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This is an open access book. Faculty of Social and Political Science, State Islamic University Walisongo Semarang, has been playing significant roles in building global peace and justice by conducting scientific research and creating a space for academic dialogue and discussion. This goal is in line with our vision to be a Research Faculty based on the unity of sciences for humanity and civilization. As part of the efforts to create a space for academic dialogue at a global level, we organize an international conference which aims to develop scientific knowledge, build institutional capacity, and strengthen international networking. The conference is also held to support State Islamic University Walisongo Semarang in achieving its vision to be an Islamic world-class university. The conference raises the issue of democracy and social transformation to capture the social and political dynamics. The selection of this topic is based on the idea that technological developmentis becoming a crucial issue within modern society in which people tend to experience alienation within the rapid social and political transformation. Democracy as a political system that ensures transparency, citizen participation, and human rights protection is now under threat. Having the fact that there is a growing tendency of using transactional politics to win political interests such as the use of money and identity in political processes, therefore, political analysts consider this situation as the regression of democracy. Rapid social and cultural transformation as a consequence of advanced technology creates problems in modern society. On one hand, technology has made the life of people easier. However, on the other hand, the sense of humanity's values and principles is declining. This situation can be observed in the decrease in social solidarity and the rise of individualism. Modernity that values productivity and economic growth has brought anegative impact on the life of human being and nature. The exploitative character of industrialization has created an ecological crisis. Advanced information technology has loosened social cohesivity and the rise of instrumental rationality has removed local genius or local wisdom from the life of society. Since the ultimate goal of humanity is respecting the dignity of human beings, hence, bringing back humanity to the center of the development program is crucial, especially in the current social and political dynamics. In the political context, humanity means respecting the basic rights of the citizen and putting them as a subject of political development and not perceiving citizens as only an instrument to win political power. Based on the above background, this conference is organized. The overall goal of the conference is to mainstream humanity in the current social and political change. The conference is also expected to be an arena for scholars and experts in social and political science as well as practitioners and policymakers to meet and exchange ideas and perspectives for a better future of our society.

Zum 50. Jubiläum der Deutschen Hochschule für Verwaltungswissenschaften Speyer fand im Herbst 1997 das (erste) »Speyerer Demokratieforum« statt, das in den kommenden Jahren fortgesetzt wird. (Das 3. Speyerer Demokratieforum wird vom 27. bis 29. 10. 1999 stattfinden.) Der Tagungsband gibt Vorträge und Diskussionsbeiträge der dreitägigen Fortbildungsveranstaltung wieder, bei der Persönlichkeiten aus Wissenschaft, Verwaltung, Wirtschaft, Politik und Presse zu grundlegenden und aktuellen Fragen der Demokratie Stellung nahmen. Aus verschiedenen Perspektiven werden Schwachstellen der heutigen Demokratie analysiert und Reformvorschläge erörtert, wie etwa Volksbegehren und Volksentscheid auf Bundesebene, Direktwahl der Ministerpräsidenten und Kumulieren und Panaschieren bei Landtags- und Bundestagswahlen. Besonderes Augenmerk gilt dabei auch den Möglichkeiten der praktischen Umsetzung von Reformen, wobei jüngste Entwicklungen im Bereich der direkten Demokratie für die Diskussion fruchtbar gemacht werden.

Zur »politischen Klasse« zählt eine neue Forschungsrichtung Politiker, die - in der Terminologie von Max Weber - nicht (nur) für die Politik, sondern von der Politik leben, also Berufspolitiker mit eigenen, sozusagen klassenspezifischen Interessen. Der Begriff »Verfassung« wird in einem weiten, dreifachen Sinne verstanden: Er umfaßt a] die Summe der in der Verfassungsurkunde niedergelegten Normen (Verfassung im formellen Sinne), b] bestimmte grundlegende einfachgesetzliche Normen zum Beispiel über Wahlrecht und Politikfinanzierung (Verfassung im materiellen Sinne) sowie c] die realen Macht- und Interessenverhältnisse, die sich in Konventionen und politischen Handlungsmustern niederschlagen (Verfassung im soziologischen Sinne). Die Beziehungen zwischen politischer Klasse und Verfassung sind ambivalent: Die Verfassung soll die politische Klasse eigentlich begrenzen, diese kann die Verfassung aber umgekehrt auch nach ihren Bedürfnissen gestalten oder Anpassungen an neue Gegebenheiten verhindern - mit gefährlichen Folgen für elementare Prinzipien der Demokratie. Der vorliegende Band enthält die Referate, die auf der 4. Speyerer Demokratietagung Ende Oktober 2000 gehalten wurden. Ziel dieser Tagung war es, das spannungsreiche Verhältnis von politischer Klasse und Verfassung, das in Forschung und öffentlicher Diskussion bisher stark unterbelichtet ist, am Beispiel charakteristischer Bereiche auszuleuchten und mögliche Wege zu Reformen zu weisen.

