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This article examines the history of lynching in the United States and its impact on African Americans and foreign nationals. It discusses the unequal response of the federal government to mob violence, as it compensated the families of foreign lynching victims but not African American victims. African Americans recognized this hypocrisy and used international protests to advocate for equal protection, although they did not achieve legislative victories. The article also explores the complicated response of African Americans to lynching, with some expressing solidarity while others accepting guilt. Efforts were made to pass federal legislation to protect the rights of both foreign nationals and African Americans, but these efforts were largely unsuccessful. African American activists used international criticism of American mob violence to raise awareness and appeal for assistance in the fight against lynching. The international press began to criticize the United States for its practice of lynching, and black activist Ida B. Wells capitalized on this by mobilizing support in Britain against American white supremacy. While some Britons criticized Wells, others praised her efforts. African Americans continued to use international criticism to advocate for justice, but foreign governments were hesitant to challenge U.S. sovereignty. During World War I, African Americans protested the double standard of U.S. authorities, who compensated foreign governments for crimes against their citizens but ignored African American protests. The relative powerlessness of African Americans allowed federal authorities to ignore their demands. African American activists sought international support and intervention to address lynching in the United States, using instances where victims from different backgrounds attracted attention and criticism from foreign governments [Extracted from the article]

As the international environment evolved and de-escalated in the 1970s, South Korea (the Republic of Korea, or ROK) adjusted its foreign policy to allow trade with communist governments. In 1974, South Korea attempted to import chilli peppers from the People's Republic of China, aiming to open a path to dialogue and improve relations. However, the first effort to initiate trade failed due to the Chinese government's indifferent attitude and trade demands from opponents on both sides. South Korea tried to import Chinese chilli peppers for a second time in 1978. This time, the transaction was successful via indirect trading, thanks to changes in China's foreign policy and its softening attitude towards South Korea. The success of the Chinese chilli pepper trade in 1978 established a more feasible trade paradigm for China and South Korea in advance of the diplomatic recognition between the two countries. This trade in chilli peppers was directly influenced by the China–South Korea relationship and reflects the complex and subtle changes between the two countries ahead of the establishment of diplomatic relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to review the relations between the Republic of Korea and Cuba at the present stage, after the establishment of official diplomatic ties between the two countries. Until recently, Cuba and Syria were the only UN member states with which South Korea did not have formal relations. But in early 2024, a breakthrough occurred in Seoul's diplomacy, and after years of negotiations, relations between Seoul and Havana were established. Due to the f act that Cuba is traditional and one of the closest foreign policy partners of the DPRK, this event acquired a special meaning in the context of inter-Korean relations. And in South Korea, both in the media and in academic and political circles, it was presented as a political and diplomatic “blow” to North Korea. Why did Cuba decide to establish relations with South Korea right now? What was DPRK's reaction to this step? Could the establishment of relations between Cuba and South Korea increase tensions on the Korean Peninsula? And what are the prospects for the future relations between Seoul and Havana?

Copyright of Jurnal Ilmu Hukum, Humaniora dan Politik (JIHHP) is the property of Dinasti Publisher and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The late 19th century marked a significant period in Korea's history, when it established formal diplomatic relations with the outside world. Goryeo celadon began appearing in the context of diplomatic and other exchanges in the 19th century. These celadon pieces were exquisite and often of the highest quality. There are also cases of foreign diplomats collecting Goryeo celadon. British consul William Carles, French consul Victor Collin de Plancy, and American consul Horace Allen played prominent roles in collecting, selling, and donating Goryeo celadon. In the complex landscape of East Asian diplomacy, ceramics occasionally played a role in exchanges between China, Japan, and Southeast Asian regions. Overall, this phenomenon can be attributed to the changing economic and cultural value of Goryeo celadon, particularly during the late 19th century. However, the inclusion of Goryeo celadon in diplomatic contexts or as prominent diplomatic gifts was also closely related to the changing perception of Goryeo celadon within Korea, as it began to be viewed from a more externalized perspective. Moreover, as foreign interest in Korean (Joseon) culture expanded into a range of ethnographic studies, Goryeo celadon came to be recognized as an artistic product that demonstrated the cultural competence of the nation. Simultaneously, Goryeo celadon took on the role of a diplomatic medium, symbolically representing Korea's heritage on a national level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After gaining independence (1947) and following die partition of its vast territory, India wanted to reassert itself on the political scene and develop economically. One step towards achieving these goals was establishing diplomatic relations with as many countries as possible. The period that followed saw numerous diplomatic agreements concluded by India with countries from Asia and Europe. Diplomatic relations with Romania began in the first half of the 20,h century and they continue today on a political, economic and cultural level. Romania and India established diplomatic relations in 1948, at legation level, and in 1957 relations were raised to embassy level. Romania's diplomatic office in India opened in 1955, and India's in Romania in 1959. From the discussions and negotiations, to the cultural and political relations established, the history of the beginning of diplomatic relations between Romania and India deserves to be analyzed and discussed. The existence of the Romanian Embassy in New Delhi and of the Indian Embassy in Bucharest proves the desire, but also the necessity, to create a close link between die two countries. In the last 75 years, Romania and India managed to follow common interests and created a strong partnership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

