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Introduction: We discuss event-related power differences (ERPDs) in low- and broadband-γ oscillations as the embedded-clause edge is processed in wh-dependencies such as Which decision regarding/about him/her did Paul say that Lydie rejected without hesitation? in first (L1) and second language (L2) French speakers. Methods: The experimental conditions manipulated whether pronouns appeared in modifiers (Mods; regarding him/her) or in noun complements (Comps; about him/ her) and whether they matched or mismatched a matrix-clause subject in gender. Results: Across L1 and L2 speakers, we found that anaphora-linked ERPDs for Mods vs. Comps in evoked power first arose in low γ and then in broadband γ. Referential elements first seem to be retrieved from working memory by narrowband processes in low γ and then referential identification seems to be computed in broadband-γ output. Interactions between discourse- and syntax-based referential processes for the Mods vs. Comps in these ERPDs furthermore suggest that multidomain γ-band processing enables a range of elementary operations for discourse and semantic interpretation. Discussion: We argue that a multidomain mechanism enabling operations conditioned by the syntactic and semantic nature of the elements processed interacts with local brain microcircuits representing features and feature sets that have been established in L1 or L2 acquisition, accounting for a single language epistemology across learning contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We document weak garden paths after intransitive verbs, modulated by intransitivity type, in the treatment of DP[subscript 1] V[subscript intransitive] DP[subscript 2] V[subscript 2] sequences as in "As the journalist arrived the editor postponed the meeting" in first language (L1) and second language (L2) sentence processing. In a noncumulative moving-window experiment, 25 English native speakers and 22 low-intermediate Korean learners of English with no naturalistic exposure read critical items in which a subordinate clause was either headed by an intransitive verb (unaccusative vs. unergative) or by a copular predicate. A linear mixed model revealed greater processing loads evidenced in longer reading times on V[subscript 2] after intransitive verbs than after copular predicates. This finding echoes post hoc observations in Juffs (2004). These asymmetries were driven by significantly greater loads after unaccusative verbs than after copular predicates and unergative verbs. These asymmetries, found in both L1 and L2, are unexpected on the basis of valence information only, as one-place predicates should rule out a second argument. However, we argue that they receive an explanation if parsing involves the interaction of lexically encoded intransitivity information with a transitivity prediction.

Two experiments involving picture classifications investigated priming behavior in the context of "wh"-movement at clause edge and in indirect object position, respectively. In Experiment 1, intermediate L1-Chinese L2-English learners produced slower classification times (inhibitions) at clause edge, apparently induced by the computation of intermediate traces, whereas faster classification times (facilitations) were detected in native speakers (NSs). In Experiment 2, advanced L1-English L2-French learners produced facilitations apparently induced by the computation of traces in indirect object position. Learners' priming pattern differed from the priming pattern produced by NSs, however. We argue that the patterns found suggest structural computations interacting with distinct activation modes in the maintenance of discourse referents, plausibly resulting from the automaticity of lexical access, or lack thereof. (Contains 7 figures and 2 tables.)

It is well known that adult US-English-speaking learners of French experience difficulties acquiring high /y/-/u/ and mid /oe/-/[openo]/ front vs. back rounded vowel contrasts in French. This study examines the acquisition of these French vowel contrasts at two levels: phonetic categorization and lexical representations. An ABX categorization task (for details, see Section IV) revealed that both advanced and intermediate learners categorized /oe/ vs. /[openo]/ and /y/ vs. /u/ differently from native speakers of French, although performance on the /y/-/u/ contrast was more accurate than on the /oe/-/[openo]/ contrast in all contexts. On a lexical decision task with repetition priming, advanced learners and native speakers produced no (spurious) response time (RT) facilitations for /y/-/u/ and /oe/-/[openo]/ minimal pairs; however, in intermediate learners, the decision for a word containing /y/ was speeded by hearing an otherwise identical word containing /u/ (and vice versa), suggesting that /u/ and /y/ are not distinguished in lexical representations. Thus, while it appears that advanced learners encoded the /y/-/u/ and /oe/-/[openo]/ contrasts in the phonological representations of lexical items, they gained no significant benefit on the categorization task. This dissociation between phonological representations and phonetic categorization challenges common assumptions about their relationship and supports a novel approach we label "direct mapping from acoustics to phonology" (DMAP). (Contains 5 tables, 5 figures and 1 note.)

