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Background: This systematic review will address the influence of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) on democratic processes and citizens' participation, which is enabled by such tools as social media, e-voting systems, e-government initiatives, and e-participation platforms. Methods: Based on an in-depth analysis of 46 peer-reviewed articles published between 1999 and 2024, this review emphasizes how ICTs have improved democratic engagement quality, efficiency, and transparency, but highlights key challenges and research gaps. Results: From this angle, ICT tools have great potential to nurture civic engagement and good governance through transparency. Challenges persist with the ethical and social implications of surveillance technologies, security concerns about digital voting systems, and the widening digital divide disproportionately affecting marginalized populations. The current regulatory framework dealing with privacy and misinformation issues is relatively weak, and there is also a lack of understanding about ICTs' long-term effects on democratic governance. Conclusions: This review underlines the duality of the roles played by ICT as both an enabler and a challenge to democratic processes. It calls for regulatory measures to protect privacy, fight disinformation, and reduce the digital divide. Future research in this area should focus on the long-term effects of ICTs and how they can be equitably and efficiently integrated into democratic systems, with strategies aimed at maximizing benefits while minimizing risks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, social structures and processes throughout the world have taken on new forms. At the time of the recent pandemic outbreak, no country in the world had a universal curriculum for teaching and learning in a digital environment. Data on computer and internet access points to significant socio-economic differences among learners. Democratic education relies on the idea that the entire educational system in all its segments should be based on democraticprinciples, meaning that democracy should be exercised in full in all educational processes. The new paradigm that emerged during the pandemic advocated a technology-based approach to education, while the methods used in online teaching did not take into consideration the characteristics of democratic education. Thus, online education compromised the principles of equality (of opportunity), freedom, and equity of all learners with respect to their socio-economic status. Such a crisis of education has seriously shaken John Dewey’s definition of teaching material as a result of social-cultural (co)construction. The article focuses on analyzing the possibilities of democratic education within the online education system. In addition to analyzing the implementation of democratic education during the pandemic, the article aims to examine possible new methods and approaches to improve democratic online education in the future. According to studies relying on the premise that geographical vicinity is not a prerequisite for the creation of communities, all democratic processes can be transferred into the online space and this represents the concept of e-democracy. Analyses of past practices have shown that the growing presence of e-democracy is followed by the need for online democratic education that would prepare students forthe new form of democracy—a democracy that will be much more participatory and less representative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lockdowns and social progress have increased hours of work from home, often requiring remote methods of communication. Agricultural organizations from associations to cooperatives to joint stock companies must prepare to carry out more activities online. This article proposes a procedure for the possible implementation of a remote electronic election in personnel matters of the organization using the Belenios system, based on an evaluation of expectations from a questionnaire survey of agricultural college students and graduates. The proposed procedure is subsequently verified based on an evaluation of compliance with the Council of Europe recommendation on standards for electronic voting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ICTs enable the expansion of citizen participation. Thus, politics begins to involve new actors and practices, which provide new forms of influence in the political process (Araújo et al., 2015). Given the relevance of digital democracy, its multidisciplinary nature, and the need to advance studies in the area, in order to consolidate a field, this article presents the following research question: What are the scientific advances in the themes of digital democracy and e-participation in the scope of public policies? Thus, the objective of this work is to analyze the studies that address digital democracy and e-participation and its interface with the theme of public policies, in the international census, in the period 2013-2022. To achieve this, the article uses bibliometric research, based on publications retrieved from the Web of Science database and with the help of VOSviewer and Bibliometrix software. From the analyzes undertaken, it was found that digital democracy and e-participation constitute a contemporary and powerful possibility for strengthening the relationship between ordinary citizens and the State. It is an institutional innovation that changes the commonly passive behavior of individuals regarding politics. Social