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Copyright of Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Cografya Fakültesi Dergisi DTCF Dergisi is the property of Ankara Universitesi Dil ve Tarih-Cografya Fakultesi (DTCF Dergisi) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Mosaic Research is the property of Uludag University, Mosaic Research Center and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper provides an overview of the mosaics in which parrots are represented as a motive accompanying Dionysian themes. Based on the written and iconographic sources, the author argues that a parrot was an intrinsic element of the visual language conveying ideas of earthly happiness and eternal bliss, as well as the Hellenistic concept of tryphé.

This article looks at two reliefs that depict Artemis, in one case with a hero and in the other with two important gods. It is interesting to point out that both reliefs were found by chance at the beginning and the middle of the twentieth century near the modern village of Alea at Tegea. The first embedded in a wall of a Roman house and the other during excavations near the sanctuary of Athena and therefore it does not have the proper context of the relief's original settings. The reliefs, both unique for their depictions, are two of the few examples from the Peloponnesian iconography of Artemis and reflect different local aspects of the goddess, who was regarded as a protector of the younger citizens and – together with Herakles and Dionysos – one of the main characters in one of Tegea's most important heroic ancestors, Telephos. Most likely dating from the fourth century BC, they offer some new and essential information on the goddess' iconography and her meaning both as a protector of future hoplites and as a 'surrogate mother', through her doe, during Telephos' infancy, in a famous Peloponnesian city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Greek deity Dionysos had a particular affinity for war galleys, a relationship perhaps explained by the Homeric Hymn to Dionysos in which Tyrsenian pirates kidnap him on their galley. Soon grape vines entangle the rigging and some of the pirates attempt to escape their fate by jumping into the sea: Dionysos transforms them into dolphins. This hymn served as an occasional motif in pagan art and may explain the miniaturized replicas of seagoing oared ships that played an integral role in the ancient Dionysian cult. These flimsy Dionysian ship carts moved overland in parades, either on wheels or upon the shoulders of celebrants. While the earliest examples may date to the Late Bronze Age, they are best known from a series of three late Archaic-period representations on black-figure skyphoi, now in museums in Athens, Bologna and London. No two Archaic-period Dionysian ship-cart representations are identical in all details. While perhaps due to painters' whims, this diversity in appearance may reflect changes to the ship carts at each annual appearance, analogous to modern-day parade floats. Due to the two-dimensional nature of these ship-cart images, it is impossible today to determine whether the Dionysian ship carts reflected in them consisted of actual vessels-purpose-built and placed on wagons during the procession, employed solely for the Dionysian celebrations-or floats in the form of miniaturized galleys. This paper supplies context and explains the process of creating a three-dimensional digital reconstruction of a generic Late Archaic-period Dionysian ship cart employing contemporaneous imagery and artifacts.

The personification of Paidia is represented in Attic pottery between 430 and 390 BC in the sphere of two divinities, Dionysus and Aphrodite, and with two different iconographies. In the Dionysian world, she is a maenad and often appears in the thiasos, but also in mythological accounts such as the Gigantomachy. She represents the personified concept of the playful experience of dance, music, and theatrical performance. In the sphere of Aphrodite, Paidia is a young woman, richly dressed; she appears in domestic or ritual scenes, acting in view of the wedding preparations. She gives necklaces and symbolises the young woman who leaves the world of childish play to become a gynè. The representations are closely linked to the Athenian cult shrines of Aphrodite, Eukleia and Eunomia to which precise references are made.

