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In addition to economic factors, political factors also affect the sustainable development process. States desire a well-established culture of democracy, low inflation and a well-developed financial system. In this article, the relationship between democracy, inflation and financial developments is investigated by using he case of Turkey. Variables such as democracy, inflation and financial development are included in the model. Data on these variables for the period 1990-2021 were used. Toda-Yamamoto (1995) causality method based on Granger (1969 was applied to determine the direction of the variables in the model. According to the results of the analysis, democracy is not capitalized is found to be statistically significant for both financial development and inflation. Moreover, inflation is found to be significant In relation to financial development developments. These results help explain the dependent variable of the dependent variable, financial development According to the results of Toda-Yamamoto (1995) causality test, unilateral causality was found from democracy to inflation and financial development Additionally unidirectional causality was found from inflation to financial developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modern states run public services through the apparatus of bureaucracy. However, bureaucracies have long been criticized. These criticisms are basically related to the fact that the bureaucracy is insensitive to the demands of the people and does not work in accordance with democratic practices. However, it is generally accepted that there is no better alternative to the bureaucracy as the executive apparatus of governments. As a matter of fact, despite the views that bureaucracy will disappear, bureaucracy continues to grow stronger in the world. In this framework, this study addresses the tensions between bureaucracy and democracy. In order for bureaucracy and democracy to work in harmony despite these tensions, practices that will reconcile bureaucracy and democracy, especially accountability, are included. It also focuses on the idea that bureaucracies will become increasingly powerful and that their strengthening is necessary to address the challenges to state capacity in the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The legislative body has undoubtedly an important place in democratic regimes. The issue of whether the legislature should be unicameral or bicameral has been discussed in political science and constitutional law for many years and many studies have been conducted on this issue. The bicameral legislative system is accepted as one of the effective means of limiting state power. It is stated that this system aims to secure the rights and freedoms of individuals by limiting both executive and legislative power. It is also argued that the establishment of a second chamber within the legislature will contribute to the principle of separation of powers. In this study, whether the bicameral legislative model has a vital importance for pluralist democracy is examined by evaluating the positive and negative opinions put forward about the second chambers. As well as it is evaluated that the structures, powers, reasons for the formation and periods in which bicameral parliamentary system were implemented in Turkish political life, the Ayan and Mebusan Assembly, which were formed within the parliamentary general assembly with the 1876 Kanun-i Esasi, and the Republican Senate and National Assembly, which were formed within the Grand National Assembly of Turkey with the 1961 Constitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Social Sciences Studies is the property of Social Sciences Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Jurnal Ilmu Hukum, Humaniora dan Politik (JIHHP) is the property of Dinasti Publisher and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Antalya Bilim University Law Review is the property of Antalya International University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Beytulhikme: An International Journal of Philosophy is the property of Beytulhikme: An International Journal of Philosophy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Demokrasi, antik Yunan’a kadar uzanan, modern sanayi toplumlarının ortaya çıkması ile yenilenen, halihazırda en meşru yönetim sistemi olmaya devam eden özellikleri ile gücünü korumaktadır. Demokrasiye dair tartışmalar ve yeni arayışlar dünyadaki değişmelerden de etkilenmektedir. Bilgi-iletişim teknolojilerine dayalı olan 3. Sanayi devrimi, bilgisayar, internet