media proved to be a widely disseminated vehicle for expanding citizen participation, through more specialized contributions, based on argumentative debates. Through informed opinion and social control, government service levels begin to improve and also encompass new interactions with the public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the user experience (UX) of Greek municipal websites, the first in-depth look at local e-Government services in Greece. Using Lighthouse for technical performance and an Adapted UX Audit, it explores factors beyond digital skills affecting citizen adoption of these platforms. Findings reveal widespread deficiencies, with no municipality scoring above 55%, highlighting significant challenges in usability, functionality, and user satisfaction. Critical issues in Technical Performance and Missing Features, both scoring below 50%, suggest that inherent design flaws hinder user acceptance. The study emphasizes the need for improvements in feedback mechanisms, multilingual support, and accessible help sections to better serve diverse populations. Addressing these gaps could enhance e-democracy by fostering more inclusive, user-friendly services. The results advocate for a strategic overhaul of municipal websites to increase engagement, improve e-Government effectiveness, and strengthen democratic participation. Limitations and recommendations for future research and policy-making are also provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The paper analyses the efficacy of digital platforms for deliberative and participatory democracy in enhancing democracy. After examining the concepts of deliberative and participatory democracy (§IA), particularly their meaning from a legal standpoint and their relation to representative and direct democracy (§IB), the study introduces the broader concept of ‘digital democratic innovations’ (§IC) and adopts a classification framework (§II). Then, the current legal framework of e-participation in Italy, Germany, France, and the EU is analysed (§III). This comparative analysis sets the stage for a detailed examination of five digital platforms operating at both local and national levels, which serve as case studies. Through a systematic evaluation of the key features of these platforms, the paper classifies those platforms according to the classification framework (§IVA-E). It also assesses the quality of citizen participation facilitated by each digital democratic innovation exploring two indicators: the meaningfulness of participation and the extent of digital deliberation (§IVF). In drawing conclusions, the paper also suggests potential avenues for further legal research into digitised civic participation (§V).

This paper aims to address the current limitations in knowledge about e-democracy by establishing the conceptual, intellectual, and social structure of scientific literature. Hence, this paper offers an in-depth bibliometric analysis of the literature that has addressed this reality since its first publication in 1983. The most important scientific databases currently used in the academic field were consulted to achieve this objective: Web of Science (WoS) and Scopus. In the case of WoS, 540 articles were identified, 572 in the case of Scopus. The results were harmonised to obtain a final 773 articles under study. This harmonisation of results from different databases is a differential element concerning other studies in which the analysis was carried out on a single database, thus reducing a global and homogeneous vision of the possible connections and interrelationships of the realities analysed. The information collected has been processed using the Bibliometrix tool, which provides information on annual scientific production, authors, journals, topics, keywords, etc. The processing and analysis of the results has made it possible to identify research trends in the area, establish relationships between them and detect future research opportunities for the e-democracy phenomenon.

Background: This systematic review will address the influence of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) on democratic processes and citizens’ participation, which is enabled by such tools as social media, e-voting systems, e-government initiatives, and e-participation platforms. Methods: Based on an in-depth analysis of 46 peer-reviewed articles published between 1999 and 2024, this review emphasizes how ICTs have improved democratic engagement quality, efficiency, and transparency, but highlights key challenges and research gaps. Results: From this angle, ICT tools have great potential to nurture civic engagement and good governance through transparency. Challenges persist with the ethical and social implications of surveillance technologies, security concerns about digital voting systems, and the widening digital divide disproportionately affecting marginalized populations. The current regulatory framework dealing with privacy and misinformation issues is relatively weak, and there is also a lack of understanding about ICTs’ long-term effects on democratic governance. Conclusions: This review underlines the duality of the roles played by ICT as both an enabler and a challenge to democratic processes. It calls for regulatory measures to protect privacy, fight disinformation, and reduce the digital divide. Future research in this area should focus on the long-term effects of ICTs and how they can be equitably and efficiently integrated into democratic systems, with strategies aimed at maximizing benefits while minimizing risks.