De l'Antiquité jusqu'à aujourd'hui, la démocratie a été associée aux principes de liberté et d'égalité. Pour devenir effectifs et informer la vie politique et sociale, ces principes doivent toutefois s'incarner dans des pratiques et des médiations qui leur donnent corps. La désignation de magistrats par tirage au sort ou l'élection de représentants viennent immédiatement à l'esprit lorsqu'on pense aux démocraties antiques et modernes. Mais les pratiques démocratiques incluent aussi d'autres modes de participation et de consultation, d'éducation, de contrôle ou de contrepoids. Nécessaires à la vie démocratique, ces pratiques sont aussi, par contre, le lieu de sa possible corruption. Aristote explique ainsi en détail, dans les Politiques, comment on peut conduire la démocratie à sa perte ou la vider de sa substance ne serait-ce que par une transformation minime de ses pratiques. De manière générale, la pratique est d'ailleurs dans un lien étroit aux moeurs, c'est donc à travers elle que se déploient et que sont testés, en quelque sorte, l'esprit et l'idéal d'un régime politique. C'est ce double aspect des pratiques démocratique – leur nécessité et leur possible corruption – que nous souhaitons explorer tour à tour ou conjointement dans le cycle de conférences de l'année 2019-2020.

The most fundamental topics for philosophy of law in modern societies include the rule of law and democracy. It is widely accepted that both are important for good governance, but the concepts are often elusive. The rule of law and democracy sometimes compete with each other depending on their conceptions. A variety of arguments have been suggested for explaining and justifying them, but none is conclusive. It is important to give a better understanding of both conceptions and to combine them. This e-book contains the 12th Kobe Lecture'Fuller's Relationships'delivered by Kristen Rundle, another main lecture'The Borders of Law'delivered by Tetsu Sakurai, and the selected articles related with the rule of law and democracy that were originally presented at the 1st IVR Japan International Conference at Doshisha University (Kyoto, Japan) in 2018.

Die Demokratie lebt nicht nur vom Zusammenhalt. Um zu gedeihen, braucht sie auch Subjektivität und Fremdheit. Dieser Leitgedanke, diskutiert u. a. anhand der Flüchtlingskrise, liegt dem Band zugrunde. Gezeigt wird insbesondere, dass er zu einem in der Politischen Philosophie stark unterschätztem Grade gilt. Weil die Literatur reich an Querköpfen und Fremdlingen ist, bekamen alle Beiträger den Auftrag, an die Literatur anzuschließen. So werden hier Werke von Dostojewski über Beckett bis hin zu Franzen, Erpenbeck u.v.a. – zum Teil erstmals – in Dialog mit der Politischen Philosophie gebracht. Damit gelingt es dem Band, den Austausch zwischen Literatur und Philosophie neu zu befruchten. Zwölf Beitragende, unter ihnen Martha C. Nussbaum und Winfried Fluck, zeigen, wie dringend Demokratien Querköpfe und Außenseiter brauchen.

The work of Pierre Rosanvallon has increasingly found itself at the center of debates in democratic and political theory - although only few of his numerous monographs have thus far been translated from French. This interdisciplinary volume, the first comprehensive collection on his political thought in English, seeks to lay the groundwork for the study of this eminent political thinker and historian. Following a hitherto untranslated opening essay by Rosanvallon, the chapters - written from a variety of disciplinary perspectives including political theory, political science, philosophy, and history - cover a wide range of topics from the history of democracy to sovereignty, populism, and the function of the press in liberal democratic regimes.

‘Populism'unites different political positions and strategies that can't be summed up in a concept which clearly encapsulates all those heterogeneous phenomena. The contributions in this volume therefore address a strategic space in which analyses of populist movements also locate themselves. They, too, take a stance on the problem of democratic representation when they deal with the populist reference to the ‘people'. Social conflict scenarios and the problems of democratic legitimation strategies and functional processes must be taken into account when discussing the populist challenge. This makes critical positioning or the appeal to an enlightened form of rationality difficult: they remain entangled in problems of authorisation and representation; they refer to justifications which presuppose that common ground which threatens to be lost; and they themselves must be wary of the emotions and resentments that they criticise. With contributions by Floris Biskamp, Tino Heim, Cornelia Koppetsch, Jürgen Link, Ralf Mayer, Kolja Möller, Karin Priester, Alfred Schäfer, Astrid Séville, Fabio Wolkenstein

This title was first published in 2001. With the collapse of Communism in Central and Eastern Europe, the legitimacy of one-party, and often one-person rule in other parts of the world has been fundamentally challenged. It appears that for the first time parliamentary democracy has become the universally accepted model to adopt or to be perfected. Newer democracies have started to build the institutions and capacity necessary to sustain democracy, while established democracies continue to refine their democracy, sometimes introducing full-scale reforms. This book examines whether elements of the perfect democracy can be identified and how democratic structures and practices can be improved.

Il volume, curato da Ermanno Vitale e Fabrizio Cattaneo, raccoglie le rielaborazioni degli interventi al seminario «Web e società democratica» e di singole lezioni all'interno di un progetto su democrazia e ICT svoltosi presso l'Università della Valle d'Aosta nel biennio 2016-2017. Gli autori che hanno collaborato, e ai quali va il ringraziamento dei curatori, sono i seguenti: Laura Agostino, Roberto Casati, Massimo Cuono, Andrea Greppi, Claudio Marciano, Luca Mori, Javier M. Reyes, Fabrizio Tonello, Giovanni Ziccardi. I contributi raccolti nel presente volume affrontano il tema del rapporto tra il web e la società democratica da differenti prospettive disciplinari, riflettendo analiticamente su alcune questioni fondamentali – voto elettronico, polarizzazione ideologica, fake news, nuovi «luoghi» (virtuali e reali) della politica – che vedono la rete e i social media cambiare radicalmente le nostre società governate da istituzioni politiche democratiche. La tesi generalmente condivisa dagli autori è che il rapporto tra il web e la società democratica sia altamente problematico. Le criticità si palesano innanzitutto nell'applicazione dello strumento principe della democrazia, il voto, nella sua dimensione di voto «elettronico». A queste si sommano le difficoltà di governare l'informazione «online», rendendola fruibile e assimilabile criticamente, e quelle relative alla creazione di un'opinione pubblica (realmente capace di dialogo) nella nuova dimensione della rete. Il condivisibile proposito di perfezionare le procedure della democrazia per avvicinarla al suo modello ideale attraverso le tecnologie dell'informazione e della comunicazione (ICT) deve considerare e superare – se e dove sarà possibile – tali criticità.