ve yeni iletişim teknolojileri aracılığıyla çok hızlı bir biçimde tüm yaşam alanlarına etki etti. 2010’lu yıllarla birlikte 4. Sanayi devrimi kavramının kullanılmaya başlaması, yapay zeka temelli yeni bir aşamaya gelindiğini de göstermektedir. Bu çalışma, hızla dijitalleşen dünyada siyasal alana odaklanıyor. Dijitalleşme siyasal alanı nasıl etkiliyor? Yurttaşların klasik demokrasiye dair inançlarındaki meşruluk kaybı dijital demokrasi ile giderilebilir mi? Dijital demokrasi bir tür doğrudan demokrasi midir? Dijitalleşme dünyaya yeni teknolojiler üzerinden bir tahakküm mü kurmaktadır gibi zor ve tartışmaları konulara odaklanmaktadır. Dijital demokrasi; çevrimiçi ve çevrimdışı işleyebilen, medya ve dijital araçlar aracılığıyla mümkün olabilen, interaktif, hızlı, potansiyel olarak herkese açık, şeffaf, denetlenebilir, ucuz bir demokratik alternatif olma iddiasındadır. Dijital demokrasi, bir yüzünden bakıldığında eşitlikçi, özgürlükçü ve yurttaşlara doğru bir güç transferi, halkın doğrudan karar mekanizmalarına erişebileceği bir sistemdir. Ancak dijital bölünme, dijital gözetim gibi riskleri olduğu gibi halkın gözünde meşruluğunu yerleştirme yönünde zorlukları vardır. Bu çalışmanın iddiasına göre dijital demokrasi ya da halkın siyasal sisteme katılımının dijital araç ve aygıtlarca gerçekleşmesi mümkündür. Ancak dijital demokrasinin halka güç ve yetki transferini gerçekleştirebilmesi için güvenli bir şifreleme sistemi, toplumsal yaşamda dijital oylamanın meşruluğu, teknolojiye yaygın bir erişim, ekonomik eşitsizliklerin azaltılması gibi engellerin aşılması gerekmektedir. Bu çalışma, dijitalleşmiş bir dünyada demokrasinin karşılaşacağı olası yeni durumları, dijital demokrasinin temsili demokrasiye göre avantajlarını ve dezavantajlarını tartışmaktadır.

In the rapidly evolving digital era, many democracies are undertaking digital transformation through the implementation of e-voting. E-voting is a digital system that aims to be a transformation tool in the voting mechanism, this will make changes in the election method that was previously carried out conventionally to digitalization. In conducting the research, the author adopts a qualitative approach through a literature study to explore the relationship between democracy and digital transformation through the implementation of e-voting. The application of e-voting in the electoral system can provide several advantages in increasing efficiency, participation, and transparency. However, there are several challenges that need to be observed related to the implementation of e-voting, where the security aspect is an issue that needs to be considered. The vulnerability of e-voting systems can be an important discourse to prevent cyber-attacks and vote manipulation that can reduce the integrity of democracy. Therefore, e-voting systems need to be equipped with good security procedures to protect voters from data manipulation through various cyber-attacks. Thus, the presence of an e-voting system can be an effective tool in improving the quality of democracy, although it has some security issues that need to be considered. Keywords: Democracy, Transformation, Digital, E-voting

Political participation is one of the most defining features of democratic practices that date back to ancient Greece. In this way, people can both express their demands and expectations and have a say in the administration through political participation. However, political participation is not always at the desired level and may encounter some problems. Although these problems vary from country to country, they may have different reasons such as population structure, gender view, and management approaches. With the change in the understanding of democracy, the forms of political participation have also differed. For example, it does not seem possible that the direct democracy model implemented in ancient Greece can be used today, yet with some exceptions. The scale and population structure of countries no longer allow direct democracy practice. However, in ancient Greece, only free male citizens were given political participation. Slaves and women did not have any say. On the other hand, in today's democracies there is no discrimination between men and women.In this study, the relation between democracy and political participation is examined. The obstacles to political participation and democracy in Turkey in the 1980s are examined and it is concluded that political participation was blocked after the military coup, and that there was a struggle to open ways for political participation with the transition to democracy.