Electronic governance is used to empower citizens and help governments and organizations with strategic decision-making or policy-making. E-democracy and e-participation methods are essential tools used to engage citizens in decision-making. One of the recent e-democracy models is known as e-cognocracy. While having advantages relative to traditional e-democracy models, e-cognocracy still faces challenges such as fraud, centralization, information failure (voting paradox), and participation rate. This paper aims to design a blockchain-based electronic democracy model on a smart contract using e-cognocracy as the base model and the concept of futarchy and prediction markets. Using the design science research methodology, a three-stage blockchain-powered e-cognocracy method for democratic decision-making is developed. The proposed method of research includes three main stages: (1) Setting the problem, (2) the voting process, and (3) knowledge diffusion and evaluation, and the stage are done through several activities. This method is implemented as a smart contract on the Ethereum platform. Using the power of blockchain technology and the economic incentive model of futarchy, this method overcomes three main challenges for e-cognocracy. To demonstrate the methodology, it was applied in a real-case experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An i-voting system may promote electoral participation by reducing travel cost and time to polling places, especially among youth who are more accustomed to technological changes. We study the linkage between travel costs on election day and voter turnout by comparing past electoral participation with stated voting behavior in a hypothetical i-voting system. We believe that the link between transportation costs, i-voting, and voter-turnout emerges as an interesting opportunity to disentangle the mechanism behind the expected increase in political participation after diversifying voting channels. Data were collected using an online questionnaire that was disseminated among Chilean university students. Binary and bivariate probit estimates show that conventional turnout probability among university students is negatively affected by travel costs on election day. Interestingly, whereas political interest and democracy valuation still augment the probability of voter turnout with i-voting, travel-to-polling-station costs are not statistically relevant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following concerns about social media's role in politics (fostering polarization and spreading disinformation), many activists and civic hackers have developed alternative digital democracy platforms for both deliberation and the representation of public opinion. But how are we to study the role of these platforms, and in particular, their algorithms in the development of issues and the publics that gather around them? This article employs a simple quali-quantitative data visualization to study how a particular digital democracy platform, vTaiwan (an implementation of Pol.is – a tool for generating opinions and consensus about public issues) – formats political participation. We investigate how one particular issue (Uber legalization) was formed and reformed by users, moderators, and algorithms on the vTaiwan platform over time. while the algorithm sorted opinions into a binary of pro and anti-Uber positions, we find that the comments themselves and their sequence suggest more nuanced positions and the potential for dialogue. We argue that vTaiwan may be limited by its focus on simple quantitative data points (positive or negative votes as opposed to the texts themselves) and a forced separation of participants into in-or-out opinion groups. This study contributes to critical algorithm studies and digital democracy studies by offering an effective way to analyse the role of algorithms in democratic politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Information and communication technology has been identified as a viable means of addressing the societal issue of disconnection among e-democracy participants. Apart from the ongoing normative debate concerning the potential of information and communication technology to facilitate e-democratic processes, much research has been dedicated to examining the broad spectrum of specific e-democracy tools that have been multi-disciplinary and fragmented in recent years. Remarkably, however, the potential of technology diffusion and its impact on implementing e-democracy in cyberspace has not yet received adequate attention. The key issue for the sustainability of e-democracy is technology accessibility, which is also a central factor in technology diffusion. This systematic literature review seeks to structure and systematise the literature on the different phases of e-democracy implementation technology diffusion (adoption, implementation, and institutionalisation) and levels of analysis (macro, meso, and micro) with the aims of, firstly, mapping the current field of e-democracy technology diffusion research and, secondly, providing a unique study for use in future research. The analysis indicated that researchers have primarily focused on the adoption and implementation stages, as well as the external information and communication technology environment at the macro level and the organisational level at the meso level within public administrations. In general, this review highlights major gaps in the current literature and proposes viable avenues for further research.