After independence many African countries abjured conventional patterns of political representation and democratic participation in the interest of creating a unified state and promoting economic development. Today, however, the dominant models of one-party democracy and African socialism are in terminal collapse as a result of internal pressures a

Originally published in 1995. In securing the future of any democracy, it is vital that the education service should provide an effective introduction to citizenship by means of a high quality and empowering curriculum in educational institutions organized and administered according to democratic principles. In this volume, educators with a variety of backgrounds and experience gained in educational institutions in both Russia and western countries address the question of the conception, justification and implementation of the idea of'education for democracy'. This is the first publication to emerge from a collaboration of Russian and Western educators in recent times and is an enthralling account of education in countries with wide social, political and historical differences yet having common ground to share over the creation and management of their school systems.

„Kosmopolitische Demokratie“ ist ein Schlagwort, das vor ca. drei Jahrzehnten in England (Archibugi, Giddens, Held), Deutschland (Beck) und Amerika (Benhabib) aufgekommen ist. Es war eine Reaktion auf Phänomene der Globalisierung und es war verbunden mit dem Versuch, der Sozialdemokratie eine neue Orientierung „jenseits von links und rechts“ (Giddens) zu verschaffen. Der Sammelband untersucht die Geschichte des Kosmopolitismus von seinen Anfängen in der Antike über Renaissance und Aufklärung bis zur Gegenwart. Politikwissenschaftler und Philosophen aus Deutschland, Frankreich und verschiedenen Ländern Südosteuropas überprüfen die Tragfähigkeit des Konzepts „kosmopolitische Demokratie“, mit dem der Kosmopolitismus in ein neues Stadium tritt.

Wie lässt sich das normative Verhältnis von Grenze und Demokratie beschreiben? Auf der einen Seite sind Demokratien auf Grenzziehungen angewiesen und verweisen auf ein souveränes'Volk', das erst durch Abgrenzungen bestimmbar wird. Auf der anderen Seite implizieren demokratische Normen wie Freiheit und Gleichheit einen Universalismus, der sich jeder Grenzziehung verwehrt. Dieser Ambivalenz geht der Band nach. Er leistet nicht nur einen Beitrag zu gegenwärtigen Debatten über Demokratie innerhalb und jenseits des Staates, sondern berührt auch aktuelle Fragen zu Migrations- und Flüchtlingspolitik.

Demokratie, die bis vor kurzem als selbstverständliche Errungenschaft galt, wird gegenwärtig massiv in Frage gestellt. Durch Modernisierungs- und Globalisierungsprozesse, ökonomische Krisen, rechtspopulistische Politikstrategien, Dynamiken der Diskriminierung und Exklusion, extremistische Einstellungen und terroristische Bedrohungen gerät Demokratie gegenwärtig in eine Krise. Die Komplexität dieser gesellschaftlichen Problemfelder analysieren die Autor_innen aus interdisziplinärer Perspektive. Wissenschaftler_innen aus verschiedenen wissenschaftlichen Arbeits- und Forschungsbereichen setzen sich mit der Krise der Demokratie, aber auch mit Möglichkeiten ihrer Weiterentwicklung auseinander.

This book focuses on measuring democratic political systems as such, and is concerned more with the consequences and concomitants of political democracy in cross-national research. It examines the sequences and dynamics of political change between 1800 and 1986.

Como pensar as relações entre democracia, liberdade e felicidade? Por quais desvãos a busca pela felicidade pode desviar seu rumo e redundar em seu oposto, de tal maneira que indivíduos e sociedades se convertam, à sua revelia, em construtores de autoritarismo e de infelicidades? Que exemplos presentes existem de que as práticas individuais e coletivas que visam aos processos de democratização social da liberdade, das riquezas e da felicidade podem cumprir seu intento? Essas e outras interrogações tão difíceis quanto vitais foram desenvolvidas em perspectivas diversas nos ensaios que compõem este livro. Com intervenções de destacados pensadores e militantes de oito países, os debates suscitados pelas questões levantadas puseram em interlocução diversos núcleos de invenções democráticas.

Even in well-established democratic societies, the political system currently faces a crisis of civic engagement and participation. Increasingly, this lack of engagement and the accompanying erosion of institutional legitimacy result in antidemocratic, populist currents gaining ground. It is an important challenge for both the humanities and the social sciences to analyse this crisis and discuss possible answers that may contribute to strengthening the position of the democratic public sphere in the political process, thus emphasising the crucial role of civic engagement and participation in renewing democracy. The articles in this volume seek the sources for such democratic innovations in a variety of existing, less formalised practices and experiences in public space: in citizens'forums and other concrete arenas for democratic debate and participation in the media in general, including social media and other digital platforms; in social movements; and in artistic interventions in the public sphere. The volume presents selected and edited papers and keynote lectures from the international research conference The Democratic Public Sphere - Current Challenges and Prospects, which was held at Aarhus University on November 5-7, 2015. It includes contributions by keynote speakers Mark E. Warren, Nick Couldry, Donatella della Porta, and Stephen Duncombe.

