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This article is, due to its purpose and its context, which goes beyond psychological problems, although it is based on it, written rather in the style of an essay. This made it possible to describe the phenomenon of "psychologists of fear" and to point out its psycho-social nature, although not with the necessary scrupulousness. The phenomenon of the "psychologist of fear" is considered against the background of modern sociality, which allows us to consider the close, if not to say, inextricable, functional (causal) connection between, on the one hand, the inner-psychic world of a dictator who gains power through a distorted electoral procedure, and, on the other hand, by the subconscious, archetypal, biologically engaged psyche of the "man of the masses". It is shown that this interpersonal, functional inseparability of the "grand I" of the dictator and the "collective WE" of the human mass is based, including, and not least, on the archetypes of evil, which in the modern "infernal culture" can be openly imposed, philosophical legitimized in totalitarian societies. The mental "toolkit" is listed, thanks to which the psycho-social phenomenon of evil functions within individual psyches and is integrated into the social phenomenon. It is pointed out the ontological foundations of the phenomenon of evil, which is based on the fundamental ability of a person to subjectively evaluate anything (Soloviov, 2015) and, guided by this evaluation, through his motor (muscular) acts, translate the contents of the individual psyche into the information content of sociality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the New Year messages delivered by Francisco Franco during the Spanish Civil War and his mandate as chief of state (1937–1974) from a paremiological perspective to determine the frequency of use of proverbs in them and establish the characteristics and purpose of these paremiological uses in relation to the principles of the "National Movement," the socio-political framework enforced by the francoist-regime. Although Franco's speeches do not show a strong stylistic awareness, paremias find their way into them, usually as allusions to proverbial wisdom. In relation to this, some recurring items and themes have been found, among which, those with a religious origin or motivation stand out as the most frequent. This is coherent with the ideals that his regime imposed on the Spanish population during his rule and which will be commented on in relation to the paremias used and how they reflect those ideals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper will highlight affinities and differences in the way Norman Manea and Matei Vișniec, two prominent writers of the Romanian exile from the 80s, narrate the existential failure in the novel The Black Envelope and respectively in the play Old clown wanted, making extensive use of the modalities provided by an intensely poetic imaginary. The dreamlike representations, which acquire opposite connotations in the plots of the two authors, as well as certain image-metaphors, elaborated according to the models inspired by Federico Fellini, highlight some aspects that distinguish the perspective expressed by each writer regarding the dense and broad semantics of the circus. In Matei Vișniec’s play, the circus topos declines in the forms of precariousness, which defines the artist’s condition as well as the general human condition - perpetually threatened by the inexorable passage of Time. As for Norman Manea’s novel, the writer concentrates in this plot the perception of History as a buffoonish and vulgar manifestation, which condemns the individual, the artist in the first instance, to the status of victim. In this way Manea and Vișniec actually explore the forms of manifestation peculiar to a cultural and linguistic imaginary related to the representation of individual and collective identity.

Este trabajo trata acerca de los recursos arbitrados en Roma para conjurar las epidemias. Tales recursos constituyen curiosas respuestas irracionales y supersticiosas al fenómeno, en las cuales se involucran religión, magia y derecho. Previamente se tratará de la terminología latina y griega empleada en los textos clásicos para designar lo que hoy en día llamamos ‘epidemia’, así como la etiología de esta de acuerdo con la concepción grecorromana.

This paper examines gender differences in altruism using restaurant tipping data. More specifically, we investigate how male and female customer percentage tips vary as the price of altruism (bill size) varies and find that females tip more than males when altruism is cheap, males tip more than females when altruism is expensive, and that females are more responsive to the price of altruism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai, Philologia is the property of Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