Copyright of Journal of Mosaic Research is the property of Uludag University, Mosaic Research Center and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos de Filología Clásica: Estudios Griegos e Indoeuropeos is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper provides an overview of the mosaics in which parrots are represented as a motive accompanying Dionysian themes. Based on the written and iconographic sources, the author argues that a parrot was an intrinsic element of the visual language conveying ideas of earthly happiness and eternal bliss, as well as the Hellenistic concept of tryphé. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb / Vjesnik Arheološkog Muzeja u Zagrebu is the property of Archaeological Museum in Zagreb and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Antik Tanulmanyok is the property of Akademiai Kiado and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Pythagoras ve Pythagorasçılık, antik felsefe geleneğinde farklı bir yere sahiptir. Bunun sebebi Pythagorasçılığın Orfizm, Hint ve Mısır dinlerinin felsefe ile harmanlanmasından oluşan eklektik yapısıdır. Bu dinlerden Orfizm, Pythagorasçılığı en çok etkilediği ve antik Yunan dinine mistik bir muhteva kazandırdığı için bilhassa önemlidir. Bir sır dini olan Orfizm, felsefe ve dinler tarihinde kimi zaman Pythagoras ile özdeşleştirilen Ozan Orfeus’a dayanır. Sesinin güzelliği ve ilahileri ile antik dönemde kendisine ilahi bir nitelik atfedilen Orfeus, reenkarnasyon ve Tanrı’yla bir olma gibi pek çok ögeyi Yunan dinine kazandırmıştır. Orfizm’in katı çilecilik ve hikmet anlayışına dayalı yaşam tarzı ve öğretileri Yunan dininden daha güçlü bir teolojik altyapıya sahip olduğu için Pythagoras’tan itibaren önce İtalyan felsefe geleneğini etkilemiş, oradan da Platon aracılığıyla gerek felsefe gerekse Yahudilik, Hıristiyanlık gibi diğer dinleri de etkilemiştir. Böylece Milet filozoflarının homerik dinden arındırmaya çalıştığı felsefe, Orfizm ve Pythagoras sayesinde yeniden bir nebze mistik ruh kazanmıştır. Bir filozof aynı zamanda da dinî bir cemaatin de lideri olan Pythagoras, Kroton’da kurduğu “Düzen” isimli felsefe okuluna inisiye usulü ile öğrenci kabul etmiştir. Böylece Pythagorasçılık hem bir felsefi ekol hem de inisiyetik bir sır cemaati olma niteliği kazanmıştır. Pythagoras, bu okulda, sayılardan oluşan arkhe düşüncesinin yanı sıra matematik ve müzik sistemine dayanan güçlü bir doğa felsefesi kurmuştur. Aynı zamanda o dinî bir lider olduğu için okulunu hem felsefe öğretmek hem de orfik bir ritüel olan teletaik sır ayinlerini yönetmek için de kullanmıştır. Pythagorasçılara göre o, bir üstad olarak bu ayinlerde Dionysos’un ruhu ile birleşerek Tanrı’nın Külli Ruh’una yükselme ayrıcalığı kazanmıştı. Bu birleşme sayesinde Pyhtagoras’ın Dionysos’tan vahiy aldığına ve Külli Ruh’un sırlarına vakıf olduğuna inanılıyordu. Benzer şekilde Pythagoras’ın felsefe öğrencileri de bu ayinlere katılıyordu. Onlar bir yandan Üstad Pythagoras’ın tanrısal birleşmesine şahit oluyor diğer yandan da Dionysos’a bağlı ikincil tanrılar yani demonlarla iletişime geçmeyi deneyimleyebiliyorlardı. Pythagorasçılık’ta icra edilen bu mistik ayinler sayesinde elde edilen felsefi bilginin sadece bir akıl yürütme olmadığı aynı zamanda ilahi kelamdan edinilen tanrısal bir ilim olduğuna inanılıyordu. Bu sebeple Pythagorasçılık felsefeyi, kaynağı Tanrı’da olan ve insanı tanrısallık makamına ulaştırma işlevine sahip bir yaşam tarzı olarak kabul ediyordu. Pythagoras felsefesine göre Tanrı ile ilgili düşünmekle doğa felsefesiyle uğraşmak aynı şeydi. Çünkü panteist bir Tanrı inancına sahip olan Pythagorasçılık, Tanrı ile doğayı aynı varlık olarak kabul