Von der Antike bis zur Gegenwart hat sich die Öffentlichkeit mannigfach gewandelt. Sie hat immer neue Mittel und Medien der Kommunikation gefunden. An die Stelle des Mündlichen trat das Schriftliche, an die Stelle der Buchstaben traten die Bilder, an die Stelle der Face-to-face-Versammlung trat die Kommunikation unter Abwesenden. Durch die Medien schließlich erhielten immer mehr Menschen Zugang zur Öffentlichkeit. Nie war es leichter, sich zu informieren. Gleichwohl ist es fraglich, ob es noch Anlass gibt, am aufklärerischen Optimismus festzuhalten. Medien können der Ermunterung zur Freiheit oder der Entmündigung dienen, der Aufklärung oder der Manipulation. Der Band widmet sich dem Begriff und den Funktionen von Öffentlichkeit – und den Problemen, die sich aus der gegenwärtigen Öffentlichkeit ergeben.

Die klassische Demokratieforschung befasst sich fast ausschließlich mit westlichen Demokratiekonzeptionen. Dieses Sonderheft untersucht dagegen Demokratiekonzeptionen jenseits des Westens in drei disziplinären Perspektiven (Theorien, Diskurse, Einstellungen) und schlägt einen integrierten Ansatz „global-transkultureller Demokratieforschung“ (GTDF) als Alternative zur klassischen Demokratieforschung vor.In einem innovativen, disziplinäre Grenzen überschreitenden Ansatz werden nicht-westliche Konzeptionen von Demokratie in drei Formen (als Demokratietheorien, -diskurse und -einstellungen) kontextualistisch erforscht und die Ergebnisse in einer globalen und transkulturellen Perspektive systematisiert.Die Beiträge sind für die Demokratietheorie und die empirische Demokratieforschung, für die Vergleichende Politische Theorie, die Politische Kultur- bzw. Einstellungsforschung und für die Areas Studies sowie angrenzende Gebiete relevant.Mit Beiträgen vonKatajun Amirpur, Ursula Birsl, Fred Dallmayr, Sybille De La Rosa, David Egner, Sophie Eisentraut, Thomas Fröhlich, Dieter Fuchs, Matthias Gsänger, Eva Marlene Hausteiner, Oliver Hidalgo, Heike Holbig, Anne Hoss, Benjamin Isakhan, John Keane, Jörn Knobloch, Marlene Mauk, Christoph Mohamad-Klotzbach, Hannes Mosler, Nele Noesselt, Norma Osterberg-Kaufmann, Gert Pickel, Susanne Pickel, Thamy Pogrebinschi, Edeltraud Roller, Samuel Salzborn, Oliver Schlenkrich, Rainer Schmidt, Sophia Schubert, Mark Warren, Ralph Weber, Alexander Weiß, Melissa Williams, Holger Zapf.

The authors deal with the place of parliamentary politics in democracy. Apparently a truism, parliamentarism is in fact a missing research object in democratic theory, and a devalued institutional reference in democratic politics. Yet the parliamentary culture of politics historically explains the rise and fall of modern democracies. By exploring democracy from the vantage point of parliamentary politics, the book advances a novel research perspective. Aimed at revising current debates on parliamentary politics, democratization and democratic theory, the authors argue the role of the parliamentary culture of politics in democracy, highlighting the argumentative, debating experience of politics to recast both some of democratic theory's normative assumptions and real democracies'reform potential.

Accounting for participation, separation of powers and democratic accountability, federalism gains momentum in times when traditional democratic legitimacy of institutional decision-making is challenged. Its ability to include multiple interests makes federalism a means to ensure good governance.Based on a multidisciplinary analysis, the book tackles the question of whether federalism as a pragmatic governance tool provides answers to current challenges and what those answers are. Thirty-three leading experts critically examine to what extent federalism serves this purpose in compound states, looking at different countries and policies.The volume revolves around five sub-themes: ‘federalism, democracy and governance', ‘participation mechanisms and procedures', ‘policy areas compared', ‘institutional innovation and participatory democracy'and ‘federalism: from theory to governance'.

Handels- und investitionsschutzrechtlichen Abkommen, wie z.B. die projektierte Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), werfen zunehmend Fragen nach der demokratischen Legitimität des Zustandekommens sowie der Ausgestaltung der bi- und multilateralen wirtschaftlichen Integration auf. Dieser Band, der Vorträge einer Tagung des JuWissBlog vom April 2015 präsentiert, widmet sich sowohl den historischen und theoretischen Grundlagen dieser Fragestellungen als auch konkreten Problemkomplexen der Partizipation und Legitimation im Unions- und Investitionsschutzrecht: Welche Grenzen setzt die Rechtsprechung des Gerichtshofs der Europäischen Union den Investor-Staats-Schiedsgerichten? (Wie) Sind die jeweiligen Eigentumsschutzklauseln der Investitionsschutzbestimmungen gegenüber politischer Selbstbestimmung demokratisch zu rechtfertigen? Wo liegen partizipatorische Potentiale in der regulatorischen Zusammenarbeit und im Recht der Welthandelsorganisation?Mit Beiträgen von:Corinna Dornacher; Henner Gött, LL.M.; Tobias Heinze; Roland Hoffmann, LL.M., Dr. Michael Ioannidis, LL.M. LL.M.; Andreas Kerkemeyer, Andrej Lang, LL.M.; Michael Riegner, LL.M.; Dr. Thomas Trentinaglia; Dr. Dr. Patricia Wiater; Sebastian Wuschka, LL.M.