This study aims to analyze how the policy design of the Determination of Electoral Areas of the House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia with the Policy Design Theory initiated by Anne Larasson and Helen Ingram. This study seeks to analyze how the Regional Policy Design of the House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia in the 2024 Election affects democracy in Indonesia. The research method used in this study is qualitative research that is descriptive and interpretive to explain how the policy-making system of the Electoral Region of the House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia affects democracy by using a critical approach. The results of this study are that the policy design of the constituency of the House of Representatives of the Republic consists of the context of the community that occurs before the 2024 general election, the dynamics of framing carried out by the group through the events that occur, the context of problems influenced by political forces and institutional culture, and finally the dynamics of the design which is influenced by the calculation of opportunities and risks. From a series of processes that occurred, it was obtained that the design of the constituency policy of the House of Representatives itself was a design that damaged democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to acknowledge whether there is a relationship between democracy and safety parameters through democratic country categories. For this purpose, this study compares the averages of the four subgroups. These four subgroups are full democracy, flawed democracy, hybrid regime, and authoritarian regime subgroups. The study's conceptual framework comprises democracy, safety, and democratic peace theory. In the study, one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) is performed for independent groups to compare multiple group averages. ANOVA results indicate whether there is a statistically significant difference between groups as a whole. The study proposes that people living in democratic countries live in a much safer environment. Data indicate that crime is universal and point out the positive effects of high-income level, prosperity, education and low population density on crime. However, it should be kept in mind that the evaluations in this paper are valid for crimes included in the safety index including theft, violence, bribery, and so on. The results, based on data between 2018 and 2022, reveal that the expanded propositions of democratic peace theory can only be valid for full democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Jurnal Ilmu Hukum, Humaniora dan Politik (JIHHP) is the property of Dinasti Publisher and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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This study argues that democracy as a system of government is a by-product regime. First, the paradox of choice developed by the Marquis de Condorcet, which refers to the impossibility of transition between individual and social sets of preferences, and Kenneth Arrow's "impossibility theorem" are taken into the center and the possibility of transition between individual and social phenomena on the plane of instrumental rationality is questioned. Accordingly, it is concluded that there is a difference in nature between individual and social rationalities, that the sum of individual rationalities cannot yield social rationality and decision-making equation, while simultaneous instrumental rationality is characterized as an individual rationality. Therefore, it becomes evident that a rational system manifesting on the social plane cannot be achieved through an approach solely based on instrumental rationality. The phenomenon of consciousness, essential for the functioning of instrumental rationality, is subsequently examined through the concept of the by-product. Instrumental rationality, in general terms, can be understood as the process of consciously taking action through preferred means to realize conscious desires. In this context, the state of consciousness must be active from the beginning to the end of the process. A process not wholly or partially accompanied by consciousness cannot be deemed rational. In contrast, the concept of the by-product pertains to the realization of unconscious desires, thus positioning itself in direct opposition to instrumental rationality. There exists an absolute exclusionary relationship between instrumental rationality and the by-product concept, as the latter involves outcomes that arise without conscious intent. However, the by-product has a nature that includes symbolic elements that cannot be included as a parameter due to its ambiguous structure in the decision-making equations that manifest themselves on the plane of instrumental rationality. When symbolic elements are analyzed, it is seen that they emerge against a background consisting of elements such as tradition, culture, religion, etc. In this respect, many desires in the world of experience essentially have a character that emerges as a by-product. As a matter of fact, the main factor that distinguishes human beings from other creatures in the rationality comparison is the inclusion of symbolic elements in the decision-making process. Therefore, it is understood that a rationality that excludes the by-product phenomenon shows itself within very narrow limits. In this respect, the study makes a comparison between aristocracy and democracy. Ontologically, democracy appears as a by-product regime since it is mostly related to phenomena that are not possible to emerge in line with a certain goal and plan and that are not accompanied by consciousness throughout the process, and it differs from aristocracy, which proceeds in the opposite direction. With this characteristic, democracy has a rational strategy of its own, while simultaneously being positioned directly opposite to instrumental rationality. The main issue that emerges as a by-product in democratic regimes is related to the maturation of societies. However, considering the nature of the relationship between by-product and symbolic elements, it can be said that the possibility of developing new theologies is stronger in democratic regimes compared to other regimes; therefore, the act of theoria can proceed in