E-petitioning is a useful object of study for observing the potential emergence of a new relationship to politics and new forms of political participation. Access to a database, such as that found on the website lapetition.be, allows us to focus on the reality of the signatories’ behaviour rather than on their declarations. We explore the crucial role of local anchoring in the effectiveness of e-petitions as a tool for mobilization within the context of environmental issues. Our research presents a comprehensive case study conducted in France and Belgium, analyzing the dynamics and outcomes of e-petitions focused on environmental concerns. We examine the impact of local engagement, considering geographical, social, and cultural factors that influence the success and effectiveness of online mobilization efforts. Our results highlight the benefits of localized engagement in mobilizing citizens and fostering collective action by examining specific case studies in France and Belgium. We also delve into the mechanisms and processes through which e-petitions can trigger mobilization, ranging from social network effects to emotional resonance and issue salience. Last, we analyze how e-petitions can effectively serve as a catalyst for change in environmental policy and promote sustainable practices.

A survey released by CSIS in September 2022 showed an increase in internet access for young voters from 2018 to 2022. The survey release showed a significant increase in access to social media as a source of information for young voters 19.5 per cent. Moreover, the CSIS survey found a condition where the interest of young Indonesians is currently very low in politics. On the other hand, hoaxes and misinformation can threaten young voters if they are not equipped with adequate political literacy and understanding. This desk study research was conducted to get an explanation from existing literature of how to utilise social media as a medium for the development of e-democracy amidst young people’s antipathy towards politics. Healthy social media free from intervention and arbitrariness of government policies can be a medium for young people’s political participation to foster e-democracy. The results of the desk study show that social media is possibly a means of political participation for youth and at the same time provides space for the growth of e-democracy with the prerequisite that the government is not abusive and offensive towards the use of digital media in Indonesia. This shows empirically that growing e-democracy needs not only a technological medium but a regime policy that supports e-democracy because digital media has become a living space attached to today’s young generation.

This contribution focuses on the dialogue with stakeholders in drafting EU acts in the field of AI, with particular reference to the so-called “European AI Alliance”, which can be defined as the best example of “participatory democracy in the field of AI on European level”. After understanding what the AI Alliance is and how it works, and after making some considerations on its nature, the paper focuses on its role in the context of the drafting of EU acts, such as the Ethics Guidelines for Trustworthy AI and the AI Act Proposal. In the end, it will be possible to make some conclusive remarks and to formulate some suggestions, concerning the future of the AI Alliance and the need to exploit and improve it also, and especially, after the (eventual) adoption of the AI Act and of the other legislative proposals currently under discussion.

User preferences and ratings may be anticipated by recommendation systems, which are widely used in social networking, online shopping, healthcare, and even energy efficiency. Constructing trustworthy recommender systems for various applications, requires the analysis and mining of vast quantities of user data, including demographics. This study focuses on holding elections with vague voter and candidate preferences. Collaborative user ratings are used by filtering algorithms to provide suggestions. To avoid information overload, consumers are directed towards items that they are more likely to prefer based on the profile data used by recommender systems. Better interactions between governments, residents, and businesses may result from studies on recommender systems that facilitate the use of e-government services. To broaden people's access to the democratic process, the concept of "e-democracy" applies new media technologies. This study provides a framework for an electronic voting advisory system that uses machine learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the main approaches to defining the concept of «electronic government»; it was found that the integration of public administration into the virtual information space creates favorable preconditions for the formation of effective electronic democracy as a logical continuation of the transformation of socio-political processes in the conditions of the information society, which indicates a netocratic vector of development of public administration. The experience of Estonia regarding the successful testing and implementation of an effective electronic governance system has been studied. The factors that influenced the formation of a high level of electronic government services in Estonia are considered. It is recommended to focus on the Estonian experience in the practical application of e-government with the aim of developing information and digital infrastructures in the management sphere and effective domestic e-government as an integrated platform for the formation of netocratic public administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chile, Estonia, France, etc. such countries offer electronic voting opportunities to their citizens in order to adapt to changing world conditions in their state administrations as a result of technological changes and to facilitate the lives of their citizens. Since 2005, local, national and European Parliament elections in Estonia have been held by electronic voting. With electronic voting, citizens have the option to exercise their right and duty of citizenship regardless of their residential address. This research was carried out in order to measure the opinions of citizens regarding the applicability of electronic voting in Turkey. In this study, the opinions of citizens regarding the advantages and disadvantages of the e-voting system will be examined. The study is designed in the scanning model. Online forms/questionnaires were used as a data collection tool. 370 people who had the right to vote participated in the research. The findings obtained were analyzed and interpreted by the descriptive analysis method. It has been concluded that the most advantageous aspects of the e-voting system are saving time, space and cost, increasing participation rate, and fast selection processes; the most important disadvantages are cyber attacks, lack of information and infrastructure, pressure and orientation to certain age groups and security problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article arises from the doctoral research work that the author carried out at the University of Salamanca and which culminated in 2024, whose thesis served as the fundamental basis for its preparation. The objective of the paper is to analyze the current reality of the democratic political mode, in light of technological advances, to verify whether the electronic advances obtained by humanity in recent decades have had an impact on this system of political organization. The methodology used included a theoretical investigation on political models, technological developments, and then a prospective analysis to propose a theoretical description of what should be understood by digital democracy and its elements, as well as a verification of the benefits and risks that generate today's technical milestones on democracy. The fundamental conclusion is that the stage of participatory democracy has today migrated to a higher level, that of digital democracy, in which technology is providing new instruments of political participation. Likewise, this new model has opened the channels of social, economic and political participation to new actors other than citizens (minors, legal entities), those who have technological tools for communication and electronic interaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the dynamic field of e-democracy and discusses the Romanian legislative framework regarding digitization and transparency in public administration, as well as citizens' access to public information, with a focus on aspects related to the Administrative Code. The study analyzes Annex 1 of the code, which concerns the „MOLE” (Local Official Electronic Journal) label and regulates the organization and digital publication of public information. The MOLE menu facilitates the organization of information into multiple submenus, further analyzed as follows: (1) The status of the administrative-territorial unit; (2) Regulations regarding administrative procedures; (3) Local laws issued by the deliberative authority (Municipal or County Councils); (4) Decisions of the executive authority (Mayor or County Council President); (5) Financial documents and information; (6) Other documents. By examining relevant legislation, the article provides a comprehensive understanding of the role and responsibilities of administrative-territorial units (communes, cities, counties) in organizing official digital platforms and offers a detailed perspective on transparency and citizens' access to information, aiming to engage them in the decision-making process at the local community level. This analysis serves as a valuable documentation resource for administrative-territorial units and other public entities, researchers in the field of administrative law, and practitioners seeking to navigate the changing landscape of digital governance in Romania. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This study aims to determine the development of e-democracy in the 2019 simultaneous general elections in Sukabumi City, which is supported by the high number of internet users in Sukabumi City. To measure e-democracy, researchers adopted the e-democracy model developed by Caldow (2004), which consists of 4 quadrants. The method used in this research is a quantitative method with a descriptive approach. Data collection techniques in this study were by distributing questionnaires, observations, interviews and literature studies. The population in this study were all people of Sukabumi City who were registered as the Permanent Voters List (DPT) in the Sukabumi City area, with a total of 100 respondents from 7 sub-districts in Sukabumi City. The sampling technique used by researchers was probability sampling with cluster sampling technique. Data processing in this study used Statistical Product and Service Solutions (SPSS) 26. The result of this study is that e-democracy activities in Sukabumi City are in the high category, where based on the hypothesis test, obtained ttabel 1.660 < tcount 10.127, then H0 is rejected, and Ha is accepted. The accepted hypothesis reads that the level of e-democracy in the 2019 simultaneous general elections in Sukabumi City is above 50%.