İslam, on dört yüzyıllık tarihi boyunca, adına İslam dünyası denilen yaşam sahasını doldurmuş, İslam dışı denilebilecek unsurların yerleşeceği bir alan bırakmamıştır. İslam’ın bir tehdit ve öteki olarak algılanması, ortaya çıkıp yayılmaya başlamasının ardından olmuş, Müslümanların Hıristiyan toplumların topraklarını fethetmesi ve sonrasında Haçlı Seferleri ile doruğa ulaşmıştır. 11 Eylül 2001 bir milat olmuş, geleneksel medya araçları İslam’ı paketlediği oryantalist zihin sarmalına fobileri eklemiştir. Medya, kurguladığı İslamofobik çerçeveler yoluyla doğrudan İslam dini ve Müslümanları hedef aldığı gibi gayrimüslimlerin daha iyi ve hoş gösterilmesi bakımından da İslamofobik içerikler üretmektedir. 11 Eylül sonrasında üretilen iddialar eşliğinde medya klişe bir Müslüman stereotipi yaratmıştır. Üretilen bu tipin, Batı dünyasında kendisine yaşam kuran sıradan Müslümanların dahi gündelik hayatlarında çeşitli zorluklar yaşamasına neden olduğuna dair işaretler mevcuttur. Bu çalışmada daha önce gösterime giren ve daha sonra tüm dünyadan erişilebilen Netflix’te yayınlanan Diktatör filmi ve Bodyguard dizisindeki İslamofobik yansımalar, Zabalbeascoa’nın söylem analizi yöntemine göre incelenmiştir. Söz konusu yapımların söylemlerindeki birliğin analiz edilmesi amacıyla, tasnif bakımından Zabalbeascoa (2008) sabit tutulmuş, farklı eleştirel söylem bakış açılarına da yer verilmiştir. Filmlerdeki klişeleştirme, karakterlerin, olay örgüsünün, görüntülerin, sesin ve oyunculukların inşası yoluyla kurulduğundan görsel-işitsel metnin unsurları kullanarak kategorileştirilmiştir. Ele alınan iki yapımda da oryantalizm, ötekileştirmenin bölücü ideolojisi ve karmaşık temsiller tespit edilmiştir. Yapımlarda kullanılan Batı'ya savaş açmaya kararlı “radikal Müslüman isyancı” klişesiyle şiddet, Müslüman olmanın ayrılmaz bir parçası olarak gösterilmekte, din ise şiddet eylemleri için bir gerekçe olarak sunulmaktadır. Yeniden üretilen klişelerle yüzyıllar öncesinin düşmanca inançları pekiştirilmektedir. Çalışmada yerleşik stereotiplerin reddedilerek politikadan soyutlanması ve sorunsallaştırılmasının gerekliliği vurgulanmıştır.

What relation is there between the commissary dictator and the katechon in Schmitt's writings? I argue that both the dictator of Dictatorship and the katechon of Nomos of the Earth are characterized by a specific conception of intermediate authority, which is central to Schmitt's attempts, in the 1920s, to save the administrative apparatus of the state from its subsumption to the Rechtstaat's "machine of government". Oriented by a concrete task and supported by a hierarchy of dignity, this limited personalist authority would preserve the creative humanity of the civil service. Informed by eschatological fragments from his Tagebücher, I argue that Schmitt's 1920s works are haunted by a shadow of the katechon, only fleshed out in Nomos of the Earth. Despite shifts in weighting (from "decisionism" to "concrete-order thinking") I argue that, in its dominant specificities, this form of authority returns in the doctrine of the katechon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe has now been in power for three decades. He has acquired an almost universal image of being a dictator who has steadily governed the country to ruin. This article investigates the depiction of Robert Mugabe’s candidature in the 1980 Zimbabwean (common roll) independence election campaign in the Sunday Times, then by far the largest South African newspaper. A content analysis of the coverage is followed by argumentation that brings the content of the coverage in line with the general culture of the newspaper. The Sunday Times employed mainly stereotypical images of Mugabe. For it, the Zimbabwean independence election campaign revolved respectively around a choice for Southern Africa between capitalism and Marxism and between the future of white and black power. Mugabe was depicted as an enemy both of capitalism and of continued white interests