Revisiting Iris Marion Young on Normalisation, Inclusion and Democracy presents an innovative collection of politically and theoretically inspiring papers by feminist, queer and postcolonial writers. All authors engage with Young's politics of cultural difference and a'politics of positional difference'read against her critique of normalisation.

Transnational organized crime interferes with the everyday lives of more and more people - and represents a serious threat to democracy. By now, organized crime has become an inherent feature of economic globalization, and the fine line between the legal and illegal operation of business networks is blurred. Additionally, few experts could claim to have comprehensive knowledge and understanding of the laws and regulations governing the international flow of trade, and hence of the borderline towards criminal transactions. This book offers contributions from 12 countries around the world authored by 25 experts from a wide range of academic disciplines, representatives from civil society organizations and private industry, journalists, as well as activists. Recognizing the complexity of the issue, this publication provides a cross cultural and multi-disciplinary analysis of transnational organized crime including a historical approach from different regional and cultural contexts. Conception: Regine Schönenberg and Annette von Schönfeld.

Joseph Schumpeter oscillated in his view about the type of economic system that was most conducive to growth. In his 1911 treatise, Schumpeter argued that a more decentralized and turbulent industry structure where the pro­ cess of creative destruction was triggered by vigorous entrepreneurial ac­ tivity was the engine of economic growth. But by 1942 Schumpeter had modified his theory, arguing instead that a more centralized and stable industry structure was more conducive to growth. According to Schum­ peter (1942, p. 132), under the managed economy there was little room for entrepreneurship because,'Innovation itself is being reduced to routine. Technological progress is increasingly becoming the business of teams of trained specialists who turn out what is required to make it work in pre­ dictable ways'(p. 132). Schumpeter (1942) reversed his earlier view by arguing that the integration of knowledge creation and appropriation be­ stowed an inherent innovative advantage upon giant corporations,'Since capitalist enterprise, by its very achievements, tends to automize progress, we conclude that it tends to make itself superfluous - to break to pieces under the pressure of its own success.

Dieser Band enthält die Referate und Diskussionen auf der Tagung der Deutschen Staatsrechtslehrer in Kiel vom 3. bis 6. Oktober 2012.

A collection of essays by distinguished scholars, this book delineates a substantial conception of democracy, the great promise as well as the pitfalls of a democratic mentality and culture. These essays go beyond the institutional and formal descriptions of democracy to its underlying cultural context — expressed both historically and analytically, descriptively and normatively.

It is a view commonly acknowledged that the mass media have a crucial role to play in the development and maintenance of democracy. It is a matter of greater controversy as to whether the media's influence upon democracy is as constructive as it might be. This collection explores the various impacts upon democratic structures and processes of different media forms in different parts of the world. It examines the very different influences of the press in democratic Nigeria and post-Leveson Britain; it looks at how social media are used by politicians, voters and revolutionaries in the UK, Poland and the Arab Region; it investigates the political impact of media ownership in Britain, Italy and Argentina; and it asks whether we can ever hope to develop from being passive consumers of the mass media to active participants in modes of democratic citizenship underpinned by those media.

'Informal institutions do matter!'Mit diesem Fazit zur Praxis politischer Partizipation formuliert dieser Band die pointierte These, daß in formal verfaßten Demokratien entscheidende Mechanismen des'Bürgerengagements'- d.h. der Partizipation von Individuen und Gruppen an öffentlichen Entscheidungsprozessen -'im Schatten demokratischer Legitimität'verborgen liegen. Mit ihren von Osteuropa und Afrika über Lateinamerika bis Japan reichenden regionalen Schwerpunkten und ihrem Fokus auf Armen, Arbeitern, Frauen, Studenten oder der Zivilgesellschaft insgesamt suchen die Einzelbeiträge diese Grauzonen der Demokratisierungs- und Partizipationsforschung ein Stück weit aufzuhellen. Als einigendes theoretisches Band dient die neuere Institutionentheorie in ihren ökonomischen, soziologischen oder feministischen Varianten. Vorgestellt werden Ergebnisse individueller und kollektiver Forschungsprojekte und der dazu in der Arbeitsgruppe'Interkultureller Demokratienvergleich'der DVPW geführten Diskussionsprozesse.

Neueste Entwicklungen haben das uralte Thema »Widerstand« gegen illegitime Macht wieder aktuell werden lassen. Beispiele sind die Aufstände gegen Diktatoren in Nordafrika und im Nahen Osten. Die 13. Speyerer Demokratietagung behandelte nicht nur den »Königsmord«, sondern auch demokratisch und rechtsstaatlich sublimierte Formen des Widerstands: Erörtert wurde etwa, wie weit UN und NATO gehen dürften, um den innerstaatlichen Widerstand gegen Diktatoren zu unterstützen oder inwiefern direkte Demokratie als Form des Widerstands zu verstehen sei. Berichtet wurde auch über geschichtliche Entwicklungen, etwa den Wandel des Widerstandsverständnisses in der Evangelischen Kirche oder der Kampf gegen die Diskriminierung der Frau sowie über eigene Erfahrungen von Menschen, die sich gegen etablierte Machtstrukturen oder politische Korrektheit aufgelehnt haben (Gabriele Pauli, Thilo Sarrazin). Der Tagungsband enthält die Referate sowie Berichte über die im Anschluss an die Vorträgen stattgefundenen Diskussionen.