In this article we theorize a new organizational face of political parties that we term the 'party-on-the-net', defined as a set of digital partisan activist roles enabled by the affordances of digital technologies. We first explain the conceptual advantages of understanding parties' media hybridization as an organizational face rather than as a specific party subtype. Then, we provide a taxonomy of digital partisan roles comprising the party-on-the-net and its links with traditional party bureaucracies and functions. We define and discuss ten roles on the basis of two general organizational variables, namely functional alignment with party structures and influence over core party decisions. Finally, after illustrating each of these roles through examples across different geographical regions, we consider how our framework can help scholars to develop hypotheses for further empirical scrutiny. We focus on the relative prevalence of the party-on-the-net within subtypes of digital parties, its relation to other organizational faces, and its development under different institutional scope conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Blockchain is gaining popularity as a potential solution for the decentralized management of public information. A number of interesting solutions have been proposed by independent developers around the world to promote blockchain as a promising platform to potentially accelerate democratic processes and achieve certain public values in reforming digital governance. This could be reflected in facilitating direct citizen participation in digital politics, promoting greater civic cooperation and engagement in political discussions, boosting the role of civic commentary and even collaborative decision‐making in e‐government. In this regard, the article critically elaborates on the potential of this technology to promote political dimensions of public sector reforms in a post‐positivist manner, resorting to the analysis of concrete e‐participation cases in a number of public areas where the potential has already been realized and the opinions of professional software developers who are currently engaged in building various blockchain‐driven data management solutions in the e‐government area. This paper identifies, debates, and draws on what benefits and risks public policy can yield from the implementation of blockchain governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution aims to reflect on the concept of political action, which seems to be altered as it is applied not only to urban spaces, but also to digital ones. In particular, this speculative path is developed by paying particular attention to the role occupied by a specific element, sometimes neglected and sometimes highlighted, within theories of political action: the body. In fact, starting from the observations offered by Hannah Arendt on political action and the philosophical-political debates that have emerged around her considerations, the category of plurality is compared to the possibility of including a corporeal dimension into the action, to be subsequently employed as a peculiar key to try to understand whether or not the digital world can establish a new space of politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

E-petitions constitute a promising method of increasing public participation and engagement in government processes. However, there is a lack of knowledge of why some government entities implement e-petitions, while others do not. Moreover, it is unknown why some organizations may receive many e-petitions while others receive relatively few. Thus, in this paper, we aim to fill these gaps by investigating the implementation and use patterns of e-petitions based on data from Swedish local governments. Through statistical analysis of data related to demography, economy, technology, and democracy, our findings unveil variations in municipalities' implementation of e-petitions and citizens' use of them. The results reveal that municipalities with a relatively large population and established modes of local democracy are more inclined to implement e-petitions than smaller jurisdictions. However, we also found that the number of incoming e-petitions per capita is negatively correlated with population size. Thus, the presence of institutionalized work structures related to local democracy is an important precursor for the implementation of e-petitions, while previous experience with communication technologies had a positive effect on the number of incoming petitions. In addition to these findings, the novelty of our study lies in the use of several official data sources to seek explanations for the implementation and use of e-petitions in local government. By doing so, this study has paved the way for similar research in other contexts. The paper concludes with implications for both research and practice as well as suggestions for future studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gamification in digital design harnesses game-like elements to create rewarding and competitive systems that encourage desirable user behaviour by influencing users' bodily actions and emotions. Recently, gamification has been integrated into platforms built to fix democratic problems such as boredom and disengagement in political participation. This paper draws on an ethnographic study of two such platforms – Decide Madrid and vTaiwan – to problematise the universal, techno-deterministic account of digital democracy. I argue that gamified democracy is frictional by nature, a concept borrowed from cultural and social geographies. Incorporating gamification into interface design does not inherently enhance the user's enjoyment, motivation and engagement through controlling their behaviours. 