The Group Identification Problem ("Who is a J?") introduced by Kasher and Rubinstein [14] assumes a finite class of agents, each one with an opinion about the membership to a group J of the members of the society, consisting in a function that indicates for each agent, including herself, the degree of membership to J. The problem is that of aggregating those functions, satisfying different sets of axioms and characterizing different aggregators. The literature has already considered fuzzy versions of this problem. In this paper we consider alternative fuzzy presentations of the axiomatic of the original problem. While some results are analogous to those of the original crisp model, we show that our fuzzy version is able to overcome some of the main impossibility results of Kasher and Rubinstein. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Background A country’s spending on healthcare significantly improves its population health status. No comparative study has examined how the threat perceived by leaders influences health expenditure and cross-national analyses of authoritarian regimes. The objectives of this study are to examine how time horizons of autocrats influence health expenditure. Methods We designed a mixed methods research approach. First, the study used panel data from 1995 to 2010 covering 95 countries (n = 1208) and applied fixed effects regression models. As a proxy for time horizons, the study generated the predicted survival time for each regime-year using parametric survival analysis and the predictors to model regime failure. Second, we chose Chad, Rwanda and Ivory Coast to apply synthetic control methods for comparative case studies. Armed conflict had significant effects on regime duration and was used for an intervention. We constructed a synthetic version of each country, combining counties that did not or did experience armed conflict to resemble the values of health expenditure predictors for the actual country prior to the intervention. Results We found that an increase in the natural log form of survival time by 1 resulted in a 1.14 percentage point increase in health expenditure (% of GDP) (1.14, 95% CI = 0.60–1.69). Furthermore, we found that the difference in health expenditure between the actual Chad and its synthetic version starts to grow following the civil war in 2004 (in 2004, actual: 5.72%, synthetic: 5.91%; in 2005, actual: 3.91%, synthetic: 6.74%). Similarly, a large health expenditure gap between the actual Rwanda and its synthetic control resulted after the peace deal was signed in 2002 (in 2002, actual: 4.18%, synthetic: 4.77%; in 2003, actual: 6.34%, synthetic: 5.03%). In Ivory Coast, the two series diverge substantially during the civil war from 1999 to 2005 (in 1998, actual: 7.30%, synthetic: 7.11%; in 2002, actual: 4.47%, synthetic: 7.43%; in 2007, actual: 6.35%, synthetic: 6.50%). Conclusions The findings suggest that health expenditure decreases as regime time horizons shrink, and reducing armed conflict is a way to promote regime stability.