If Stalin's religious policy underwent radical changes after 1943, when the Moscow Patriarchate was re-established, in the context of post- war international relations and the configuration of spheres of influence, Nikita Khrushchev returns to the attitude of persecuting the Orthodox Church in the Soviet Union since year 1958, the reasons being completely different from those of Stalin. But, towards the middle of the 1960s, a change in the anti-religious attitude took shape in Khrushchevs case as well. An example in this sense are two documents from the Soviet archives, which show Khrushchevs position towards the establishment of relations between the Vatican and the Soviet Union, reflected in the instructions sent by the Soviet leader to the USSR ambassador in Cuba and the meeting with the American journalist Norman Cousins, on which occasion he the issue of the release of the Greek-Catholic archbishop Slipyi was addressed in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the development of the international presence of the Holy See from the fall of the Papal States to its role as a "global player at the end of the 20th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the organization and dispatch of the legation appointed by the General Confederation of Vilnius in 1716 to the Russian Tsar Peter I, which has hitherto received little attention from scholarship. The starosta of Merecz Antoni Kazimierz Sapieha was appointed as the envoy of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The mission demonstrated that the Lithuanian noble society despite the paralysis of the central government, could take the initiative, if necessary, not only in domestic politics, but also in international relations. However, the case analysis of the mission indicates that one-time diplomatic missions did not effectively represent the state’s interests compared to permanent diplomatic missions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the international relations literature, the purpose of this paper is to investigate whether and when diplomatic relations between countries have an influence on firm internationalization speed. We discover that the friendlier bilateral diplomatic relations between home and host countries, the more beneficial it is to enhance firm internationalization speed. In addition, the higher trade openness of the host country, the smaller contribution of bilateral diplomatic relations for firm internationalization speed in the host country and friendly bilateral diplomatic relations have a stronger positive impact on internationalization speed when the internationalizing home enterprise is a state-owned enterprise (SOE). Our findings not only contribute to both the firm internationalization speed literature and the international relations literature, but also have managerial significance for how enterprises can use the friendly diplomatic relations between countries to improve firm internationalization speed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of the College Of Basic Education is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines the termination of the diplomatic relations between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria in April 1941 and the expulsion of Yugoslav diplomatic personnel from Sofia. The first part of the article gives a brief overview of the events that ultimately resulted in two neighboring Balkan countries taking the opposite sides in the new world conflict, while the second part analyzes the causes and consequences of the closure of the Yugoslav legation in Sofia. The work is based on unpublished archival material from the archives in Serbia and Bulgaria, published sources and literature.

This paper focuses on the study of the activity of German consular institutions on the territory of Soviet Ukraine during 1922–1938. German consular representatives operating in Ukrainian cities were career diplomats, who had higher education, a perfect command of foreign languages, and deep knowledge in the fields of history, geography, statistics, political economy, and international law. While operating in Ukraine, German consuls were taking their official duties seriously: normalization of bilateral trade and economic relations, the establishment of cultural ties, as well as protection and assistance to German citizens living within the consular district. One of the important aspects of consular activity was the performance of the “honorary spy” functions.