Among social scientists consensus exists on urbanization as an indispensable aspect of social modernization. During the last century, the process of industrialization was accompanied by a huge wave of migration from rural to urban areas. The formation of big cities, in tum, made up the base for an increase of mass education as well as the spread of mass media. The changes induced by urbanization did not only have a strong impact on the structure of the society, but also did deeply change the way of social life. By the end of the 21st century, again, a close link seems to exist between the socio-economic transformation of the Western world on the one hand, and a new stage in the process of urbanization on the other hand. The service economy having replaced industrial production as the most important domain of economic life essentially needs the social and cultural infrastructure provided by urban or even metropolitan areas. Due to the development of fast and highly efficient systems of mass transportation, processes of social, cultural, and economic exchanges between the different parts of the world, but primarily between metropolitan areas. The development of new media of communication has facilitated the exchange of information of any kind, not only within a society, but, moreover, between societies separated by a large territorial distance from each other.

Wer sich gegenwärtig politischen Ideen in kritischer Absicht stellt, ist mit diversen Problemen konfrontiert, von denen dieser Band einige fokussiert. Ein Teil der Beiträge analysiert die populistische Berufung auf das »Volk« und die »kleinen Leute«, während andere Texte rechtsextremistische Strömungen in den Mittelpunkt der Betrachtung stellen - untersucht unter anderem am Beispiel rechter Fußballszenen. Unterschiedliche Perspektiven auf die Krise und Zukunft der Demokratie bilden einen weiteren Schwerpunkt des Buches, das mit Beiträgen zu den Möglichkeiten ideologiekritischer Ansätze und zur Aktualität von Gesellschaftskritik schließt.

Das Verhältnis von Demokratie und Religion schwankt zwischen Kooperation, Indifferenz und Konfrontation. Während sich die derzeitige Diskussion oft auf die Kompatibilität von Islam und Grundgesetz verengt, versucht dieser Tagungsband der bestehenden Spannungslage allgemeiner nachzugehen, um mögliche Probleme aber auch Chancen zu analysieren und interdisziplinär zu diskutieren. Dabei wird zunächst in interdisziplinärer Blickrichtung untersucht, wie es für Religionen möglich ist, sich in pluralistischen Demokratien einbinden zu lassen, wo Möglichkeiten und wo Grenzen einer Zusammenarbeit aus dem spezifischen Blickwinkel der Religion bestehen. Ferner wird gefragt, wie sich der demokratische Staat gegenüber Religionsgemeinschaften verhalten kann, wie er mit ihnen gewinnbringend kooperieren, aber auch, auf welche Art und Weise er sie reglementieren kann.

Unter den Themen Menschenwürde, Demokratie und christliche Gerechtigkeit fasst der Band Vorträge eines wissenschaftlichen Kolloquiums zusammen, das anlässlich des 80. Geburtstags von Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde im September 2010 in der Siemens Stiftung in München abgehalten wurde. Böckenförde wird in seinem Wirken als Wissenschaftler, als Verfassungsrichter und als engagierter Katholik gewürdigt. Den Charakter des Versprechens'Unantastbarkeit'der Menschwürde auszuloten unternehmen Beiträge von Christoph Enders und Ute Sacksofsky. Der Spannung zwischen Demokratie und der europäischen Integration wenden sich die Beiträge von Jutta Limbach und Hans Hugo Klein zu. Reinhard Marx hinterfragt die moralische Dimension der freiheitlichen Marktordnung unter dem Gesichtpunkt der christlichen Gerechtigkeit. Neben einer Laudatio von Dieter Gosewinkel sowie den Dankesworten des Jubilars enthält der Band eine vollständige Bibliographie der Werke von Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde.

William E. Connolly's political theory forms a distinct and influential contribution to contemporary debates about the nature and prospects of democratic life in the twenty-first century. His original conceptualisations of pluralism, naturalism, the politics of the body, religion, secularism and his daring incorporation of contemporary neurobiology into political theory and analysis, have opened new paths for intellectual enquiry. Connolly has brought an American tradition of pragmatist political thinking into fruitful conversation with the best of contemporary continental European philosophy and given to both a new energy and focus. In this edited collection, a distinguished panel of political theorists from both Europe and the US provide a critical and nuanced assessment of his contribution to the discipline, especially in the field of democratic theory. They identify the sources of Connolly's work, its connections to other ways of thinking about the political and they evaluate his continuing contribution to our understanding of the problems and promises of the present and to our appreciation of what it might mean to fulfil the promise of the democratic way of life. The final chapter provides space for Connolly himself to reflect on his interlocutors and further develop his conception of a ‘world of becoming'considering the links between political theory and the science of complexity while focusing on the immediate challenges facing both American and world politics. Democracy and Pluralism provides a critical introduction to the work of William E. Connolly and to contemporary debates in political theory encompassing topics such as radical democracy, the body, religion, time and contingency.