'Friction' in the user experience includes various emotional predicaments and tactical exploitation by more advanced users. Frictional systems in the sphere of digital democracy are neither positive nor negative per se. While they may threaten systemic inclusivity or hinder users' abilities to organise and implement policy changes, friction can also provide new impetus to advance democratic practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many factors mark contemporary political processes. The peculiarities of the political system and regime largely determine them. The type of political process, which is characterized by social and political activity of persons and social groups, is democratic. The establishment of such a regime is characterized by gradual steps to introduce democratic principles into the political system, societal institutions, culture, and lifestyle. Such a peaceful transition to a democratic regime can be called democratization. In contemporary public policy, representatives of governing structures seek ways to develop forms of societal participation in decision-making processes. Meanwhile, interested groups, in turn, strive to enhance the quality and legitimacy of the policies enacted. Electronic democracy tools are not a reincarnation of former means of political communication. In such cases, it concerns democratization and the neoliberal ideology within civil society. In the virtual environment, electronic participation addresses the issue of societal involvement in political processes and the role of innovations as a whole. Political participation can be seen as a tool for democratization and authoritarian control, including influencing the electorate. The study aims to determine the role of e-democracy in contemporary post-industrial society and the degree of its practical technological implementation. The paper describes the content and role of e-democracy in post-industrial society. The authors analyzed the impact of information and communication technologies on the processes of electronic democratization. It has been shown that an active application of information technologies in everyday social life to form electronic democracy has led to both positive societal trends and negative social consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Dijitalleşme olgusunun yarattığı küresel hegemonya ile birlikte demokrasinin uygulanış biçimi ve uygulama alanı dönüşmüş, e-demokrasiye doğru evrilmiştir. Dijital platformlara taşınmaya başlayan talep odaklı kamu hizmetleri de vatandaşı merkezine alarak e-yönetişim ve e-demokrasi kavramlarının uygulama alanına dönüşmüştür. Bu noktada vatandaşlar bakımından dijital beceriler, kamu hizmeti bakımından da e-platformlar önem arz etmiştir. Avrupa Komisyonu tarafından yayımlanan “Dijital Ekonomi ve Toplum Endeksi (DETE/DESI)” Raporları, bu alanda Avrupa Birliği (AB) üyesi ülkelerin dijital dönüşüm performanslarını ölçmektedir. Bu çalışmanın amacı da AB ülkelerinin 2018-2022 dönemindeki dijital dönüşüm performanslarının, DESI Raporları üzerinden Entropi ve MABAC yöntemleri kullanılarak analiz edilmesidir. Araştırmanın veri setini, her bir AB ülkesi için 2018, 2019, 2020, 2021 ve 2022 yıllarında yayımlanmış olan DESI Raporlarıdır. Entropi uygulamasının sonucuna göre, analizin sonucuna etkisi en fazla olan DESI Raporunun, 2018 yılına ait DESI Raporu olduğu ve etkisi en az olan DESI Raporunun, 2021 yılına ait DESI Raporu olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Araştırmanın bulgularına göre ise, 2018-2022 yıllarında dijital dönüşüm performansı en yüksek olan ülkelerin sırasıyla, Danimarka, Finlandiya ve İsveç olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Dijital dönüşüm performansı en düşük olan ülkelerin ise sırasıyla Romanya, Bulgaristan ve Yunanistan olduğu sonucuna ulaşılmıştır.

The notion of electronic voting means the use of technological and informational devices in the electoral process, either in a controlled (DRE machines) or in an uncontrolled environment (internet voting). As such, it is an indispensable component of the ever-present concept of digital or electronic democracy. The paper, through a clear differentiation of e-government and e-democracy, points out the difference between the digitization of political elections and the digitization of other spheres of life, as well as non-political elections (elections within companies, universities, etc.). The basis of the difference is the importance these elections have for the establishment and legitimization of government and the democratic character of the political system as whole. Furthermore, the paper analyses case law of ordinary and constitutional courts faced with issues of IT security and equality of electronic voting. Finally, the author critically examines the hypothesis that electronic voting necessarily leads to a higher turnout, thereby solving the problem of legitimation deficit in contemporary democracies. It is concluded that forms of electronic voting, although undoubtedly useful, treat the consequences but not the core issues of modern democratic orders.