a more dynamic structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Academic Journal of Philosophy / Felsefi Düşün is the property of Pinhan Yayincilik and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Academic Journal of Philosophy / Felsefi Düşün is the property of Pinhan Yayincilik and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Academic Journal of Philosophy / Felsefi Düşün is the property of Pinhan Yayincilik and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Academic Journal of Philosophy / Felsefi Düşün is the property of Pinhan Yayincilik and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Academic Journal of Philosophy / Felsefi Düşün is the property of Pinhan Yayincilik and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Academic Journal of Philosophy / Felsefi Düşün is the property of Pinhan Yayincilik and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Academic Journal of Philosophy / Felsefi Düşün is the property of Pinhan Yayincilik and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Academic Journal of Philosophy / Felsefi Düşün is the property of Pinhan Yayincilik and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study aims to assess the political literacy of voters in the Port Dickson Parliament, Negeri Sembilan, particularly during the 15th General Election. Political literacy refers to the level of understanding voters have about the political system, citizen rights, and decision-making processes. A total of 385 respondents from various demographic backgrounds participated in the survey. The method used in this study includes surveys or statistical analysis, as well as interviews, to obtain a more comprehensive understanding of the use of the methodological approach. The findings show that print media remains the primary source of information, while social media is minimally used. Most voters indicated that party ideology plays a significant role in voting decisions, with many prefer voting for the party rather than individual candidates. Voters in this area also strongly supported values such as integrity, justice, and social responsibility. This study found that education is a strong predictor of political literacy, where voters with higher education are better able to understand the political structure, electoral processes, and voting tendencies, thus becoming more engaged in politics. The factor of access to technology and media is also influenced by education and income, which indirectly affects political literacy among voters. However, voter involvement in political parties remains low, despite a high interest in political talks. This study suggests enhancing political education to expand political literacy, particularly among younger generations. In conclusion, deeper political literacy can foster more meaningful political participation in Malaysia's democratic processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article emphasizes the importance of public spheres for sustainable human development and explores the integration of public sphere norms, which elucidate the spatiality of democracy, into architectural design processes. While the relationship between space and democracy is often addressed through public spaces in the disciplines of architecture and urban planning, this study investigates how the public sphere, an environment independent of specific spatial boundaries, can be incorporated into design and planning processes. By establishing the conceptual relationship between public sphere norms and spatiality dynamics through the lens of theorists such as Lefebvre, Harvey, Soja, and Massey, the paper underscores the significance of these norms for the functioning of spatial democracy and their importance for human development. The study grounds the proposition that, despite the abstract nature of the public sphere, spatial dynamics can strengthen democratic spatiality when integrated into participatory design processes. In this context, a prototype approach termed "public participatory design" is presented, which can be further supported by field applications and social sciences. This approach aims to create a theoretical framework that incorporates spatiality into planning and design processes developed at the architectural scale, thereby supporting democracy and sustainable human development. The article discusses the potential benefits and different perspectives of this theoretical approach, offering a new perspective on sustainable human development in the fields of architecture and urbanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Afyon Kocatepe University Journal of Social Sciences / Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Afyon Kocatepe University (AKU) Sosyal Bilimler Enstitusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Penelitian ini mengkaji fenomena demokratisasi di tingkat lokal. Hajatan elektoral di tahun 2024 menjadi momentum yang menarik untuk melihat bagaimana demokratisasi di tingkat lokal dan dinamikanya. Demokrasi merupakan agenda dan tuntutan reformasi yang perlu dikawal dan ditingkatkan oleh berbagai pihak, termasuk organisasi keagamaan seperti NU dan Muhammadiyah. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk memperoleh gambaran dan analisis tentang bagaimana peran dan eksistensi NU dan Muhammadiyah dalam berkontribusi menjaga kualitas demokrasi yang berorientasi pada masyarakat, khususnya di tingkat lokal. Tulisan ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif deskriptif dengan Teknik wawancara dengan mewawancarai beberapa informan serta literatur dan Teknik analisis data untuk menganalisis dinamika NU dan Muhammadiyah di Tingkat lokal. Hasil penelitian tentang peran NU dan Muhammadiyah dalam kontestasi Pilpres 2024 menunjukkan bahwa kontestasi politik tidak dapat dilepaskan dari pengaruh NU dan Muhammadiyah. Modalitas yang dimiliki oleh kedua organisasi Islam terbesar di Indonesia ini masih memberikan pengaruh yang nyata dalam proses elektoral dan memiliki implikasi pada eksistensi ormas. Afiliasi dengan partai politik yang sangat dekat, terutama antara Muhammadiyah dan Partai Amanat Nasional di Salatiga, juga menciptakan relasi politik yang kuat secara elektoral. Demikian juga dengan NU yang memiliki solidaritas yang diarahkan oleh elite, juga meningkatkan eksistensinya dalam menghadapi kontestasi politik.