This article presents evidence that supports the claim that second language (L2) grammars arise in a domain-specific, informationally encapsulated module with contents provided by Universal Grammar and enriched by native language knowledge, as entertained by Schwartz (1986, 1987, 1999) contra Bley-Vroman (1990). I consider state-of-the-art evidence representative of a body of research on the poverty of the stimulus (POS) that argues for the domain-specificity of L2 representations, with a main focus on interpretation. Then I examine interpretive evidence relevant to the role of informational encapsulation and compositionality in SLA. I seek to demonstrate that the acquisition of syntax-linked interpretive properties where the POS is severe provides opportunities for a type of fingerprinting of mental organization that can inform a variety of epistemologically relevant questions.

Lardiere's discussion raises important questions about the use of features in second language (L2) acquisition. This response examines predictions for processing of a feature-valuing model vs. a frequency-sensitive, associative model in explaining the acquisition of French past participle agreement. Results from a reading-time experiment support the feature-valuing model. (Contains 2 tables and 1 figure.)

This study investigates the manner in which syntax, prosody, and context interact when second- and fourth-semester college-level English-French learners process relative clause (RC) attachment to either the first noun phrase (NP1) or the second noun phrase (NP2) in complex nominal expressions such as "le secretaire du psychologue qui se promene" ("au centre ville") "the secretary of the psychologist who takes a walk (downtown)." Learners' interpretations were affected by the length of the RC, specifically its phonological weight. Effects of intonation contour were found only in a subset of learners. In a response time (RT) experiment that manipulated contexts, fourth-semester learners showed a final bias for NP1 attachment in interpretation but an initial RT bias for NP2 attachment. Second-semester learners also produced a NP2 attachment bias in RTs, but no asymmetry in interpretation was found. We argue that the processing of RC attachment by English-French learners requires a task-specific algorithm that implicates autonomous syntactic and prosodic computations and specific interactions among them.

This article presents a reading-time study of scope resolution in the interpretation of ambiguous cardinality interrogatives in English-French and in English and French native sentence processing. Participants were presented with a context, a self-paced segment-by-segment presentation of a cardinality interrogative, and a numerical answer that respondents either accepted or rejected. Very narrowly distributed and interpretation-dependent reading-time asymmetries arose in English-French processing and in French and English native processing. A syntactic account of scope resolution characterizes the reading-time asymmetries produced by English-French learners and differences between French and English native respondents. In contrast, a context-driven theory of scope resolution encounters many severe problems that render its plausibility exceedingly remote.

We discuss the results of an experiment that investigates English-French learners' interpretation of quantifiers with detachable restrictions. Such quantifiers are ungrammatical in English. We investigate aspects of interpretation that rely on a highly idiosyncratic interface between grammar and general principles of conversational cooperation in native French. We show that a learning-theoretic challenge of the most severe kind arises in English-French acquisition unless second language acquisition is constrained by very specific relations between syntactic, semantic and pragmatic modules. We therefore argue that the emergence of knowledge of interpretation in English-French interlanguage suggests mandatory, informationally encapsulated computations. This supports Schwartz's (1986; 1987; 1999) contention that inter-language knowledge is constrained by a mental organization in which Universal Grammar provides the contents of a largely universal processor devoted to language.

Addresses the issue of second language (L2) epistemology assuming Chomsky's (1995) discussion of the place of universal grammar in mental design. Discusses interaction of adjectival restriction in interrogative expressions, contrasts plausibility of nativist and non-nativist approaches to the etiology of such grammatical knowledge, an reports results of a study of sensitivity to these interactions by English-French acquirers. (Author/VWL)

From the perspective of Fodor's (1983) theory of mental organization and Chomsky's (1995) Minimalist theory of grammar, considers constraints on the interpretation of French-type and English-type cardinality interrogatives in the task of sentence comprehension, as a function of a universal parsing algorithm and hypotheses embodied in a French-type versus English-type functional lexicon respectively. (Author/VWL)

Reports the results of an interpretive task showing that both native speakers of French and English-speaking classroom learners of French exhibit knowledge of the event sensitivity associated with quantification at a distance. Argues that such knowledge seems reliably acquirable only if both first language and second language acquisition are subject to domain-specific knowledge. (Author/VWL)

Argues that the null preposition phenomenon is a special case of reliance on the A-bar binding strategy, examining research on English-French interlanguage in college classrooms and suggesting that apparent categorical mismatches in A-bar chains may result from preposition incorporation. Second-language learners can appeal to the A-bar binding strategy when native language and target language grammars require movement. (SM)

This study documents the sensitivity of English-French interlanguage to the process-result distinction with respect to the licensing of multiple postnominal genitives, despite a lack of direct positive or negative evidence for this distinction in the input. Documentation argues that the Universal Grammar-governed map between syntactic structures and semantic interpretation guides the development of interlanguage grammars. (Author/JL)