 'culturally engaged.' We argue these findings align with two core tenets of Critical Race Theory (CRT)--namely CRT's critique of racial liberalism, and Derrick Bell's conceptualization of interest convergence.

The 2011 Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study shows average mathematics scores of U.S. fourth graders are lower than children in many Asian countries. There are questions about differences in mathematics skills at younger ages. This study examines differences in score growth for High-, Average-, and Low-performing children in two U.S. states and one city in China. The samples are not representative of site populations and are different in socioeconomic status (SES). Test of Early Mathematics Ability-3 (TEMA-3; Ginsburg & Baroody, 2003) scores were obtained at four time points from the longitudinal samples. Children in Shanghai had higher scores than children in Kentucky and Nebraska; the majority of children in Shanghai scored in the High group, whereas most children in Kentucky and Nebraska were in the Average group. The best fitting growth models were nonlinear and the growth patterns varied across samples. More research is needed to understand how classroom instruction, home environments, parenting, and SES impact growth of TEMA-3 scores.

Background: At many hospitals, the type and screen decision is guided by the hospital's maximum surgical blood order schedule, a document that includes for each scheduled (elective) surgical procedure a recommendation of whether a preoperative type and screen be performed. There is substantial heterogeneity in the scientific literature for how that decision should be made., Methods: Anesthesia information management system data were retrieved from the 160,207 scheduled noncardiac cases in adults of 1,253 procedures at a hospital., Results: Neither assuming a Poisson distribution of mean erythrocyte units transfused, nor grouping rare procedures into larger groups based on their anesthesia Current Procedural Terminology code, was reliable. In contrast, procedures could be defined to have minimal estimated blood loss (less than 50 ml) based on low incidence of transfusion and low incidence of the hemoglobin being checked preoperatively. Among these procedures, when the lower 95% confidence limit for erythrocyte transfusion was less than 5%, type and screen was shown to be unnecessary. The method was useful based on including multiple differences from the hospital's maximum surgical blood order schedule and clinicians' test ordering (greater than or equal to 29% fewer type and screen). Results were the same with a Bayesian random effects model., Conclusions: We validated a method to determine procedures on the maximum surgical blood order schedule for which type and screen was not indicated using the estimated blood losses and incidences of transfusion.

Two-staged resection arthroplasty with delayed reimplantation is currently the method of choice for treatment of an infected total hip arthroplasty. There is paucity of data regarding the risk factors for reinfection after reimplantation. The objective of this study was to determine the efficacy of two-stage resection arthroplasty for infected THA and to identify risk factors for reinfection. The outcome of this procedure was evaluated in 54 consecutive patients at our institution from January 1999 to August 2005. The mean follow-up time for patients who were successfully treated was 32 months (range: 24 to 76 months). Infection with methicillin-resistant organisms occurred in 33 patients (61%). Recurrent infection was diagnosed in 14 patients (26%) after the second stage reimplantation procedure at an average of 10.6 months. An elevated ASA, which is an indicator of advanced comorbid health status, and infection with methicillin-resistant organisms were risk factors for treatment failure. An additional 8% of the cohort developed early mechanical failure at a mean of 13.8 months. The increase in the number of resistant organisms and the rise in the number of patients with comorbid conditions have compromised the efficacy of two-stage exchange arthroplasty. Hence novel techniques for the treatment of periprosthetic infection are desperately needed.