Joseph Schumpeter's “competitive theory of democracy” – often labeled democratic elitism - has struck many as an apt and insightful description of how representative democracy works, even though convinced democrats detect an elitist thrust they find disturbing. But neither Schumpeter nor subsequent defenders of democratic elitism have paid enough attention to actual behaviors of leaders and elites. Attention has been riveted on how adequately democratic elitism captures the relationship between governors and governed in its insistence that competitive elections prevent the relationship from being one-way, that is, leaders and elites largely unaccountable to passive and submissive voters. Why and how leaders and elites create and sustain competitive elections, what happens if their competitions become excessively stage-managed or belligerent – how, in short, leaders and elites really act - are some of the issues this book addresses.Contributors are Heinrich Best, Jens Borchert, Michael Edinger, Fredrik Engelstad, Trygve Gulbrandsen, John Higley, Gabriella Ilonszki, András Körösényi, Mindaugas Kuklys, Gyorgy Lengyel, Anton Steen, and Jacek Wasilewski.

Using a rich array of newly available sources and contemporary methodologies from many disciplines, the ten original essays in this volume give a fresh appraisal of Addams as a theorist and practitioner of democracy. In an increasingly interdependent world, Addams's life work offers resources for activists, scholars, policy makers, and theorists alike. This volume demonstrates how scholars continue to interpret Addams as a model for transcending disciplinary boundaries, generating theory out of concrete experience, and keeping theory and practice in close and fruitful dialogue. Contributors are Harriet Hyman Alonso, Victoria Bissell Brown, Wendy Chmielewski, Marilyn Fischer, Shannon Jackson, Louise W. Knight, Carol Nackenoff, Karen Pastorello, Wendy Sarvasay, Charlene Haddock Seigfried, and Camilla Stivers.

During the Cold War - an era in which the term ‘asymmetric warfare'was not well known - the issue of the laws and ethics of war seemed simple enough to most soldiers, being concerned mainly with leadership, management, and morale. Post-Cold War reality revealed a very different set of challenges, including a significantly wider moral dimension, particularly when forces, initially under UN leadership and later under the NATO flag, were deployed in different parts of the turbulent Balkans. Military observers, by now with legal advisers close by, watched events in the Balkans, East Timor and then in central and West Africa with professional interest, and some were involved there. A few years later, soldiers were subsequently caught as much by surprise by the events of 9/11, a graphic example of asymmetric warfare, as most of the rest of the world. The initial, post 9/11 response in Afghanistan and Iraq brought the notion of the fragile or collapsed state, and the blurring of the roles of military forces, international organisations, non-governmental organisations, non-state actors, and indigenous administrators and their uniformed organisations, and with them the moral dilemmas, to much wider notice. More recent conflicts have indeed shown the need for commanders and soldiers in all types of conflict to have a much better understanding of the complex moral and legal environments, and opened new debates about the principle of ‘winning hearts and minds'in counter-insurgency and peace support operations. Moreover, technological superiority by the West has also produced mixed benefits in the field of military operations, and posed additional dilemmas, many of them moral. The trend towards defining human rights and ‘fundamental freedoms'poses further questions for the soldier today. This collection of essays, written by a wide variety of practising experts and scholars, touches on all these issues. It links the medieval traditions of jus in bello, codified by Saint Thomas Aquinas in the Christian Church nearly eight centuries ago, to examination of modern challenges and moral dilemmas relating to the ethics and laws of conflict and crises of all types in the twenty-first century, and in a global context among people of many different faiths and beliefs, and none. It is an important collection for all those researching or practically involved in conflict and post-conflict situations.

The relationship of knowledge and liberties in modern societies presents a multitude of fascinating issues that deserve to be explored more systematically. The production of knowledge is dynamic, and the conditions and practice of freedom is undergoing transformation. These changes ensure that the linkages between liberty and knowledge are always subject to changes. In the past, the connection between scientific knowledge, democracy, and emancipation seemed self-evident. More recently, the close linkage between democracy and knowledge has been viewed with skepticism. This volume explores the relationship between knowledge and democracy, Do they support each other, do they mutually depend on each other, or are they perhaps even in conflict with each other? Does knowledge increase the freedom to act? If additional knowledge contributes to individual and social well being, does it also enhance freedoms? Knowledge and Democracy focuses on the interpenetration of knowledge, freedom and democracy, and does so from various perspectives, theoretical as well as practical. Modern societies are transforming themselves into knowledge societies. This has a fundamental impact on political systems and the relationship of citizens to large social institutions. The contributors to this book systemically explore whether, and in what ways, these modern-day changes and developments are connected to expansion of the capacities of individual citizens to act. They focus on the interrelation of democracy and knowledge, and the role of democratic institutions, as well as on the knowledge and social conduct of actors within democratic institutions. In the process of investigation, they arrive at a new platform for future research and theory, one that is sensitive to present-day societal conflicts, cleavages, and transformations generated by new knowledge. In this way, this volume will attract the interest of political scientists, sociologists, economists and students within various disciplines.