ediyordu. Buna bağlı olarak ekol, doğa felsefesini Külli Ruh kabul ettikleri Monad anlayışı üzerine kurmuştu. Varlığın temel ilkesini sayı arkhesine dayandıran Pyhtagorasçılık için Monad, aslen bir sayı değil, bütün sayıların kaynağı ve teolojik bir ilke olduğuna inanılan BİR’di. Külli Ruh olan Tanrı’ya tekabül eden ve kozmik bir vahdeti simgeleyen BİR, karşıtı olan İKİ’nin yol açtığı kaosu sınırlandırmasıyla hayat var ediyordu. Benzer şekilde bir sayıdan değil ilke olan İKİ, Anaksimandros’ta olumlu anlamda kullanılmış ve “sınırsızlık” anlamındaki apeiron şeklinde ifade edilmişti. Fakat Pythagoras için sınırsızlık negatif bir hâl olduğu için İKİ/Apeiron, varlık öncesi sınırsız yokluk ve kötülük haline denk düşen dişil bir varlık kabul edilmişti. Monad’ın, Apeiron’u sınırlamasıyla kozmosa geçilmiş, kozmik denge (harmoni) kurulmuş ve küresel bir varlık hali ortaya çıkmıştır. İşte bu, Pythagorasçı doğa felsefesinde hem Külli Ruh Monad’a hem de doğanın kendisine tekabül eden “vahdet” halidir. Pythagorasçı felsefede Külli Ruh ve Tanrı’yı ifade eden Monad kavramının ele alınacağı bu çalışma, felsefe tarihinin konusu olan bir meseleyi dinler tarihi perspektifiyle ele alacaktır. Bu bağlamda felsefe tarihinin kaynak ve bilgi birikimi, karşılaştırmalı dinler tarihi yöntemiyle kullanılacak ve Pythagorasçı Monad Orfizm’den başlayarak mitlerdeki benzer ögelerle ele alınacaktır. Böylece Pythagorasçı felsefenin antik dinlerdeki kökeni tespit edilerek teolojik altyapısı ortaya konacaktır.

Copyright of Studii de Ştiintă şi Cultură is the property of Studii de Stiinta si Cultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Felsefe ve Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi (FLSF) is the property of Felsefe ve Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi (FLSF) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Arkeoloji Dergisi is the property of Ege University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this study, four statue heads, which we think are directly or indirectly related to each other, are discussed. Our aim is to introduce these works as repetitions of what is known in the literature, to examine and interpret them and to present the result to our colleagues. One of these interesting four heads was found in the Acropolis of Athens, while the other three are of Anatolian origin. Two of these four heads are very well introduced, and two of them will be introduced here for the first time. The head, located on the West Slope of the Acropolis of Athens, was called the “Ariadne” head until recently due to its stylistic features. However, after the exhibition titled “Dionysos:” die Locken lang, ein halbes Weib? ...” (Long wavy hair, half woman?)” held in Munich in 1997, it was also suggested that this head could belong to Dionysos. The most qualified replica of this work is a head in the Pergamon Museum at Berlin. In this study, considering the typological and iconographic factors, it is focused on the heads of Athens and Berlin might belong to which god or goddess and the groups of sculptures to which they may belong are also discussed. One of the heads that make up the other group was found in Heracleia Pontica and is exhibited in the Ereğli Museum in the Black Sea. Another example was bought in Izmir by the Dutch consul in 1732 and is now exhibited in the Rijksmouseum van Oudheden at Leiden. It is thought that these heads, both belonging to the Roman Period, were copied from the Hellenistic origin. As a result of the examination and interpretation of the movements and lines of the heads, the typology of the sculptures or sculptures group to which they may belong is emphasized.