Pemilihan kepala daerah dan wakil kepala daerah menjadi salah satu hal yang memicu perhatian belakangan ini, karena pemilihan umum tahun 2024 akan segera dilaksanakan meskipun pelaksanaannya tidak berbarengan dengan pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden serta pemilihan anggota legislatif. Meskipun demikian, masih banyak orang yang membandingkan pemilihan kepala daerah dan wakil kepala daerah secara langsung ataupun secara tidak langsung mengingat hasil kinerja dari kepala daerah dan wakil kepala daerah tersebut belum terlihat hasil yang diharapkan. Padahal sebenarnya baik pemilihan secara langsung ataupun secara tidak langsung memiliki kelebihan dan kekurangannya masing-masing sehingga tidak perlu diperdebatkan karena pada dasarnya kedua pemilihan tersebut merupakan pemilihan yang demokratis

Demokrasi dan partisipasi publik adalah dua hal yang tidak dapat dipisahkan dalam dunia modern dan terbuka saat ini, negara yang menganut paham demokrasi memiliki kewajiban untuk mengakomodir publik agar ikut serta dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintahan di berbagai bidang salah satunya pembentukan undang-undang. Namun permasalahan di Indonesia menunjukan gejala bahwa partisipasi publik dalam pembentukan undang-undang hanya formalitas, sebagian besar masukan publik tidak dipertimbangkan atau diakomoidir. Melalui pendekatan yuridis normatif, penelitian bertujuan untuk membandingkan partisipasi publik di lima negara demokratis yaitu Indonesia, Amerika Serikat, Filipina, Afrika Selatan, Korea Selatan, dan Indonesia dengan mengkaji Konstitusi dan peraturan perundang-undangan yang kemudian dijadikan best practice yang dapat diadopsi khususnya oleh Indonesia. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa Indonesia lebih mengatur peran publik secara komprehensif dalam pembentukan undang-undang dalam setiap tahapan, ditambah dengan adanya Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi No. 91/PUU-XVIII/2020 yang memerintahkan agar peran publik lebih bermakna dalam pembentukan undang-undang, sebab sesungguhnya partisipasi adalah hak konstitusional yang dimiliki oleh warga negara.

The idea that all three dimensions of sustainable development need to be planned holistically with radical approaches to provide effective long-term results forms the backbone of this study. Such an approach to development requires the existence and functioning of a democracy. From a democracy-based perspective, the vitality and maintenance of the public sphere are fundamental principles in the social dimension of sustainable development. The works of the public sphere theorists Arendt, Habermas, Negt, and Kluge were utilized. The existence of hope is necessary for every dimension of sustainable life. Studies on sustainability pedagogy in educational sciences have revealed that pedagogies of hope are effective in assimilating the core values of the concept of sustainability. It can be revealed in the theoretical framework that the phenomenon of 'hope,' which is emphasized to be effective in the context of sustainability pedagogy, is also important and necessary in the maintenance of the public sphere. To identify the relationships between the concepts and frame a theory, literature research in the disciplines of philosophy, political philosophy, and educational sciences was conducted. The correlation between concepts through the phenomenon of hope draws attention to the fact that the public sphere is an effective tool for sustainability pedagogy. Similarly, it can be predicted that the dissemination of pedagogies of hope will be an effective approach to maintaining the vitality of the public sphere. Strategies and plans that consider these impacts will strengthen radical sustainability approaches. This study provides a theoretical basis for developing methods for long-lasting sustainable development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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