Die Demokratie, die auf den Grundwerten der Freiheit und Gleichheit der Bürger aufbaut, hat sich mit dem Niedergang der totalitären Machtsysteme weltweit, auch in vielen Entwicklungsländern durchgesetzt. Allerdings zeigen sich inzwischen sowohl in den bewährten als auch in den jungen Demokratien ethische und kulturelle Gefährdungen sowie politische und rechtliche Strukturprobleme. Sorgen bereitet in vielen Ländern die Zersplitterung der Parteien, was zwar der Repräsentativität des Wählerwillens entgegenkommt, aber häufig Kompromisslösungen erzwingt. Auffallend ist zudem, dass bei vielen Bürgern das Vertrauen in die Politiker geschwunden und die Kluft zwischen Wählern und Gewählten größer geworden ist. Wenn die Wähler aber den Eindruck haben, dass die wichtigen Fragen ohne sie oder über ihre Köpfe hinweg entschieden werden, nehmen Politikverdrossenheit und Wahlmüdigkeit zu. Die Demokratie wird auch dann als prekär empfunden, wenn es nicht gelingt, die wirtschaftlichen oder sozialen Verhältnisse so zu gestalten, dass die soziale Gerechtigkeit nicht auf der Strecke bleibt. Die Beiträge gehen auf das 9. Deutsch-Amerikanische Kolloquium zurück, das auf Initiative der School of Philosophy der Catholic University, Washington DC, und der Katholischen Sozialwissenschaftlichen Zentralstelle, Mönchengladbach, vom 9. bis 14. Juli 2006 in Wildbad Kreuth durchgeführt wurde.

Why is public space disappearing? Why is this disappearance important to democratic politics and how has it become an international phenomenon? Public spaces are no longer democratic spaces, but instead centres of private commerce and consumption, and even surveillance and police control.'The Politics of Public Space'extends the focus of current work on public space to include a consideration of the transnational - in the sense of moving people and transformations in the nation or state - to expand our definition of the'public'and public space. Ultimately, public spaces are one of the last democratic forums for public dissent in a civil society. Without these significant central public spaces, individuals cannot directly participate in conflict resolution.'The Politics of Public Space'assembles a superb list of contributors to explore the important political dimensions of public space as a place where conflicts over cultural and political objectives become concrete.

This volume brings together expert contributors to explore the intersection of two major contemporary themes: globalization, and the contribution that both domestic party politics and international party support make to democratization. Globalising Democracy clearly shows what globalization means for domestic and international efforts to build effective political parties and competitive party systems in new and emerging democracies. Contrasting perspectives are presented through fresh case studies of European post-communist countries, Africa and Turkey. The reader is clearly shown how international party assistance is a manifestation and vehicle of globalization, and explores how it may be assessed in terms of: global economic integration the growth of global communications the development and implications for party politics of multi-level governance. This is the first book to analyze the impact of globalization on democracy and will be of great interest to all students of international relations, governance and politics.

This book presents the work of Polish and American philosophers about Poland's transition from Communist domination to democracy. Among their topics are nationalism, liberalism, law and justice, academic freedom, religion, fascism, and anti-Semitism. Beyond their insights into the ongoing situation in Poland, these essays have broader implications, inspiring reflection on dealing with needed social changes.

'En este volumen se recogen los trabajos presentados con motivo del seminario internacional'El pensamiento jurídico y político de Norberto Bobbio', celebrado en el Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas en octubre de 2004'--p. 7.

This book addresses the question of why governments sometimes follow the law and other times choose to evade the law. The traditional answer of jurists has been that laws have an autonomous causal efficacy: law rules when actions follow anterior norms; the relation between laws and actions is one of obedience, obligation, or compliance. Contrary to this conception, the authors defend a positive interpretation where the rule of law results from the strategic choices of relevant actors. Rule of law is just one possible outcome in which political actors process their conflicts using whatever resources they can muster: only when these actors seek to resolve their conflicts by recourse to la, does law rule. What distinguishes'rule-of-law'as an institutional equilibrium from'rule-by-law'is the distribution of power. The former emerges when no one group is strong enough to dominate the others and when the many use institutions to promote their interest.

Democratic design is increasingly seen as the key to crafting stability in the fragile states of the developing world. Getting the democratic institutions right may not guarantee success but getting them wrong has led to violent collapse in many socially divided states. The Architecture of Democracy brings together both theory and case study evidence to provide the reader with an excellent overview of the cutting edge of academic debate and its practical implications for democratic design in the 21st century. The discipline of constitutional engineering reached maturity in the 1990s with theories of ethnic polarization and democratic conflict management being applied in trouble spots across the globe. Andrew Reynolds brings together the leading lights of the discipline to discuss the successes and failures of constitutional design. The two icons of modern constitutional design, Arend Lijphart and Donald Horowitz, lead off by debating their own contributions to the field. Then Olga Shvetsova, Timothy Frye, and José Antônio Cheibub, present important new evidence from Europe, the Central and Eastern Europe/Asia, and Latin America. Steven Solnick, Yash Ghai, Pippa Norris, and Rein Taagepera analyze the effects of presdential and parliamentary systems, issues of federalism and autonomy, and the varying impact of electoral systems. The book concludes with Brij Lal's case study of Fiji, Brendan O'Leary on Northern Ireland, Bereket Habte Selassie on Eritrea, William Liddle on Indonesia, Rotimi Suburu and Larry Diamond on Nigeria, and David Stuligross and Ashutosh Varshney on India. The Architecture of Democracy is the culmination of the study of constitutional engineering in the third wave of democracy and sets parameters for this crucial research as democracy diffuses across the world.

This book examines the importance of democracy as a system of government. Exploring various forms of democratic government throughout the world, the essays assess how democracy works in theory and in practice. Chapters cover how to improve democracy using case studies from the Caribbean and Spain, how to make parliaments more effective through technology and the structure of parliamentary bodies. the comparative benefits of different electoral systems. The contributors also examine problems thrown up by various recent elections including the American election in 2000, Sri Lanka, Poland and various African experiences.