This paper explores the images related to Carnival in the texts of early Brazilian modernist writers, who wanted to minimize the feeling of inauthenticity due to the systematic emulation of European aesthetic matrices. This critique of Brazilian 'nationalist' complexes was manifested in cultural forms which were unlinked from academic approaches, but were instead expressed in the registers of the popular songbook - sung-poems in which Carnival-related images abounded. In the analysis of this set of poems, the paper outlines the emerging of a poetry of 'masking', raising the hypothesis that these poets had invented a tradition that aimed for a native originality, having the celebration of Carnival and its mythical variants as its literary motivation. During the 1930's, Carnival-related images became rare in written poetry, establishing the sung poems as their permanent ground. With Orfeu da Conceição, in 1956, Vinicius de Moraes converged these two elements, dissolving the remaining boundaries that set them apart. This paper explores the images of Carnival and the mask, and attempts to unmask the characteristics of a form of Brazilian culture, including, in particular, its racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aizanoi is located on the Örencik Plain Plateau, within the borders of Çavdarhisar district, 48 km southwest of the Kütahya Province. In ancient times, the city was in the Phrygian Epictetos region. Although the earliest data of Aizanoi are the findings dated to the Paleolithic period, the earliest archaeological data belonging to the settlement are obtained from the mound on which the temple of Zeus is located and they are dated to the Early Bronze Age. During the Roman Imperial period, the city experienced its brightest era. Especially during the reign of emperor Hadrianus and Antoninus, the increasing development in construction activities and transformation of Aizanoi to a city that received intense migration, her a cosmopolitan structure. Until the middle of the 3rd century AD, Aizanoi continued to hold her leading political and religious position in the region. At the beginning of the 4th century AD, Aizanoi became a part of the Phrygia Prima province, which constituted by combining Phrygia and Caria. The city has an ancient texture with examples of public and religious architecture. In addition, it is an example of cultural heritage with its pastoral structure, which includes examples of local civil architecture from the Turkish period. With these features, it was accepted into the UNESCO World Cultural Heritage Tentative List on 12 April 2012. Excavations were carried out in the area defined as the "northern necropolis" between 2012 and 2017. The Northern necropolis is located at the rear side of the theater in the northern part of Aizanoi and 1020 m above sea level. The depth of the graves is generally around 40-60 cm, which is not a very deep dug for burial; on the contrary, burial was carried out close to the surface of the soil. Determination of similar depth of graves throughout the north necropolis indicates that was a conscious preference. According to the data, the burial in the Northern Necropolis began in the late 2nd century BC and intensified in the 1st century BC and 1st century AD. Although it was rare, burial activities continued during the 3rd century AD. The common form of burial was cremation in from the 2nd century BC to the midst of the 1st century AD and then inhumation appeared in the early 1st century AD. Dorsal laying is popular in the inhumation burials. The types of the graves are simple earth, simple earth with plaque lid, shaft grave, chamber tomb and ostothece. The first two of these are the commonest type of graves in the Northern Necropolis. Both single and multiple burials were found during the excavations. Grave good are divided into two as outside and inside of the grave which includes terracotta figurines, pottery, glass, metal, bone, stone objects, and coins. The Aizanoi mask was found in a simple earthen grave of two young adults with destroyed skeletons in the Northern Necropolis in 2012. It has been observed that the first person was a young woman and the second also a young person. Since the bones were scattered, the lying direction or positions of the person is not clear. The grave goods are 5 iron nails, a bronze coin, a terracotta mask, a few pots, a lamp, the fragment of unguentarium and 2 thymeitarion bases, which were put outside of the grave an as offering. The terracotta mask was found in two pieces under the leg bones of the person. Broken and missing parts of hair and face were restored and completed. The terracotta mask found as a grave good should portray one of the characters of the Dionysiac world with two lines of band above the forehead and small horns on the forehead. In this study, the mask is examined in terms of iconography and in this context, its meaning and whom it portrayed are discussed. Then, the reasons for placing the mask into the grave are emphasized. The grave goods found inside and outside the tomb are also examined and the mask and tomb are dated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Logos: Anales del Seminario de Metafísica (1575-6866) is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The current study reveals the identity concept found in Blaga’s dramaturgy, which corresponds to the individualizing mode of “formative longing”. Therefore, the human creation is under the aegis of freedom. At the same time, the elemental mode identifies itself with the divine creation. The study also reflects the various forms of Dionysian exaltation, starting with the Orphic individuality. A mythical character, Orpheus, enters the world of essences by descending into Hell. His self-image is formed by relating himself to a system of values that he loses the moment he turns his head after Eurydice (duality). Blaga’s dramaturgical characters, the same as Orpheus, being unable to overcome their passion, are in a low zone of truth and cosmic harmony. We can consider that Eurydice’s death is similar, in the Orphic myth, to the death of Shiva’s lover, a deity akin to Dionysian. Shiva symbolised the principle of totality, of antagonisms. Through exaltation, the limits of reason were eliminated, and man no longer felt alone and confined, but free and in solidarity with people and nature, as a manifestation of Divinity. The merging of individualities in the Great Union, through the energy of dance, implies a negation of these individualities. Thus, the participants in its celebration “dissolved through the union with the God.” Unlike this perspective, Blaga’s pantheism, in interference with the Orphic meaning on the body as a prison, entails a state of cosmic loneliness (and singularity). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Felsefe ve Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi (FLSF) is the property of Felsefe ve Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi (FLSF) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Dès le début des années 60 du siècle dernier, plusieurs philologues se sont penchés sur la présence de parallélismes significatifs entre la représentation de Dionysos qu’offrent les Bacchantes d’Euripide et celle qui est au cœur des Grenouilles d’Aristophane, des parallélismes que la chronologie relative de ces deux pièces a sans doute contribué à souligner. Ces données ont été interprétées de différentes manières, étant le plus souvent mises sur le compte du mythe auquel les deux pièces se réfèrent ou de la parodie comique de la tragédie. Dans ce qui suit, je souhaite reconstituer les étapes principales de ce débat, tout en y apportant ma contribution. L’hypothèse que je soutiendrai est que les parallélismes identifiés par les chercheurs sont à comprendre dans le cadre d’une rivalité poétique inter-générique entre Euripide et Aristophane. Dans cette perspective, le fait que Dionysos soit le protagoniste des deux pièces ne peut pas être dissocié de sa fonction comme représentant de deux conceptions antagonistes du théâtre. Ces dernières s’expriment notamment par le moyen du travestissement dans le cadre des scénarios initiatiques qui concluent les Bacchantes et ouvrent les Grenouilles.