This article highlights how Norman Manea, a prominent writer of the Romanian exile in the 1980s, narrates historical trauma in the novel The Black Envelope. Using the framework of intense lyricism and paying particular attention to the rich semantic potential of image-metaphors such as the clown and the circus, Manea explores, following a model offered by Federico Fellini, not only the means of reconstructing historical memory, but also of the forms of manifestation peculiar to a cultural and linguistic imaginary related to the representation of individual and collective identity. This is achieved by focusing on the tragi-comic figures of the rebellious intellectual and especially of the artist-clown, as they are entangled in tense conflicts with authoritarian political power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay analyzes the video dance work of contemporary Jewish performance artist Julie Weitz through analysis of her seven-minute short The Great Dominatrix (2018). Inspired by Charlie Chaplin's critique of fascism in The Dictator (1940), Weitz mocks modern-day political power in Hassidic drag with Chaplin-esque physicality and layered cultural reference. Curls unfurl from under the fur of a traditional man's hat as golem enters in white tights and leotard, wrapped unorthodoxly in religious tefillin. She mounts a plastic inflatable globe as quick cuts speed through the myriad ways she sexualizes the prop. In one sequence, the artist gesticulates her white-caked face and body with exaggerated expressions of surprise, disgust, and desire while watching iPhone clips of Trump and Chaplin's Hitler playing with his own oversize globe. Satirizing today's rulers and their greed for world domination while libidinizing the sci-fi figure of Jewish folklore, Weitz embodies an ethnogender drag she describes as curiously empowering, if often misunderstood. Prioritizing these multiple mis/identifications as contestatory performance plays in porcelain slip, I argue that the artist deploys competing tropes to dethrone dictatorship while exaggerating antisemitic extremes to sculpt the Modern Jewess in bodily negotiation of (her own) power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we study the evolution of accountability in autocracies and the consequent progressive economic and political mismanagement in terms of information changes. It is often held to be true that better information means greater accountability. On the contrary, we show that in dictatorships, better information might imply worse choices by a dictator. The basic idea is that the reputation mechanism underlying accountability only works if there is enough noise surrounding the dictator's possible type. As the selectorate's information about the dictator's actual type increases over time, the incentives for the dictator to behave correctly vanish. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates behaviour across strategic and non-strategic dictator games with a preceding production phase. In both treatments subjects remain paired and play a trust game immediately following the dictator game. In the strategic condition subjects are informed about the subsequent trust game, while in the non-strategic condition they are not. Dictators in our non-strategic condition display a self-serving bias. On the other hand, dictators in our strategic condition are more generous and display no self-serving bias. Despite the increased generosity, transfers and earnings in the trust game are lower in the strategic condition. Results suggest that generosity, perceived as having a strategic motivation, can undermine trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study examines the phenomenon of searching for internal party “enemies” at the regional level of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSČ) in 1950–1951. It describes and compares the course of the campaign in four regional party organizations (Ústí nad Labem, Plzeň /Pilsen/, Olomouc, Prešov), in which it observes the actions of central, regional and district level actors. It monitors general trends and local specifics. It analyses which factors determined the course of the search for “enemies” in the leadership of the regions of the KSČ and its results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"A statesman is also an artist. For him, the people is merely what stone is for a sculptor." - Joseph Goebbels, Michael: A Novel. This essay posits Josef Stalin as the most influential Modern Artist of the 20th century. In a revolutionary landscape of battling aesthetic visions, this essay navigates how various utopian philosophies were represented in different artistic forms and how Socialist Realism was ultimately the prevailing aesthetic. Using analysis from Boris Groys, Katerina Clark, and Michael David-Fox, the essay uses primary sources to illustrate the long-lasting changes instituted by Stalin, The Artist-Dictator. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: A country's spending on healthcare significantly improves its population health status. No comparative study has examined how the threat perceived by leaders influences health expenditure and cross-national analyses of authoritarian regimes. The objectives of this study are to examine how time horizons of autocrats influence health expenditure.Methods: We designed a mixed methods research approach. First, the study used panel data from 1995 to 2010 covering 95 countries (n = 1208) and applied fixed effects regression models. As a proxy for time horizons, the study generated the predicted survival time for each regime-year using parametric survival analysis and the predictors to model regime failure. Second, we chose Chad, Rwanda and Ivory Coast to apply synthetic control methods for comparative case studies. Armed conflict had significant effects on regime duration and was used for an intervention. We constructed a synthetic version of each country, combining counties that did not or did experience armed conflict to resemble the values of health expenditure predictors for the actual country prior to the intervention.Results: We found that an increase in the natural log form of survival time by 1 resulted in a 1.14 percentage point increase in health expenditure (% of GDP) (1.14, 95% CI = 0.60-1.69). Furthermore, we found that the difference in health expenditure between the actual Chad and its synthetic version starts to grow following the civil war in 2004 (in 2004, actual: 5.72%, synthetic: 5.91%; in 2005, actual: 3.91%, synthetic: 6.74%). Similarly, a large health expenditure gap between the actual Rwanda and its synthetic control resulted after the peace deal was signed in 2002 (in 2002, actual: 4.18%, synthetic: 4.77%; in 2003, actual: 6.34%, synthetic: 5.03%). In Ivory Coast, the two series diverge substantially during the civil war from 1999 to 2005 (in 1998, actual: 7.30%, synthetic: 7.11%; in 2002, actual: 4.47%, synthetic: 7.43%; in 2007, actual: 6.35%, synthetic: 6.50%).Conclusions: The findings suggest that health expenditure decreases as regime time horizons shrink, and reducing armed conflict is a way to promote regime stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent surveys and reports document a growing phenomenon of "Hitlermania" in some parts of India. This article investigates whether the way in which National Socialism is presented in school education has encouraged this development or, on the contrary, has discouraged a positive valuation of the Nazis, including their leader. It analyzes curricula and a sample of school history textbooks published by state and central education boards, which have been used in Indian schools over the last two decades, focusing on their treatment of National Socialism and the Holocaust. While the results can be partly attributed to government interference in the school history curricula and in textbook writing, there appear to have been other factors at play, such as the social environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On Dec 10, 2006, General Augusto Pinochet, Chile’s notorious dictator from 1974 to 1990 and commander of the military until 1998, died. On the streets of Santiago, two counterposing groups assembled: Pinochet supporters on the one side who cheered his memory as the savior of the Chilean economy, and on the other, those who celebrated the real possibility that Chile would finally break through its culture of silence, liberate buried memories of Pinochet’s reign of violence and repression, and reinvent Chilean culture with human rights at its core.

The standard procedure in experimental economics maintains anonymity among laboratory participants. Yet, many field interactions are conducted with neither complete anonymity nor complete familiarity. When we are involved in interactive situations in the field, we usually have some clues concerning the characteristics of others; however, in environments such as e-commerce, these clues may not be very substantial. The issue of trust and behavior in virtual business is quite relevant in the contemporary economy. How will people respond to varying degrees of anonymity and social distance? This paper compares the standard procedure of playing dictator and ultimatum games with the same games played by participants who knew the family name of their counterparts. When these names were revealed, dictators allocated a significantly larger portion of the pie. However, this information had no significant effect on the offers in the ultimatum game, as it appears that strategic considerations crowd out impulses toward generosity or charity. Our results also have direct applications to fund-raising andphilanthropic activities.