Copyright of L'Année Ronsardiennne is the property of Classiques Garnier and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The relationship between Dionysiac and emerging Christian traditions has long exercised biblical and classical scholars. Dionysianism is complex because of both its constituent mythologies and the fluidity and variety of its rituals. Emerging Christianity similarly defies a single metanarrative. This essay notes the difficulties of comparing Dionysiac tradition with just one early Christian text: the Gospel of John. The variety of Dionysiac material, the particular issues raised by critical readings of the Gospel (content and composition), the difficulty of overarching theological terminology (like "sacramentalism"), intertextuality, and mimesis criticism are all problematic when comparing the two traditions and their texts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is part of a wider research project on the figurative program of the Throne of Amyklai and investigates six scenes described by Pausanias in 3.18.11-12: a controversial Hermes Dionysophoros, the introduction of Herakles to Olympus, the delivery of Achilleus to Cheiron, the abduction of Kephalos by Eos, the wedding of Kadmos and Harmonia, and the duel of Achilleus and Memnon. The analysis of the relevant literary and artistic sources shows that a complex texture of mutual references links the heroic and divine protagonists of these scenes. Some heroes, because of their virtue or beauty, ascend to Olympus, while some of them meet death, which causes deep grief to their divine mothers. An implicit comparison is made between their and Hyakinthos’ story, whose death and apotheosis also structures the festive ritual of the Hyakinthia. The set of images under investigation seems to function almost as a hymn to Apollo and Hyakinthos.

Since the beginning of the sixties of the last century, several philologists have studied the presence of significant parallels between the representation of Dionysus offered by Euripides' Bacchae and that which is at the heart of Aristophanes' Frogs, parallels that the relative chronology of these two plays has undoubtedly helped to underline. These data have been interpreted in different ways, being most often put on the account of the myth to which the two plays refer or of the comic parody of the tragedy. I propose to reconstruct the main stages of this debate, while making my own contribution. My hypothesis is that the parallels identified by the researchers are to be understood within the framework of an inter-generic poetic rivalry between Euripides and Aristophanes. In this perspective, the fact that Dionysus is the protagonist of both plays cannot be dissociated from his function as representative of two antagonistic conceptions of theater. The latter are expressed in particular by means of transvestism in the initiatory scenarios that conclude the Bacchae and open the Frogs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ancient hydriai made from bronze or other precious materials occupy an important place within the field of toreutic studies. These vessels, in addition to their principal purpose of holding liquids, were also preferred as containers for the ashes of the deceased, and so were placed in the graves of ancient Greeks in significant quantities mostly in the Archaic period but also in the Classical. Present-day Turkey, ancient Asia Minor, has supplied a vast assemblage of a range of toreutic vessels from various eras of antiquity. In 2012 a new addition was made to this assemblage with the discovery of an exceptional bronze hydria in the necropolis of the ancient Aeolian city of Kyme. Carefully produced and richly adorned with a relief plaquette of Dionysos and Silenus, this vessel was first published several years after its discovery. However, it has yet to receive a full treatment, including a detailed comparison with other examples. This paper aims to rectify this situation by “re-identifying” the Kyme hydria through a wide-ranging study. Firstly, the vessel will be re-evaluated in terms of its find context, including assessment of the other finds recovered from the same tomb. There follows a detailed typological analysis in which analogies are drawn with contemporary metal vessels. This will help both to challenge the previously suggested use, production technique and date and to identify the possible origin of this vessel. Last but not least, comments are made on how this exceptional hydria might have found its way to Kyme and the significance of this within the wider world of Greek toreutics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia: Questoes & Debates is the property of Universidade Federal do Parana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Mosaic Research is the property of Uludag University, Mosaic Research Center and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos de Filología Clásica: Estudios Griegos e Indoeuropeos is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Carnets: Revue Electronique d'Etudes Françaises / Revista Electrónica de Estudos Franceses is the property of Associacao Portuguesa de Estudos Franceses (APEF) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cet article est une étude sur la lysis, la « libération » dionysiaque. On commence avec la suggestion que dans la description de la mania telestike dans le Phèdre 244d-245a, le meilleur candidat parmi les pratiques cultuelles dionysiaques à l’opération de soustraction résultante de la rhétorique socratique c’est la transe ménadique (I). Les références ménadiques accompagnent également les témoins sur Dionysos Lysios à Corinthe, Sicyone et Thèbes (II), mais ici les sources nous invitent à élargir l’horizon des pratiques cultuelles dionysiaques pour regarder les cultes à mystère en l’honneur du dieu, notamment aux renseignements des lamelles d’or trouvées dans des sépultures des initiés (III). Puis, on entreprend de proposer une lecture exclusivement dionysiaque (i.e. non-orphique) de la lamelle de Pélinna (OF 485 Bernabé). Cette lecture prend appui sur: une analyse du texte de la lamelle (IV); une critique des interprétations qui mettent la lysis en rapport avec l’expiation du crime des Titans (V); un examen du rôle de Perséphone (VI) ; la signification de lysis dans l’OF 350 Bernabé (VII); l’articulation des célèbres passages de la République où il est question des initiations (2. 363a-366b) avec les dynamiques de la punition différée dans les représentations grecques anciennes de la justice divine (VIII). Puis, l’article suggère que la lysis dionysiaque porte sur une délivrance non seulement après la mort, mais aussi pendant la vie des initiés (IX). En conclusion, l’étude revient au Phèdre 245a pour mettre en contraste les transes ménadique et mystique (X).

Recent discussions have connected Nietzsche's philosophy of masculinity to the return of authoritarian politics. Neoconservative debates about masculinity, and right-wing extremism, explicitly refer back to Nietzsche's philosophy and often present democratization, a feminization of society, and political correctness as responsible for a weakening of masculinity. One example for this reception of Nietzsche's writings is Jordan Peterson's psychological diagnosis of a presumed crisis of masculinity. This article undertakes a comparison of Nietzsche's philosophy of masculinities with Peterson's neo-Jungian psychology of masculinity in the context of recent conceptualizations of patriarchy, misogyny, and gendered forms of ressentiment. This comparison will highlight that Nietzsche's conception of masculinity is more complex, and has philosophically more to offer, than neoconservative ideas about masculinity that onesidedly foreground male strength. Finally it will be pointed out how a Jungian analysis discloses aspects of the Dionysian that are of relevance to contemporary gender studies of Nietzsche's philosophy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Academic Journal of Philosophy / Felsefi Düşün is the property of Pinhan Yayincilik and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Art-Sanat Journal / Art-Sanat is the property of Art-Sanat and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Sophocles's Oedipus Tyrannus, produced during the plague years in Athens, tells the story of a king discovering that he has caused the plague on his city by unconsciously re-enacting ancestral crimes. This paper uses the myth of Oedipus to explore the question: how has the "king," ruling principle of our age, led us into our current crisis in which a pandemic is unfolding? This paper traces the historical context of the Oedipus myth as a quintessential expression of the tragic paradoxes of consciousness and unconsciousness in what Jung called the Age of the Son and Greek cosmogonies called the Age of Zeus. This paper extends an earlier paper exploring Orphic cosmogonies as archetypal expressions of the revolution of consciousness occurring in this age, attended by the evolution of hemispheric lateralization in our brains and the dominance of the left hemisphere, spurred by literacy. The archetype of Oedipus chose Freud, who acted out the myth in abandoning his "seduction theory," and rendered the reality of ancestral crimes unfolding in childhood trauma to an abstract theory based in literal