Copyright of Humania del Sur: Revista de Estudios Latinoamericanos, Africanos y Asiáticos is the property of Humania del Sur. Estudios Latinoamericanos Africanos y Asiaticos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

IN ROMANIA, THE COMMUNIST REGIME WAS A REALITY THAT MARKED THE DESTINY OF THE PEOPLE FOR 50 YEARS. THE REGIME, WHILE TOTALITARIAN, HAD ITS FOLLOWERS AND DISSIDENTS. OUR INTENTION IS TO MAKE A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS BETWEEN TWO DISCOURSES, OF AN ADEPT AND A DISSIDENT, FOR THE AWARENESS OF THE RECENT PAST AND THE ALIGNMENT WITH EUROPEAN VALUES. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The international community has determined it carries the responsibility to protect civilians from atrocity crimes if a state is unable or unwilling to do so. These crimes are often perpetrated in authoritarian regimes where they are legitimized through an exclusionary ideology. A comparative case study of Pol Pot and Milosevic indicates that whether the leader truly believes in the ideology he puts forward or merely uses it instrumentally to manipulate the population, is an important variable, which affects the manner in which third parties can respond effectively to these crimes. While Pol Pot was motivated by his ideological zeal, Milosevic used ideology to create a climate in which mass atrocities could be perpetrated in order to garner further power and prestige. In Max Weber’s terminology, Milosevic was guided by instrumental rationality while Pol Pot acted on the basis of value rationality. This case study compares two crucial moments—Vietnam’s invasion of Cambodia and NATO’s bombing of Serbia when the crisis in Kosovo escalated—to analyze the responsiveness of the two leaders. It is argued that ideological leaders are less responsive than non-ideological leaders to foreign policy measures targeted to stop or mitigate the occurrence of atrocities.

Copyright of Doxa / Doksa is the property of I. I. Mechnikov Odessa National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Controversy and intrigue greeted Charlie Chaplin's new film, The Great Dictator , when it arrived in Latin American theatres in early 1941. With tear gas, Nazi salutes and anti-Semitic insults, pro-Axis factions from Mexico to Argentina protested against the Hollywood star's ridicule of Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini. At an important Good Neighbour moment, the film's tumultuous Latin American circulation and exhibition exposed fault lines in hemispheric solidarity by subverting US efforts to recruit allies in the region and threatened President Roosevelt's support for European intervention at home. Down south, heated public debates over the film trained a harsh light on Latin American leaders' own anti-democratic impulses and raised questions about constitutionality within unequal societies. This article moves beyond film as text to examine the Chaplin picture as a cultural object and agent that exposed the limits of US imperialism and Latin American resistance strategies more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Latin American literature of the 20th century is fascinated (sometimes, even obsessed!) with the image of the dictator and the significance of dictatorship. This fact can be easily explained the taking into consideration that the South American continent was, for decades, under the rule of pitiless presidents whose mythical figures became in time part of many narrative discourses authored by the most important writers of this specific world. That is what outstanding authors such as Miguel Ángel Asturias, Augusto Roa Bastos or Gabriel García Márquez did in their famous novels: "Mister President" (1946), "I the Supreme" (1974) and "The Autumn of the Patriarch" (1975). In his turn, the Cuban writer Alejo Carpentier publishes in 1974 a masterpiece of the genre: "El recurso del método" ("Reasons of State" in the English translation. The book's central character, The Magistrate, half real and half mythical, expresses all the aesthetic and political tensions of Latin America (signifying the inner conflicts of a pre-modern country) and also establishes an exquisite literary and textual relationship with many other characters or situations created by the authors of the "Boom" generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Piłsudski's engagement in the creation of the Polish military and independence movement in the years 1914-1922 established his position not only as a commander, leader, 'moral dictator', but also a statesman. Yet, the more Piłsudski let himself be driven by high reasons, instead of personal issues, the more he lost as a soldier and politician. He paid a high price for his moral convictions, which limited the margin of loyalty and the possibility of compromise, as well as removed the possibility of resigning from the program of struggle for the Polish state and its army. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]