biology. However, Freud also unmasked the fiction of the ego's centrality in the psyche and established the reality of the unconscious. Psychoanalysis reopened the ancient Theater of Dionysos, a sacred rite of catharsis that transforms trauma into healing self-knowledge and reconnection in a divine cosmos, the unus mundus. Jung's journey as recorded in The Red Book and Oedipus's in Sophocles's Oedipus at Colonus show us the hero/ego as initiate, contrasted with Freud's hero/ego as dragon slayer; they offer us a path into a new age. This new age is hinted at in the Orphic cosmogony, described by Jerome Bernstein as an evolving "borderland" consciousness, and is expressed by Jung as the Age of the Holy Spirit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study concerns the production and consumption of beer and wine in Mesopotamia and Anatolia in antiquity. In the present-day, beer and wine are among the class of pleasure-inducing drinks. These two drinks, very commonly consumed in the world, were invented by people in antiquity. Beer is thought to originate in Mesopotamia and wine in Iranian geography. The drinks born in these regions spread over other areas of civilization in antiquity and became an industry. Beer and wine produced in ancient periods served as nutrients in daily dietary practices. However, it is also observed that they were used in sacrifice and worship, and as medicine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study addresses issues related to the location of the Great Sanctuary of Dionysos, mentioned by Herodotus and several other ancient authors. Their information is related to the campaign of Alexander III the Great and his visit there, as well as the visit of Gaius Octavius, which determined the fate of Emperor Octavian Augustus. In his defense, the author cites a significant megalithic site, very close to the description left by Pseudo-Aristotle about the structure and character of this sanctuary. In the course of the research the meaning of some ethnonyms, such as that of the people of the Satrae, is clarified, as an attempt is made to specify the location of their sub-tribal groups. A new hypothesis has been proposed for a new interpretation of Herodotus' text related to the campaign of the Persian king Xerxes, which mentions the location of Mount Pangaion that is of key importance to the location of the sanctuary of Dionysos and all this in the context of Pliny the Elder's information about this region in southwestern Thrace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nietzsches Dionysos stellt zwar eine direkte Provokation und einen Angriff auf die seit Winckelmann gültige Klassik-Deutung dar, die das Apollinische zu ihrem Zentrum erhoben hat, und gegen dessen Prinzip die Einführung eines anderen, entgegengesetzten Prinzips keine genuine Erfindung Nietzsches darstellt, vielmehr der schmalen Kluft zwischen Hegel und Hölderlin ersteigt. Weist nämlich die Hegelsche Ästhetik von Anfang an auf den Schein und die Erscheinung – als notwendige Bedingung der Wahrheit, denn die Wahrheit wäre nicht, wie Hegel schreibt, wenn sie nicht schiene und erschiene –, so bleiben Schein und Erscheinung doch überall an ans Kriterium des Absoluten gebunden, ja die Unwahrheit des Ästhetischen liege geradezu darin, dass es gar nicht anders könne, als sich der Sprache der Erscheinungen zu bedienen. Für Hölderlin avanciert hingegen das Dionysische zu einem metapoetischen Symbol, die ihn, den Schillernden und sich stets Verwandelnden, mit der Praxis der Kunst selbst verbindet. Nietzsche knüpft hieran an, auch wenn er der Metapher eine ganz andere Wendung erteilt.

Copyright of Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi is the property of Tarih Incelemeleri Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article deals with a few different artistic themes represented by mosaicists in both the eastern and western halves of the Roman empire. The themes I discuss are the Triumph of Dionysos and the subject of the hunt, both of which were popular primarily for decorating the main reception room of private homes. Dionysos’s triumph evokes worldly happiness and prosperity, and the hunt, of either realistic or mythological type, reflects a popular aristocratic pastime as well as the manly quality of courage in the face of danger, or virtus. In general, the direction of artistic influence flowed from west to east, but in at least one instance, the trend in imagery moved in the opposite direction. It is shown how eastern and western craftsmen developed regional preferences in the ways they depicted the shared themes, partly shaped by local historical and economic circumstances.